“IMMIGRATION PROBLEM” Submitted by John
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Does Large Family Size Predict Political Centrism? Benjamin Schmidt
Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies Volume 33 Article 8 2016 Does Large Family Size Predict Political Centrism? Benjamin Schmidt Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Schmidt, Benjamin (2016) "Does Large Family Size Predict Political Centrism?," Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies: Vol. 33 , Article 8. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma/vol33/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Does Large Family Size Predict Political Centrism? by Benjamin Schmidt Introduction Suggesting that voting might be correlated with the number of children vot ers have has been rare but not unheard of in the last decade. In a 2004 article for American Conservative, Steve Sailer noted a correlation between states with higher birth rates among white voters and the support for incumbent Republican Presi dent George W. Bush. Sailer recognized that Bush won the nineteen states with the highest white fertility while Senator John Kerry won the sixteen with the lowest (2004). He also suggested that the lifestyle preferences of white, conservative par ents might be to blame for the apparent Republican tilt among states with higher birth rates. A similar trend occurred again in 2012 when majorities in every state with fertility rates higher than 70 per 1,000 women went to Mitt Romney, while all states with fertility rates below 60 per 1,000 women went to Barack Obama (Sandler 2012). -
The Demise of the African American Baseball Player
LCB_18_2_Art_4_Standen (Do Not Delete) 8/26/2014 6:33 AM THE DEMISE OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN BASEBALL PLAYER by Jeffrey Standen* Recently alarms were raised in the sports world over the revelation that baseball player agent Scott Boras and other American investors were providing large loans to young baseball players in the Dominican Republic. Although this practice does not violate any restrictions imposed by Major League Baseball or the MLB Players Association, many commentators have termed this funding practice of dubious ethical merit and at bottom exploitative. Yet it is difficult to distinguish exploitation from empowerment. Refusing to lend money to young Dominican players reduces the money invested in athletes. The rules of baseball and the requirements of amateurism preclude similar loans to American-born baseball players. Young ballplayers unlucky enough to be born in the United States cannot borrow their training expenses against their future earning potential. The same limitations apply in similar forms to athletes in other sports, yet baseball presents some unique problems. Success at the professional level in baseball involves a great deal of skill, attention to detail, and supervised training over a long period of time. Players from impoverished financial backgrounds, including predominately the African American baseball player, have been priced out of the game. American athletes in sports that, like baseball, require a significant commitment of money over time have not been able to fund their apprenticeships through self-generated lending markets. One notable example of self-generated funding is in the sport of golf. To fund their career goals, American golfers raise money through a combination of debt and equity financing. -
Small Island
We're a Small Island: The Greening of Intolerance by Sarah Sexton, Nicholas Hildyard and Larry Lohmann, The Corner House, UK presentation at Friends of the Earth (England and Wales), 7th April 2005 Introduction (by Sarah Sexton) For those of you who remember your school days, or if you have 16-year-olds among your family and friends, you'll know that April/May is nearly GCSE exam time, 1 a time of revision, panic and ... set books. One on this year's syllabus is A Tale of Two Cities . (If you were expecting me to say Bill Bryson's Notes From A Small Island , or even better, Andrea Levy's Small Island , they're for next year. 2) Charles Dickens's story about London and Paris is set at the time of the French Revolution, 1789 onwards, a time when the English hero—I won't tell you what happens at the end just in case you haven't seen the film—didn't need an official British passport to travel to another country, although British sovereigns had long issued documents requesting "safe passage or pass" to anyone in Britain who wanted to travel abroad. It was in 1858, some 70 years later, that the UK passport became available only to United Kingdom nationals, and thus in effect became a national identity document as well as an aid to travel. 3 A Tale of Two Cities was published one year later in 1859. These days, students are encouraged to do more field work than when I was at school. -
The Changing Face of American White Supremacy Our Mission: to Stop the Defamation of the Jewish People and to Secure Justice and Fair Treatment for All
A report from the Center on Extremism 09 18 New Hate and Old: The Changing Face of American White Supremacy Our Mission: To stop the defamation of the Jewish people and to secure justice and fair treatment for all. ABOUT T H E CENTER ON EXTREMISM The ADL Center on Extremism (COE) is one of the world’s foremost authorities ADL (Anti-Defamation on extremism, terrorism, anti-Semitism and all forms of hate. For decades, League) fights anti-Semitism COE’s staff of seasoned investigators, analysts and researchers have tracked and promotes justice for all. extremist activity and hate in the U.S. and abroad – online and on the ground. The staff, which represent a combined total of substantially more than 100 Join ADL to give a voice to years of experience in this arena, routinely assist law enforcement with those without one and to extremist-related investigations, provide tech companies with critical data protect our civil rights. and expertise, and respond to wide-ranging media requests. Learn more: adl.org As ADL’s research and investigative arm, COE is a clearinghouse of real-time information about extremism and hate of all types. COE staff regularly serve as expert witnesses, provide congressional testimony and speak to national and international conference audiences about the threats posed by extremism and anti-Semitism. You can find the full complement of COE’s research and publications at ADL.org. Cover: White supremacists exchange insults with counter-protesters as they attempt to guard the entrance to Emancipation Park during the ‘Unite the Right’ rally August 12, 2017 in Charlottesville, Virginia. -
Getting to Know the Opposition
Getting to Know the Opposition April 2007 by Judith Golub, Executive Director Getting to Know the Opposition -- Nativists and the Immigration Debate Judith Golub, Executive Director, Immigrant Legal Resource Center Immigration matters. Immigration has been and will continue to be central to who we are as a nation and key to our economic, social and cultural vigor and well-being. Immigration matters because of its dramatic impacts on people’s lives. Immigration laws and policies determine if loved ones can stay together, refugees and asylees are granted the protection they deserve, and American business has the workers it needs. Security experts also emphasize that a well-running immigration system enhances our security. Certainly, our current system has taught us that enforcing dysfunctional laws leads to more dysfunction, not more enforcement. Immigration also is a high profile issue, not only because Congress is debating how best to reform our laws, but also because immigration incites deep passions. And anti-immigrant groups have manipulated these passions, especially after the September 11 terrorist attacks. Well organized and with deep pockets, these groups operate at the federal, state and local levels. They are determined to reduce, if not end, immigration to this country, notwithstanding the fact that immigrants contribute to our educational, cultural and social well-being. Fearful of our nation’s changing demographics and diversity, some of these groups position themselves as mainstream and “pro-immigrant while anti-immigration,” and caution their members to not appear racist. Others openly flaunt their white nationalist and anti-immigrant, anti-Jewish, anti-Latino, anti-black, and anti-gay agenda. -
The John M. Rezendes Ethics Essay Competition 2021 “One Vision
The John M. Rezendes Ethics Essay Competition 2021 “One Vision, One Language”: Deconstructing Systemic Language Discrimination in the United States and an Ethical Perspective on the English Only Movement Stephanie Tillotson 22 Clipper Street Cumberland Foreside, Maine 04110 (704) 915-5284 [email protected] Spanish Class of 2023 1 “One Vision, One Language”: Deconstructing Systemic Language Discrimination in the United States and an Ethical Perspective on the English Only Movement While the United States is home to one of the most ethnically diverse populations in the world, it also embodies one of the most linguistically homogeneous.1 Many native English speakers may take for granted the extent to which their connection to a politically and economically dominant language grants them access to power that others do not enjoy. A 2019 U.S. Census Bureau survey on languages spoken at home shows that seventy-eight percent of the population speaks only English;2 English is known to be the globally dominant means of communication and trade, and it has also been proven that higher English proficiency and better economic performance go hand in hand.3 Native English speakers are typically monolingual,4 thriving under the impression that they don’t need to spend time learning another language because it seems unnecessary. While a monolingual way of life is not inherently harmful, it may give way to a mindset of English superiority, which does present grave ethical consequences for American society. English has been the de facto language of the United States since its founding, but has never enjoyed federal official status; however, in recent years, there has been a resurgence of a desire to declare English as the official language of the United States. -
Natural Resource Damage Valuation
Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 42 Issue 2 Issue 2 - March 1989 Article 1 3-1989 Natural Resource Damage Valuation Frank B. Cross Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the Environmental Law Commons Recommended Citation Frank B. Cross, Natural Resource Damage Valuation, 42 Vanderbilt Law Review 269 (1989) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol42/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VANDERBILT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 42 MARCH 1989 NUMBER 2 Natural Resource Damage Valuation Frank B. Cross* Some consume beauty for gain; but all of us must consume it to live.1 I. INTRODUCTION ........................................... 270 II. LEGAL AUTHORITY FOR GOVERNMENT RECOVERY OF NATURAL RESOURCE DAMAGES ..................................... 273 A. Superfund ...................................... 273 B. The Clean Water Act and Other Federal Laws ..... 276 C. State Statutes and Common Law ................. 277 III. VALUES ATTRIBUTABLE TO NATURAL RESOURCES ........... 280 A . Use Value ...................................... 281 B. Existence Value ................................. 285 C. Intrinsic Value .................................. 292 D. Achieving a True Valuation of Natural Resources .. 297 IV. METHODS FOR MONETIZING DAMAGE TO NATURAL RESOURCES 297 -
G Reen Pa G Es
Save Our Democracy: Support the Green Party! The Green Party is unique because we reject corporate money. We believe that our values — your values — of peace, GREEN PAGES ecological wisdom, democracy and social justice should be The Newspaper of the Green Party of the United States guiding public policy. We are fully funded by real people (not corporations) like you. The Green Party’s success also serves the larger cause Vol. 19, No. 2 • Fall 2017 of multi-party democracy and independent politics in s e t the United States. I strongly believe in citizen lobbying a t and activism, but it must be coupled with electoral S d strategies and strong candidates. Com pared to other e Utah Greens t i organizations, the Green Party is relatively small, and n U so I know that every dollar I contribute has an enor - e S h t mous impact. I always give to the Green Party first and then to other wor - f E o Reboot, Make thy causes. — John Andrews y t r G 3 a 1 I can’t sit by and see wrongs and not do P 0 A n anything. I couldn’t justify having a kid if I e 0 e 2 P r wasn’t going to try and fix the world. When Ballot G C I’m around my Green friends, I feel like e 5 D h N 7 t there’s hope. Green values encompass n f 0 o o 5 E everything that’s important, and give us t n See story page 4 7 g o i an avenue to fix the problems in our soci - x E n t i a o h ety. -
United States District Court for the District of Arizona
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF ARIZONA ) THE ARIZONA LIBERTARIAN ) PARTY AND MICHAEL KIELSKY, ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) COMPLAINT ) MICHELE REAGAN, ) Civil Action No. ___________ ) Defendant. ) ) INTRODUCTION Plaintiffs Arizona Libertarian Party (“AZLP”) and its Chairman Michael Kielsky (together, “the Libertarians”) bring this action pursuant to 42 U.S.C. § 1983, to vindicate rights guaranteed to them by the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution. The Libertarians specifically challenge the constitutionality of two provisions of Arizona law, A.R.S. §§ 16-321 and 16-322, which establish the requirements that political parties must meet to place their candidates on Arizona’s primary election ballot. These provisions formerly enabled candidates to appear on the primary ballot by submitting nomination petitions with a number of signatures defined as a percentage of their party’s qualified registered voters in the relevant jurisdiction. In 2015, however, the provisions were amended, such that they now define the signature requirements as a percentage of all “qualified signers” in the relevant jurisdiction – a pool defined to include independent and unaffiliated voters. As applied to the Libertarians – though not to the major parties – this drastically increased the number of signatures required. In general, the new requirements for the Libertarians are at least 20 times greater than the old ones, depending on the office, and in many cases much greater. Sections 16-321 and 16-322, as amended, violate the Libertarians’ First Amendment rights on several grounds. First, they impose unconstitutionally severe signature requirements under the settled precedent of the Supreme Court of the United States. Second, they violate the Libertarians’ freedom of association, because they compel AZLP, as a practical matter, to rely on non-members for purposes of nominating its own partisan candidates. -
Acadiens and Cajuns.Indb
canadiana oenipontana 9 Ursula Mathis-Moser, Günter Bischof (dirs.) Acadians and Cajuns. The Politics and Culture of French Minorities in North America Acadiens et Cajuns. Politique et culture de minorités francophones en Amérique du Nord innsbruck university press SERIES canadiana oenipontana 9 iup • innsbruck university press © innsbruck university press, 2009 Universität Innsbruck, Vizerektorat für Forschung 1. Auflage Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Umschlag: Gregor Sailer Umschlagmotiv: Herménégilde Chiasson, “Evangeline Beach, an American Tragedy, peinture no. 3“ Satz: Palli & Palli OEG, Innsbruck Produktion: Fred Steiner, Rinn www.uibk.ac.at/iup ISBN 978-3-902571-93-9 Ursula Mathis-Moser, Günter Bischof (dirs.) Acadians and Cajuns. The Politics and Culture of French Minorities in North America Acadiens et Cajuns. Politique et culture de minorités francophones en Amérique du Nord Contents — Table des matières Introduction Avant-propos ....................................................................................................... 7 Ursula Mathis-Moser – Günter Bischof des matières Table — By Way of an Introduction En guise d’introduction ................................................................................... 23 Contents Herménégilde Chiasson Beatitudes – BéatitudeS ................................................................................................. 23 Maurice Basque, Université de Moncton Acadiens, Cadiens et Cajuns: identités communes ou distinctes? ............................ 27 History and Politics Histoire -
Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act and Its Place in "Post-Racial" America
Emory Law Journal Volume 61 Issue 2 2011 Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act and Its Place in "Post-Racial" America Enbar Toledano Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/elj Recommended Citation Enbar Toledano, Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act and Its Place in "Post-Racial" America, 61 Emory L. J. 389 (2011). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/elj/vol61/iss2/4 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory Law Journal by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TOLEDANO GALLEYSFINAL2 4/3/2012 12:05 PM SECTION 5 OF THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT AND ITS PLACE IN “POST-RACIAL” AMERICA ABSTRACT The Fifteenth Amendment purported to withdraw race and color from the calculus of suffrage. Instead, it gave rise to an era of creative exclusion in which Southern states erected one barrier after another and Congress floundered in its attempts to secure the black vote it had promised. After ninety-five years, progress at last seemed possible with the introduction of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA), an echo of the Fifteenth Amendment fitted with shiny, new teeth. Section 5 of the VRA reversed the inertia of discrimination by requiring states with a demonstrated history of employing disfranchising voting practices to obtain federal preclearance before implementing any changes to their voting laws. The VRA has achieved tremendous success since its enactment, due in large part to the powers embedded in section 5. -
From Wilderness to the Toxic Environment: Health in American Environmental Politics, 1945-Present
From Wilderness to the Toxic Environment: Health in American Environmental Politics, 1945-Present The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Thomson, Jennifer Christine. 2013. From Wilderness to the Toxic Environment: Health in American Environmental Politics, 1945- Present. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11125030 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA From Wilderness to the Toxic Environment: Health in American Environmental Politics, 1945-Present A dissertation presented by Jennifer Christine Thomson to The Department of the History of Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of History of Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts May 2013 @ 2013 Jennifer Christine Thomson All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Charles Rosenberg Jennifer Christine Thomson From Wilderness to the Toxic Environment: Health in American Environmental Politics, 1945-Present Abstract This dissertation joins the history of science and medicine with environmental history to explore the language of health in environmental politics. Today, in government policy briefs and mission statements of environmental non-profits, newspaper editorials and activist journals, claims about the health of the planet and its human and non-human inhabitants abound. Yet despite this rhetorical ubiquity, modern environmental politics are ideologically and organizationally fractured along the themes of whose health is at stake and how that health should be protected.