{Read} {PDF EPUB} ~download White Nationalism Black Interests Conservative Public Policy and the Black Community by Ronald W. Wa White Nationalism Black Interests: Conservative Public Policy and the Black Community by Ronald W. Walters. So wrote Angela Tuck, the public editor of the ATLANTA JOURNAL CONSTITUTION on December 8, 2007. She was responding to a flood of critcism stemming from an article by Sonji Jacobs which suggested that black women faced a dilemma — facing the opportunity to cast a vote for an African-American candidate or a woman for the first time. Bill Moyers' guest Dr. Ronald Walters is well-placed to evaluate how race will play out in the presidential race. Dr. Walters worked for both of Jesse Jackson's presidential campaigns, and is the author of, among other books, BLACK PRESIDENTIAL POLITICS IN AMERICA: A STRATEGIC APPROACH. Walters notes there is no platform as powerful as a race for president: "We don't get much of a shot in the media. And so this theater is the biggest in the country. And this is the time to get these issues out. And if we can't do it through an African American then we have to do it, oddly through other kinds of dynamic instrumentalities." In 1984, Walters served as deputy campaign manager for issues of the Jesse Jackson campaign for president, and in 1988, he was consultant for convention issues for the Jackson campaign directed by former Secretary of Commerce Ron Brown. He serves as a senior policy consultant to the W.K. Kellogg Foundation. Dr. Walters is the author of over 100 articles and eight books including: BLACK PRESIDENTIAL POLITICS IN AMERICA, PAN AFRICANISM IN THE AFRICAN DIASPORA, WHITE NATIONALISM, BLACK INTERESTS: CONSERVATIVE PUBLIC POLICY AND THE BLACK COMMUNITY and FREEDOM IS NOT ENOUGH: BLACK VOTERS, BLACK CANDIDATES, AND AMERICAN PRESIDENTIAL POLITICS. Guest photo by Robin Holland. "Blacks and the Democratic Party," THE NATION, December 16, 2002 Read Ronald Walters 2002 analysis of the role of black voters in the Democratic Party. Walters noted that in 2002 black turnout was slightly down, stating: "In response to the current state of affairs, blacks should seriously re-evaluate their role within the Democratic Party." FRONTLINE: "The Pilgrimage of Jesse Jackson" This PBS Web site for the program includes an extensive timeline of Jackson's career and runs for president, audio of his Democratic convention speeches and interviews with colleagues and a book excerpt. Pew Center for Research: Social Trends: Blacks Assess the State of Black America Among the headlines of the recent study: "Optimism about Black Progress Declines to 24-Year Low." Only 20% of the African-Americans surveyed thought blacks in America are better off than five years ago. KEITH OLBERMANN Bill Moyers talks with host of MSNBC's COUNTDOWN with Keith Olbermann about the relationships between politics and journalism. MASSING OF THE MEDIA A report on the debate around relaxing ownership rules and a look at the real-world implications of increasing cross-ownership of newspapers and broadcast outlets in the same markets. DR. RONALD WALTERS The director of the African American Leadership Center at the University of Maryland on how race is playing out in the campaign. THE "O" FACTOR Celebrity slideshow: What's the real power of 'power' endorsements? White Nationalism Black Interests: Conservative Public Policy and the Black Community by Ronald W. Walters. From and To can't be the same language. That page is already in . Something went wrong. Check the webpage URL and try again. Sorry, that page did not respond in a timely manner. Sorry, that page doesn't exist or is preventing translations. Sorry, that page doesn't exist or is preventing translations. Sorry, that page doesn't exist or is preventing translations. Something went wrong, please try again. Try using the Translator for the Microsoft Edge extension instead. Reagan: A contrary view. Ronald Reagan appointed the first woman to the Supreme Court. He signed legislation for a national holiday honoring Martin Luther King. He thawed relations with the Soviet Union and signed a nuclear weapons treaty. He was warm and amiable and had a good sense of humor. He liked horses. Now let's talk about what he did to black people. After taking office in 1981, Reagan began a sustained attack on the government’s civil rights apparatus, opened an assault on affirmative action and social welfare programs, embraced the white racist leaders of then-apartheid South Africa and waged war on a tiny, black Caribbean nation. So thorough was Reagan’s attack on programs of importance to African Americans, that the Citizens Commission on Civil Rights, an organization formed in the wake of Reagan’s attempt to neuter the official U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, said he caused "an across-the-board breakdown in the machinery constructed by six previous administrations to protect civil rights." America's move to the political right During his two terms in office, Reagan captured, solidified and came to personify America’s move to the political right. His greatest legacy is as leader of that swing in the American political spectrum. That shift made “liberal” a dirty word and Democrats cower. What had been conservative became moderate. What was moderate was pushed to the left wing. The shift was so pronounced and profound that black America giddily embraced Bill Clinton despite his promotion of programs, criminal justice and welfare policies in particular, that would have been called racist and reactionary under Reagan. "Ronald Reagan, it is fair to say, was really an anathema to the entire civil rights community and the civil rights agenda,” Ronald W. Walters, a professor of government and politics at the University of Maryland, told BET.com just a few hours after Reagan died, at age 93, on Saturday. Walters, in his book “White Nationalism/black Interests – Conservative Public Policy and the black Community,” argues that George W. Bush’s election in 2000 secured the domination of American politics “by the radical Conservative wing of the Republican party, a project begun when Ronald Reagan was elected to the White House in 1980.” His overwhelming defeat of incumbent Jimmy Carter that year brought a new spirit to America, at least white America. The United States was still reeling in self-doubt after being run out of Vietnam. National shame was raw because 52 Americans had been held hostage by Iran from November 1979 until after Reagan’s election. In 1984, he successfully campaigned for reelection on a “Morning in America” theme. But his presidency was a long and dreary night for African Americans. Consider this record. Reagan: Appointed conservative judges, like Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, who continue to issue rulings to the detriment of African Americans. Walters notes that just 2 percent of Reagan’s judicial appointments were black. Began his 1980 presidential campaign in Philadelphia, Miss., near the site where three civil rights workers were murdered in 1964. Supported racism with remarks like those that characterized poor, black women as “welfare queens.” Fired U.S. Commission on Civil Rights members who were critical of his civil rights policies, including his strong opposition to affirmative action programs. One of the commissioners, Mary Frances Berry, who now chairs the Commission, recalls that the judge who overturned the dismissal did so because “you can’t fire a watchdog for biting.” Sought to limit and gut the Voting Rights Act. Slashed important programs like the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA) that provided needed assistance to black people. Appointed people like Clarence Thomas, who later became a horrible Supreme Court Justice, to the Equal Opportunity Commission; William Bradford Reynolds, as assistant attorney general for civil rights; and others who implemented policies that hurt black people. Doubted the integrity of civil rights leaders, saying, “Sometimes I wonder if they really mean what they say, because some of those leaders are doing very well leading organizations based on keeping alive the feeling that they're victims of prejudice." Tried to get a tax exemption for Bob Jones University, which was then a segregated college in South Carolina . Defended former Sen. Jesse Helms’ “sincerity” when that arch villain of black interest questioned Martin Luther King’s loyalty. The federal budget during the Reagan years tells the tale in stark, dollar terms. According to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, as reported by the Los Angeles Times as Reagan left office in 1989, programs that helped black America suffered greatly during his tenure. Using information from the Center, the Times published a table showing “some reductions in social programs under the Reagan administration; in constant dollars, adjusted for inflation”: Frustration with African Americans Despite this record, Reagan expressed frustration, during a 1989 CBS interview, about his relations with African Americans. "One of the great things that I have suffered is this feeling,” he said, “that somehow I'm on the other side" of the civil rights movement. He also was on the wrong side of international issues important to African Americans. Reagan crushed the government of Grenada in 1983 because he felt it had fallen too far into the orbit of Cuba’s Fidel Castro. Grenada is a tiny place, smaller in size than Philadelphia, with fewer people than Peoria. His trumped-up excuse was American medical students on the Caribbean island nation were threatened by government officials he called “a brutal group of leftist thugs.” He outraged African Americans and others by relating to apartheid South Africa as a friend and ally. His program of constructive engagement amounted to a go-slow policy under which apartheid was criticized but essentially tolerated. It was a policy that delayed the independence of Namibia, then controlled by South Africa, blocked United Nations’ condemnations of South African attacks on nearby African countries and permitted American corporate support for the racist régime. He was loyal to South Africa because, as he told CBS during an interview early in 1981, it was "a country that has stood by us in every war we've ever fought, a country that, strategically, is essential to the free world in its production of minerals." Even as the majority of the American people came to oppose South Africa’s racist repression, Reagan stood by his friend. Pushed by black leaders and organizations, Congress passed sanctions against South Africa. Reagan, on the wrong side of history, vetoed the bill. Congress, to Reagan’s shame, overrode the veto. The gushy tributes to Reagan might be understandable eulogies, but they also are a testament to the persistence of two Americas, one black and one white. The two don’t see things the same and the reaction to Reagan is just one more example. The Facts on White Nationalism. In the wake of the attack on two New Zealand mosques, President Donald Trump said he did not see white nationalism as a rising threat around the world, but rather “a small group of people that have very, very serious problems.” Experts, however, say there are a number of indicators that suggest white nationalism and white supremacy — and violence inspired by them — are on the rise, in the U.S. and around the world. The Southern Poverty Law Center reports a dramatic increase in the number of white nationalist groups in the U.S., from 100 chapters in 2017 to 148 in 2018. The Anti-Defamation League reports a 182 percent increase in incidents of the distribution of white supremacist propaganda, and an increase in the number of rallies and demonstrations by white supremacy groups, from 76 in 2017 to 91 in 2018. A study by the Center for Strategic and International Studies found the number of terrorist attacks by far-right perpetrators quadrupled in the U.S. between 2016 and 2017, and that far-right attacks in Europe rose 43 percent over the same period. Among those incidents, CSIS states, the rise of attacks by white supremacists and anti-government extremists is “of particular concern.” The issue of white nationalism came to the forefront after a gunman opened fire at two mosques in New Zealand on March 15, killing at least 50 people. In a manifesto posted by the alleged shooter, he describes himself as an “ordinary white man” whose goal was to “crush immigration and deport those invaders already living on our soil” and “ensure the existence of our people, and a future for white children.” In it, he answers the question of whether he is a supporter of Trump: “As a symbol of renewed white identity and common purpose? Sure. As a policy maker and leader? Dear god no.” When a reporter told Trump on March 15 about the reference in the manifesto, Trump condemned the attack, which he described as “a horrible, disgraceful thing and a horrible act.” The president was also asked by a reporter whether he saw “today, white nationalism as a rising threat around the world.” “I don’t really,” Trump replied. “I think it’s a small group of people that have very, very serious problems. I guess if you look at what happened in New Zealand, perhaps that’s the case. I don’t know enough about it yet. They’re just learning about the person and the people involved. But it’s certainly a terrible thing.” Shortly after Trump made his comment, a reporter asked New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern whether she agreed with Trump’s belief that “he did not think white supremacy worldwide was a problem that was rising in any way.” “No,” Ardern responded tersely. On CNN’s “State of the Union” on March 17, Democratic Rep. Rashida Tlaib said Trump “needs to pick up the phone and call the Department of Justice.” Tlaib, March 17 : There’s real data and information currently right now of the rise of white supremacy right here in this United States of America. He needs to look at the data and the information and the facts and actually listen and understand the tremendous responsibility he has in being our president, our leader of our country. He cannot just say it’s a small group of people. There’s too many deaths, not only from the synagogue to the black churches to the temples to the — now the mosques. We need to be speaking up against this, and it has to start with him reiterating the importance of real information and data that says it’s on the rise. You can’t just say it isn’t, when the facts say the complete opposite. So, what do the data show? Justice Department Hate Crime Statistics. Let’s start with the Justice Department’s FBI data on hate crimes, since that was specifically referenced by Tlaib. According to the FBI, there were 7,175 hate crime incidents in 2017, a 17 percent increase from 2016 and the third year in a row with an increase. The number of incidents in 2017 was also the highest yearly total since 2008. About 58 percent of the hate crimes in 2017 were motivated by race/ethnicity/ancestry. Digging deeper into the numbers, anti-black or African American hate crime rose 16 percent to 2,013 incidents in 2017; anti-Hispanic incidents rose 24 percent, with 427 incidents; anti-Arab crimes doubled to 102 incidents. Anti-Jewish hate crime incidents also rose 37 percent to 938 in 2017, but anti-Islamic hate crimes dipped 11 percent to 273. Experts, however, caution that the FBI’s hate crime statistics are an imperfect way to track the rise of white nationalism. Not all of the hate crimes overall were committed by white nationalists (some of the documented incidents, for example, were anti-white). The data do not identify the perpetrators that way. There was also an increase in the number of agencies participating in reporting hate crimes to the FBI and a subsequent increase in the population covered of 5.7 percent between 2016 and 2017. So some of the increase is likely tied to that alone. Issues also have been raised about inconsistencies in the ways different jurisdictions report hate crimes, which skews the data. There are clearly differences in reporting standards used by different agencies, Heidi Beirich, who leads the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Intelligence Project, told us. She noted, for example, that there was just one assault reported as a hate crime in Alabama in 2017, compared with 242 in California — which she said suggests hate crimes are under-reported in Alabama. Beirich said there is a lot of evidence pointing to a rising threat from white nationalism, but, she said, “I’m not sure FBI hate crime statistics prove the point.” She notes that a Department of Justice crime victimization survey in 2015 found “U.S. residents experienced an average of 250,000 hate crime victimizations each year from 2004 to 2015.” But the survey does not show trends over time, Beirich said. FBI hate crime data “doesn’t fit into a neat package” when it comes to tracking the threat of white nationalism, John D. Cohen, a former counterterrorism coordinator and acting under secretary for intelligence and analysis of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security under President Barack Obama, told us in a phone interview. But Cohen, who also served in the Office of the Director of National Intelligence under President George W. Bush, agrees there are other, more telling measures. “There is pretty broad agreement among law enforcement in the U.S. and the European Union that violence as a result of far-right groups, particularly white supremacists, is on the rise,” said Cohen, who is currently a professor at Rutgers-Newark. “It’s a growing problem. We are seeing more hate crimes and targeted attacks by people who identify with that ideology.” Number of Groups Rising. The Montgomery, Alabama-based Southern Poverty Law Center, which tracks domestic extremism, last month reported a 7 percent rise in hate groups in the U.S. in 2018, with 1,020 groups identified. White nationalist groups, specifically, surged nearly 50 percent, growing from 100 chapters in 2017 to 148 in 2018. Last year marked the fourth year in a row that the number of hate groups increased, after a short period of decline. The rise, SPLC says, was fueled by political polarization, anti-immigrant views and the ease of spreading those ideologies through the internet. Beirich noted that Alexa web traffic analytics show the neo-Nazi Daily Stormer site now gets about 4.3 million page views a month. “More and more people are interested in their ideas,” she said. In an ABC News/ Washington Post poll taken just after the Charlottesville rally in August 2017, 9 percent of the respondents said they thought it was strongly or somewhat acceptable to hold neo – Nazi or white supremacist views. As ABC News reported at the time, that’s equivalent to about 22 million Americans. Rise in Propaganda/Rallies. The Anti-Defamation League, meanwhile, reports that white supremacy groups have stepped up their propaganda efforts. “ADL’s Center on Extremism (COE) continues to track an ever-growing number of white supremacist propaganda efforts, including the distribution of racist, anti-Semitic and Islamophobic fliers, stickers, banners and posters,” according to a recent ADL report. “The 2018 data shows a 182% increase of incidents from the previous year, with 1,187 cases reported, compared to 421 in 2017.” The group said that level of activity far exceeded any of its previous distribution counts. The ADL also reported that the number of racist rallies and demonstrations rose last year. “At least 91 white supremacist rallies or other public events attended by white supremacist were held in 2018, up from 76 the previous year, with hate groups increasingly employing ‘flash mob’ tactics to avoid advance publicity and scrutiny,” the ADL reported. “We are seeing an increase in the public expression of far right, white supremacist ideological viewpoints,” Cohen told us. “It is more open in its expression, both online and in protests like in Charlottesville.” Other Evidence. Cohen said he prefers to look at the issue from the perspective of an overall threat assessment. In today’s climate, he said, it’s not just a matter of tabulating the number of members of various white nationalist groups. The internet and social media have changed the game. People self-connect with ideologies espoused by hate groups online. They often act independently of those groups, he said, though they may be inspired by their messages. So while the number of white nationalists could have remained steady, the threat they pose may be increasing, Cohen said. Whereas people with these ideas used to be isolated geographically, they are now able via the web to reach people who are disaffected and mentally unwell, inspiring them to commit violent acts. A November report called “The Rise of Far-Right Extremism in the United States” from the Center for Strategic and International Studies found that “the number of terrorist attacks by far-right perpetrators rose over the past decade, more than quadrupling between 2016 and 2017. … There has also been a rise in far-right attacks in Europe, jumping 43 percent between 2016 and 2017.” “The threat from right-wing terrorism in the United States—and Europe—appears to be rising,” wrote the report’s author, Seth G. Jones. “Of particular concern are white supremacists and anti-government extremists, such as militia groups and so-called sovereign citizens interested in plotting attacks against government, racial, religious, and political targets in the United States.” Another indicator is the perception among minority groups about the threat they face. Cohen pointed to a December 2018 report from the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights that surveyed nearly 16,500 individuals who identify as being Jewish from 12 European Union countries and found widespread fear of being targeted for harassment and attacks. White Nationalist. White nationalist groups espouse white supremacist or white separatist ideologies, often focusing on the alleged inferiority of nonwhites. Groups listed in a variety of other categories—Ku Klux Klan, neo-Confederate, neo-Nazi, racist skinhead and Christian Identity—could also be fairly described as white nationalist. Top Takeaways. The number of white nationalist groups dipped in 2020, down 27 groups from 2019. While COVID-19 partially explains the change, most of the decline was due to the disbanding of American Identity Movement, one of the largest and mostly active white nationalist groups in the country in recent years. This year, activity plummeted until Patrick Casey finally announced the group’s dissolution in November. Much of that energy has shifted toward the so-called Groyper movement, which is not organized into a formal group. Chapters of The Right Stuff also declined as the leaders focused their energy on their podcast platform and the National Justice Party. They have also faced criticism from other white power activists for placing monetary gain above growing their movement. Many white nationalist groups have failed to find footing on mainstream social media sites and fled to platforms like Telegram and Parler. White nationalists have had difficulty raising money online because many payment processors have banned them from their services. Most now rely on cryptocurrency, including Bitcoin and Monero. The federal government provided a boost to 14 hate groups, including American Renaissance, by providing them with PPP funds meant to provide relief from the pandemic. Key Moments. In January, police arrested seven members of The Base, three for plotting to murder a couple allegedly engaged in antifascist political activity. In October, two more members of the group were arrested in Michigan and charged with gang membership, unlawful posting of a message, and using computers to commit a crime. Since 2017, the accelerationist wing has been rising to the forefront of the white nationalist movement. In recent months, though, the “mainstreamer” or “movementarian” part of the movement has regained some momentum. Their success comes in large part from the so-called Groyper movement, led by Nick Fuentes and Patrick Casey, that has opened up channels for young men to challenge mainstream conservatives. One of the most notable trends within the far right this year has been the emergence of the Boogaloo boys, an amorphous group of far-right actors who believe the United States is headed toward a second civil war. While some of the subculture’s adherents describe themselves as hardcore libertarians, others hold overtly white nationalist ideas. What’s Ahead. The white nationalist movement is on two different tracks. One is focused on harnessing populist anger and frustration at Trump’s loss to channel people into their movement. Figures like Nick Fuentes are attacking mainstream conservatives while painting themselves as the future of the right in America. Most of the people associated with this part of the white nationalist movement do not belong to groups and likely will not join any in the near future. The other part of the movement believes in the strategies of accelerationism. While some join groups like The Base, the movement is increasingly decentralized. Most adherents exist as part of the online accelerationist subculture, where they absorb extremist ideas without some of the risks involved in joining a group. This does not mean the movement is any less dangerous; lone actors motivated by white power ideology remain a persistent threat. There is increasing overlap in the rhetoric of these two tracks. Among the whole of the white nationalist movement there is a growing belief that “political solutions” are no longer viable – an idea that seems especially convincing in the aftermath of Trump’s loss. Intimidation and other acts of violence are increasingly accepted on the far right, perhaps best exemplified by its embrace of Kyle Rittenhouse. Increasingly violent language is common within the movement’s rhetoric and anti-democratic ideas will likely seep further into the political mainstream. Background. Adherents of white nationalist groups believe that white identity should be the organizing principle of the countries that make up Western civilization. White nationalists advocate for policies to reverse changing demographics and the loss of an absolute, white majority. Ending non-white immigration, both legal and illegal, is an urgent priority — frequently elevated over other racist projects, such as ending multiculturalism and miscegenation — for white nationalists seeking to preserve white, racial hegemony. White nationalists seek to return to an America that predates the implementation of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. Both landmark pieces of legislation are cited as the harbingers of white dispossession and so-called “white genocide” — the idea that whites in the United States are being systematically replaced and destroyed. These racist aspirations are most commonly articulated as the desire to form a white ethnostate — a calculated idiom favored by white nationalists in order to obscure the inherent violence of such a radical project. Appeals for the white ethnostate are often disingenuously couched in proclamations of love for members of their own race, rather than hatred for others. This platitude collapses under scrutiny. Two favorite animating myths of white nationalists are the victimhood narrative of black-on-white crime — the idea that the dominant white majority is under assault by supposedly violent people of color — and the deceptively titled “human biodiversity,” the pseudo-scientific ascription of human behaviors, in this case along racial lines, to “non-negligible” genetic difference among humans. Appeals to the “empirical science” of human biodiversity are frequently coupled with thinly veiled nods to white, racial superiority. In addition to their obsession with declining white birth rates, these themes comprise some of the most powerful propaganda that animates and drives the white nationalist movement. Adherents frequently cite Pat Buchanan’s 2001 book, The Death of the West , which argues that these declining white birth rates and an “immigrant invasion” will transform the United States into a third world nation by 2050, as the text responsible for their awakening, or “red pill.” White nationalists also frequently cite American Renaissance, a pseudo-academic organization dedicated to spreading the myth of black criminality, scientific racism and eugenic theories. Its annual conference, a multi-day symposium with a suit-and-tie dress code, is a typical early stop for new white nationalists. Although it isn’t ubiquitous, there is a current of antisemitism in the modern day white nationalist movement. Jews are common scapegoats for the perceived cultural and political grievances of white nationalists. White nationalist and antisemitic literature and conferences also have frequent author and speaker overlap. Kevin MacDonald, the author of The Culture of Critique — a trilogy of books alleging a Jewish control of culture and politics with evolutionary psychology — is a frequent guest in white nationalist media and at events. His writing is frequently cited as what introduces white nationalists to the idea of a Jewish conspiracy. White nationalists also commonly pass through paleoconservatism — an anti-interventionist strand of libertarianism that seeks to limit government, restrict immigration, reverse multicultural programs and deconstruct the social welfare programs. Some of white nationalism’s most prominent voices, including Richard Spencer, Jared Taylor, and Peter Brimelow did stints at Taki’s Magazine , the most prominent paleoconservative journal. Strategies for pursuing the white ethnostate fall into two major categories: mainstreaming and vanguardism. Mainstreamers believe that infiltrating and subverting the existing political institutions is the only realistic path to power. They aspire to convert disaffected “normies” to their politics and advocate for white nationalists to seek positions — in politics and society — that have access to resources otherwise unavailable to avowed racists. These resources often require that white nationalists disguise their politics and compromise on their most extreme positions. Mainstreaming allows those sympathetic to white nationalism to pursue or enact policies furthering white nationalist priorities. These aren’t always exclusive to white nationalism, such as immigration restriction or the elimination of social welfare programs. Vanguardists believe that revolution is the only viable path toward a white ethnostate. They believe that reforming the system is impossible and therefore refuse to soften their rhetoric. They typically seek to reform what they believe to be an “anti-white” establishment through radical action. Vanguardists favor public demonstrations to anonymous, online activism and hope that by turning out in numbers at protests they can defy so- called political correctness, polarize politics and accelerate what they view as the inevitable collapse of America. The racist so-called “alt-right,” which came to prominence in late 2015, is white nationalism’s most recent formulation. While the themes of white dispossession, nostalgia for pre-1960s America and the desire for separatism remain central to the ideology, its edges are softer and porous, allowing for the influence and inclusion of more radical elements, including a suite of neo-Nazi organizations. It also welcomed an unsavory ecosystem of internet trolls. These chaos agents contribute a distinct style of discourse that include a notable lack of empathy, extreme, often violence-tinged, rhetoric, and willingness to dehumanize their enemies in service of political goals. Throughout 2016, with the contentious presidential campaign as a unique backdrop, the nascent alt-right launched a novel campaign of “cultural vanguardism,” tightly focused on radically altering culture — in the form of a total war on “political correctness” — rather than politics. This third style of activism, which borrowed from both the mainstreamers and the vanguardists, primarily took place online in the form of “shitposting,” meme making and online harassment. As momentum dissipated post presidential election and online activism began to yield diminishing returns, white nationalists reverted to tried tactics such as public demonstrations, including college speaking engagements and propaganda distribution, primarily in the form of anonymous flyerings and banner drops — also on college campuses. Universities, with their impressionable and at times combustible student bodies provide easy targets for the newly trollish tactics of an alt-right obsessed with youth recruitment. Groups listed in a variety of other categories — Ku Klux Klan, neo-Confederate, neo-Nazi, racist skinhead and Christian Identity — can also be fairly described as "white nationalist." Although, as organizational loyalty has dwindled and the internet has become white nationalism’s organizing principle, the ideology is best understood as a loose coalition of social networks orbiting online propaganda hubs and forums. 2020 white nationalist hate groups. View all groups by state and by ideology. *Asterisk denotes headquarters​ Affirmative Right Atlanta, GA* American Freedom Party Los Angeles, CA* Bradenton, FL Granbury, TX Indiana Montana New York New York, NY. American Freedom Union Hampton Township, PA* American Identity Movement Harpers Ferry, WV* Alabama Connecticut Kentucky Minnesota Missouri Nevada Ohio Rhode Island Sacramento, CA Washington, DC. American Patriots USA Dahlonega, GA* American Renaissance /New Century Foundation Oakton, VA* Antelope Hill Publishing Quakertown, PA* Arktos Media New York, NY* Blood River Radio Bartlett, TN* Christ the King Reformed Church Charlotte, MI* Colchester Collection, The Machias, ME* Counter-Currents Publishing San Francisco, CA* Cursus Honorum Foundation Austin, TX. Exodus/Americanus Floyds Knobs, IN* Fight White Genocide Cayce, SC* Fitzgerald Griffin Foundation, The Vienna, VA* H.L. Mencken Club Elizabethtown, PA* International Conservative Community California Colorado Montana Pennsylvania. Koschertified? San Marcos, CA* Legion of St. Ambrose Knoxville, TN* National Justice Party Butler, PA* National Policy Institute Alexandria, VA* National Reformation Party California* Arizona Michigan Minnesota Mississippi South Carolina Tennessee Texas. New Albion Jackman, ME* New Jersey European Heritage Association New Jersey* Northwest Front Seattle, WA* Occidental Dissent Eufaula, AL* Occidental Observer Laguna Hills, CA* Occidental Quarterly /Charles Martel Society Atlanta, GA. Our Fight Clothing California* Patriot Front Texas* Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut District of Columbia Florida Georgia Idaho Illinois Indiana Iowa Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire New Jersey New York North Carolina Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina Tennessee Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin Wyoming. Patriots Flags Summerville, SC* Political Cesspool, The Bartlett, TN* Racial Nationalist Party of America Lockport, NY* Radix Journal Alexandria, VA* Real Republic of Florida Tallahassee, FL* Red Ice Harrisonburg, VA* Renaissance Horizon Summerville, SC* Revolt Through Tradition Florida Georgia Indiana Massachusetts. Right Brand Clothing Anaheim, CA* Scott-Townsend Publishers Washington, DC* Shieldwall Network Mountain View, AR* The Base California Georgia Maryland Michigan Washington Wisconsin. The Right Stuff Hopewell Junction, NY* Pennsylvania Virginia Beach, VA. Ronald Walters, Rights Leader and Scholar, Dies at 72. Ronald W. Walters, who organized one of the nation’s first lunch-counter sit-ins to protest segregation as a young man and went on to become a leading scholar of the politics of race, died Friday in Bethesda, Md. He was 72 and lived in Silver Spring, Md. The cause was cancer, his wife, Patricia Turner Walters, said. Dr. Walters was 20 and president of the local youth chapter of the N.A.A.C.P. when he and a cousin, Carol Parks, organized a sit-in at the Dockum Drug Store in downtown Wichita, Kan. That was in July 1958, two years before students in Greensboro, N.C., staged the sit-ins that are often credited with starting the movement in many Southern cities. Every morning for three weeks, the protesters in Wichita returned to the drugstore, sitting silently until closing time, despite constant taunting. Finally the owner relented and agreed to serve black customers, saying he was losing too much money as a result of the sit-in. That protest received scant national attention, and it was only in 2006 that Dr. Walters received an N.A.A.C.P. award for his role in organizing it. By then he had made a significant mark on the civil rights movement ​ as a teacher, an author, a television commentator and an adviser to activists and politicians. “He was an indispensable part of the brain trust of the movement,” Vernon E. Jordan, the civil rights leader and lawyer, said on Monday. “He was there for all of us, at the other end of the phone, if we needed his thinking, his synthesis of racial issues, political issues, economic issues. And he was always at the ready to get on the train to help the cause.” Dr. Walters, who for 13 years until his retirement last year was director of the African American Leadership Institute at the University of Maryland, was a deputy campaign manager and debate adviser for the Rev. Jesse L. Jackson’s presidential bid in 1984. In the early 1970s, he was instrumental in the establishment of the Congressional Black Caucus, and he subsequently served as a staff adviser to Representative Charles Diggs, Democrat of Michigan, the first chairman of the caucus. Dr. Walters wrote 13 books and scores of articles on racial politics. In “White Nationalism, Black Interests: Conservative Public Policy and the Black Community” (2003), he analyzed the resurgence of conservatism among whites. Sixteen years before, in “Black Presidential Politics in America: A Strategic Approach,” Dr. Walters had envisioned the possibility of an African- American president and laid out the steps that such a candidate would have to take to reach the White House. Patricia Walters recalled the night President Obama was elected two years ago: “We were stunned, elated and immediately fell into each other’s arms and started crying. My husband looked me in the eyes and said, ‘This is the vision I was trying to present when I wrote the book, that this was a great possibility.’ ” Ronald William Walters was born in Wichita on July 20, 1938, the oldest of seven children of Gilmar and Maxine Fray Walters. His father was a career Army officer and later a professional bassist; his mother was a civil rights investigator for the state. Besides his wife, he is survived by three brothers, Duane, Terence and Kevin, and two sisters, Marcia Walters-Hardeman and Sharon Walters. Dr. Walters graduated from Fisk University with a degree in history in 1963 and went on to earn a master’s in African studies in 1966 and a doctorate in international studies in 1971, both from American University. He taught at Syracuse University in the late 1960s, was a visiting professor at Princeton and a fellow at the Institute of Politics at Harvard and, in 1969, became the first chairman of Afro-American studies at Brandeis University. From 1971 to 1996 he taught at Howard University, including 15 years as chairman of its political science department. Dr. Walters wrote a weekly syndicated column that appeared in many newspapers. Last month, in his last column, he recalled the “progressive spirit of the original nonviolent march” on Washington in August 1963, “which held out the hope of racial reconciliation and that America would finally cash a check of justice that would allow all of us to invest in the great project of democracy.”