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J h v 'lo~Z tk'vieytzcf /^dxsizA XUu^ , Gh^a /X*yf cl J-cis- J 1 /1^qaa tfteni 6 4C rj^ej^~ y ^ x i &slp Z ^ a J ^ U iu ^ j . /L(] t ^ A y ^ '^ U 'ia. J - 'i^ j oi_o -'uyhji'U q3- . ^yU dc^^c s^L-e ; a , m rLd- /lyny-L^ Iwc thp ~fco s^-d-'CQ- ,aiH^u yyL c /\o~a/) ■ . t w a s n o t until the 1970s that ‘Sov give general ‘signals’ on new policies. Im iet studies’ evolved into ‘Soviet history’. Palaces on Monday portant changes in direction were indicat IThe totalitarian model, with its focus ed by vague speeches or articles - which, as on government control of an inert populat Fitzpatrick shows, made it possible for the ion, gave way to the study of modem Rus J. Arch Getty leadership to repudiate the disastrous con sian society. The new Soviet social hist sequences of a given policy’s implementat ory insisted that society mattered, even in Everyday Stalinism . O rdinary Life in E xtraordinary Times: ion. But she also points out that the admin dictatorships, that the Stalinist regime had Soviet Russia in th e 1930s istrative machinery was so clumsy and un had to deal with a society whose traditions, by Sheila Fitzpatrick. sophisticated that it could respond only to structure and inertia could derail or modify Oxford, 280 pp., £25, 2i January 1999, o 19 505000 2 simple directives: stop, go, faster, slower. the state’s plans. Although society never In addition, there were the endless inexplic ‘won’ the contest, neither were the state’s etical approaches: her work on Soviet soc poorly educated and many were corrupt, able contradictions between what Moscow victories complete. Even in the 1930s, the re ial identities and culture shows that she arbitrary and inefficient The simplest mat instructed and what local officials actually gime, which wanted communal forms, some can use these ideas and vocabularies when ters were caught up in webs of red tape did. Despite Politburo orders against purg times had to settle for private plots and priv she wants to. She has simply not found a and pointless paperwork that made the new ing Party members on grounds of their class atised cows. grand theory that explains her facts. In her plebeian bureaucrats feel important. Al origins, for example, local officials con Sheila Fitzpatrick is the most prolific view class analysis does not make much though there was no shortage of rules and stantly arrested citizens for having dubious and influential historian of the Soviet Union sense at a time when some classes were regulations, virtually everyone, at every level, family connections. On this and many other working today. Her 11 books and numer melting away and new ones forming, and felt free to interpret and impose regulations fronts Moscow spent a good deal of time un ous articles have guided two generations of familiar categories like ‘peasant’ or ‘work as they liked, regardless of Moscow’s pol doing the work of its local representatives. scholars eager to prise open the mysteries ing class’ were made up of entirely different icies. A pyramid o f ‘little Stalins’ extended Living standards plummeted as a result o f the Soviet experiment It was Fitzpatrick people from those who used to carry these from the top down to the lowest adminis of Stalin’s decision to concentrate on heavy who, twenty years ago, advanced the propos labels. She is also doubtful of the explanat trative level. Each petty bureaucrat had his industry, and in 1932-33, city-dwellers con ition that state and society were engaged in ory force of Foucault’s multiple discourses patron or chief above him and a set of sub sumed a third as much meat as they had an ‘informal negotiation’, a suggestion that of power when we still know so little about ordinates and clients below. The result for in 1928 and half the amount of bread their was inflammatory at the time but is now the what was actually happening out there in the population was arbitrariness accompan parents had eaten in 1900. Even to get that received wisdom. It was her study of educ society. ied by random and frequent punishments. they often had to stand in line for many hours ation and social mobility that first docu Fitzpatrick’s urban Homo Sovieticus of One collective farm chairman imposed - police in Leningrad reported queues of mented the existence of support for Stalin the 1930s had to deal with three over large fines for impolite language. In Stalin 6000 people. Private shops and craftsmen ism. In a deceptively unpretentious collect whelming obstacles to a normal life: an grad city officials fined anyone caught travel disappeared, to be replaced by state stores ion of essays, published in 1978, she set the arbitrary, incompetent and unpredictably ling on a streetcar in dirty clothes - which that were either empty or stocked with de terms for a twenty-year debate on wheth violent state; shortages of food, clothing made things difficult for factory workers fective goods. The list of near unobtainable er policy initiatives always originated ‘from and shelter (and just about everything else); in a factory town. In Astrakhan one could items was long: lamps, soap, matches, pot above’ or could also come ‘from below’ as and constant cataclysmic upheavals that be forced to pay 100 roubles for wearing a tery, hats, baskets, knives, dry goods and part of a ‘cultural revolution’. made life impossible to plan. Tens of mil hat in the wrong place. The punishments shoes, as well as construction and repair The 1990s saw another revolution in lions of people changed their jobs, homes, associated with the terror of 1937 just as materials. Shopping had become, in Fitz Soviet historiography. In the early part of class and self-identity as an unprepared but arbitrary. patrick’s phrase, a ‘survival skill’. the decade, the secret archives of the Soviet !/ determined state suddenly abolished the The Politburo itself was rarely explicit Everyone remembers shoes. Footwear Party and Government began to be open market and took control of every element about what it wanted, preferring instead to bought in state stores usually fell apart in ed and scholars flocked to Moscow. Some of agriculture, industry and trade. All this were eager to find definitive answers to old would of itself have been traumatic enough, questions, but others were interested in al yet the regime decided at the same tune together new matters. One of the topics carry out the most rapid industrialisation in that preoccupies historians is the relation K history while, for political reasons, deliber ship between the population and the Stal ately crushing the social groups - traders, inist regime, and whether the Soviet people factory-owners, engineers and commercial resisted it, passively accommodated to it, farmers - that had been at the heart of mod or actively and passionately supported it ernisation elsewhere. Millions of people mov Different historians have different views on ed to towns that had no new housing and books.com these matters. Secret documents suggested little adequate sanitation. Most fateful of to Lynne Viola and Jeffrey Rossman that peas all was the decision to destroy private farm ants and workers did not sit quiedy and take ing in favour of an untested and unpopular whatever the regime dished out. Stephen Kot- system of collective agriculture. Without it, kin, on the other hand, was struck by how there would have been chaos. As itwas, mil little resistance there was, and shows that lions died of starvation and millions more Soviet citizens (like most people in most went hungry for years. countries) simply accepted and accommod None of this is news. We have been study ated to the prevailing system. Influenced by ing this process from outside and from above Foucault, he describes the Soviet people as for years. We knew about Stalin’s decision learning to ‘speak Bolshevik’ in order to to launch this revolution and have had a i i » x\ « ■ manoeuvre within the existing power mat steadily increasing supply of statistical data. rices. Some have gone further. Demonstrat Fitzpatrick and others have documented the ing the impact of the ‘literary turn’ in his aggregate changes in politics, culture and ;-\ % * ‘ M : torical analysis, Jochen Hellbeck looked at society that accompanied it, but until now m m - A 1! fie M',; a number of diaries and makes it clear we have known precious little about the that many not only accepted and believed most intriguing question of all: how did ord in Stalinism: they actively tried to remould inary people manage? How did they live their souls to become one with the regime’s when itwas virtually impossible to find sat goals. isfactory food, clothing and shelter? What Sheila Fitzpatrick’s recent writings have mental processes enabled them to deal with it*s just: a clik away explored resistance, accommodation and ad the unpredictability of terror? And why do herence in several settings. She is not really so many of them have positive memories of visit: our on-line book fair at interested in sweeping assertions or grand the time and of the regime that caused their www.clik-baoksi.com theorising and doesn’t mind being accus suffering? where second hand and antiquarian booksellers from ed (as she sometimes is) o f theoretical pov The bureaucracy of the 1930s was staffed across the UK offer thousands of specialist, erty or of the crime o f‘essentialism’: strict by inexperienced recruits, drawn into the rare and out of print books. ly empirical analysis is her preferred meth Party to cope with the new economic tasks clik-books.com is pant of the classicforum.com network. od. It is not that she is scornful of theor which the leadership imposed. Most were 23 LONDON REVIEW OF BOOKS 2 MARCH 2000 days. Sometimes assistants kept a large bin o w d i d people cope morally and /variety of legal and illegal channels of dis- from the local police requiring the pots to behind the counter, into which pair after psychologically? For many, the only ||tribution. The Stalinist economy was not an be removed. Popov retaliated with an order pair would be thrown until one was found Havailable response was grim resign leconomy at all, at least not in the tradition from the city chief of police to leave them that was in a fit condition to sell to a custom ation. Things had always been hard in Rus al sense of the word. On the face of it, every where they were. Ruslanov appealed to his er. At the beginning of the 1935 school year sia, and there was nothing to do but grum thing was straightforward: the state mono patron, the chief of civilian police for the in Yaroslavl, an important industrial city, ble and try to get by. Others, perhaps very polised all production and distribution and USSR, who ordered that the pots be remov there wasn’t a single pair of children’s shoes many others, saw the shortages and diffic- citizens used their wages to buy goods from ed. Popov retaliated through his patron, the in any of the state stores. In Leningrad the julties as bearable because of the promise the state shops. In reality, many - probably Minister of Defence Voroshilov, who order situation was so bad that even when con j the future held. In that sense this was a time most - goods were not distributed this way, ed that Popov not be bothered further. Rus signments of defective shoes arrived, the of utopian enthusiasm, and there is good and many of the biggest distribution net lanov trumped Popov’s patron with his own, queues disrupted the traffic and the line of reason to believe that the optimism was not works had nothing to do with money. When the President of the USSR Kalinin, who would-be purchasers was so dense that it {just an artefact of official propaganda. they talked about acquiring goods, Soviet ordered the removal of the flowerpots. was liable to push against and shatter ad Millions of people were moving up from citizens in the 1930s did not use words im Acquaintances and even total strang joining shop windows. 11 field to factory, from factory to office. Educ plying purchase or indeed any kind of econ ers wrote to national leaders like Molotov As Fitzpatrick notes, it wasn’t until the ation was expanding rapidly: there were 3 omic transaction. Verbs that had to do with or Stalin with requests, which were often Khrushchev years that the regime put re million high school students in the late giving and getting replaced those that im granted. Some of these ‘transactions’ were sources into new housing. In 1939, Pskov, a 1920s; a decade later, there were 18 million. plied selling and buying. One did not ‘buy’: quite strange. I found a letter in the archives town of 60,000, had no streetcars and no In the same period literacy rates doubled one ‘got hold o f. Similarly, ‘they’ did not from the widow of Alexander Shliapnikov, a paved roads. Stalingrad, a major industrial to more than 80 per cent Contemporary ‘sell’ things: they were ‘giving them out*. Bolshevik dissident who was arrested and city, had no buses. Homo Sovieticus became memoirs record the universal obsession with At times of extreme shortage, the reg shot in 1937. After her husband’s execut accustomed to calculating housing quot ^studying, not only in order to move up in ime rationed bread and other foodstuffs. Al ion, she wrote to Yezhov, the head of the ients in square metres per person and aver * society but to help build the future. This though presented as an extraordinary meas NKVD and the man responsible for her hus age living space in Moscow dropped from was the time when optimistic young Khrush ure, rationing was so frequently imposed as band’s death, with a request for help in 5.5 square metres per person to 4 in 1940. chevs and Brezhnevs worked day and night to become the default means of distribut finding employment (Not surprisingly, the Most people lived in communal flats, with to overcome ‘temporary’ difficulties. They ion. Rationed goods could be purchased at language of such petitions was unchang j one or more families per room and shared (dreamed of‘future palaces’ and a time when fixed prices only on presentation of a rat ed from the time when peasants begged ykitchen and, with luck, toilet facilities - technology and industrial growth would ion card, and the quantities one could buy noblemen or tsars for support.) Despite her most Moscow flats in the 1930s had no bath bring plenty for all. Moscow was being re depended on several factors. Although in late husband’s ‘enemy’ status, Yezhov order and a third had no sewer connection. Un built, and new monuments were everywhere. some periods factory workers’ rations were ed that work be found for her. In 1936, lucky or marginal people slept in corridors, A new All-Union Exhibition of Economic larger than those of white-collar workers when the Old Bolshevik Nikolai Bukharin entrances, comers of other people’s rooms Achievement attracted 30,000 visitors a day. and even of some Party officials, on the was already under suspicion, he wrote to or barracks, sometimes together with their For many, as Fitzpatrick shows, today’s prob whole, higher-status workers and officials Yezhov requesting a new dacha and permiss families. Friction was inevitable and led to lems were merely bumps on the road to the were entitled to more and better goods. En ion for his wife to join him on a business gossip, denunciations and open conflict The promised land. titlements also varied according to region trip to Paris. The nouveau bureaucrat Yezh fact that every kommunalka veteran recalls How did people set about getting the and the kind of industry people worked in. ov graciously approved both requests. the presence in the flat of a drunken old space and goods they needed? On one level, In all its forms, however, the ration system The saying ‘better a hundred friends than man and a demented old woman makes one of course, they didn’t They suffered. But distributed goods without regard to price a hundred roubles’ acquired real meaning wonder if this, too, were part of some they suffered in varying degrees in an eco or ability to pay. at such times, as did the term blat, which bizarre bureaucratic plan. nomic system whose unitary image hid a People at all levels of society were al refers to personal advantage derived from located food, goods and accommodation friends and acquaintances. Patronage im through ‘closed distribution’ schemes at plies a hierarchical relationship; Mat was ^ieir workplaces. These ranged from free or about who you knew and about chains of re-. nominally priced hot meals in factories to ciprocal relationships: Andrei can get shoes, the ‘closed shops’ and ‘special packages’ of Pavel’s uncle can get train tickets, Masha’s (Don’t take it for granted) gourmet foods for high-ranking Party offic friend can get you a coat Every Soviet ials; from the reserved housing space alloc citizen remembers the importance of these ated to a factory to relatively luxurious flats connections: ‘If you need to buy something for senior officials. It was an economy of in a shop, you need blat. If it’s difficult or privilege rather than o f wealth. In fact, as impossible for a passenger to get a train Fitzpatrick notes, the highera person’s stat ticket, then it is simple and easy po blatu. us in the Party, the more goods they re If you need a flat, don’t ever go to the hous ceived, and the better their quality, as well ing administration, to the procurator: bet as the lower their ‘price’. No wonder those ter to use just a little blat and you will have at the top could persuade themselves that your apartment’ Sometimes these networks socialism was at hand. of acquaintances, relatives and friends of We d o n ’t. Help us keep Britain’s breathing spaces open. Footpaths friends overlapped with patronage systems. and coastline, high places, heaths and woodland. For walkers. a t r o n a g e was another way of get It was not uncommon to score points with F or over 6 0 years, The Ram blers’ lobbying and vigilance have been ting hold of scarce goods and serv one’s boss by using friends to acquire achieving wide-ranging rights of access to some of our most beautiful Pices. Powerful politicians presided goods for him or even supplies for the fact countryside. over networks of clients and dependants: a ory or workplace. Blat wasn’t confined to Go for a walk. Take a breather from our crowded world. Think about given intellectual or artist would ‘go to see’ the black market. Fitzpatrick describes a the future; invest in T h e R a m b l e r s . his or her politician; ordinary people, too, 1930s cartoon in which a shop assistant often found a patron in a local Party secret tells a customer: ‘He’s a courteous man, ■ Join us. ------ary, trade-union leader or factory manager. our store manager. When he sells cloth, he Mr/Mrs/Miss/Ms A modest subscription brings you - FREE - Thanks to their privileged position (or abil calls the customers by name.’ ‘Does he real the essential Yearbook, full of outdoor Address ity to steal), patrons were able to supply ac ly know all the customers?’ the man asks. information (over 300 pages, over 3,500 places to stay, £4.99 in bookshops); the cess to housing and goods that were other ‘Of course. If he doesn’t know someone, quarterly magazine, The Rambler; Postcode Date of birth wise unobtainable. Money wasn’t necessar he doesn’t sell to them.’ membership of one of our 400 local groups. Many outdoor equipment shops offer Tick box for membership type required ily involved: it wasn’t unusual for patrons Other ways of acquiring goods and serv discounts. □ Ordinary £20 □ Reduced £11 to ‘give ouf goods to their dependants. ices were less savoury. Fitzpatrick describes □ Family/joint £26 □ Joint reduced £14 For the patron, the reward was power and the exploits of the famous Bay Leaf Gang, Reduced membership is available for the unwaged, retired, disabled, students and under 18s. Joint/family is for two adults at prestige. For the client or supplicant, it was a group of speculators in tea and spices, the same address. often the only way to get something they who made 1.5 million roubles. Graft and cor Donation £_ I enclose £_ needed. ruption were endemic in the Stalinist sys O W e occasionally exchange names (for use once only) with TWo theatre managers, Ruslanov and tem of distribution. Workers stole mater other organisations which may interest you. Tick if you Working for walkers would prefer to be excluded. Popov, lived in the same building. Popov ials and tools. Managers used their position 1-5 Wandsworth Road, London SW8 2XX. Tel: 0171 339 8500 LB2 hung flowerpots that Ruslanov did not like to divert goods from state channels into blat from his balcony. Ruslanov got an order or patronage networks, or to black-market 24 LONDON REVIEW OF BOOKS 2 MARCH 2000 gangs. Store managers were notorious for Politburo would commission a report and maintain a decent place to live. Many of my moving goods into shady channels of dis insist that conclusions be drawn. Suicide, friends rent out their flats to rich people SUNY Press tribution and train conductors were known according to Stalin, was a dangerous polit and live in crowded hovels, often with rel for helping to transport goods illicitly. The ical act atives, in order to survive on the rent that “...wide-ranging archives are full of stories of clever swind Ironically, ignorance of what was really comes in. Their new lodgings bear a sad re knowledge of lers and con men. One Party inspector re going on in society was itself responsible for semblance to the communal flats of the cinema, both past ported that a state farm director had sold much of the fear. Yezhov gathered a large s and s. 1930 1940 and present, plus 450 of the farm’s pigs on the black market file of ‘unexplained incidents’ for invest There is no shortage of goods in the Asked why the local authorities had not pro igation: they included car accidents, plane shops: everything one could want (and then glimpses into its secuted him, the inspector replied: ‘We crashes, firearm accidents involving child some) is for sale in Moscow today. The possible future.” examined the case, and it turned out that ren, fistfights, industrial accidents, even problem is that there is very little the vast — Steven Shaviro, author of the mayor and the prosecutor had them [floods. Surveillance was, we know, routine: majority of Russians can afford - which The Cinematic Body selves received pigs from the state farm, and it was also almost unbelievably extensive. means that they routinely resort to the old everybody was happy.’ I recently came across a document in the blat networks to ‘get hold o f the things they Party Secretary Maslov and his assistant Party’s archive suggesting that in Lenin need. Last year, friends of mine got hold Pimenov led a group of crooks in the Stalin grad alone in 1934, a cadre of 2700 intel of plane tickets through friends of friends grad region. Local courts would confiscate ligence ‘residents’ each ran a circle of 10 who worked at the airline and used their dis a newly convicted criminal’s property and regular ‘informants’. A further network of counts. My colleague bought a cheap com sell it to friends - who might include the 2000 ‘special informants’ was attached to puter through his friend Nikolai’s cousin. judges’ wives. Maslov blocked investigations factories, schools and government depart His wife had their Moscow kitchen tap re of complaints against ‘his people’ and man ments, with each informant expected to gath paired by an army buddy of her friend’s aged to quash 43 indictments on grounds er information from 10 ‘casuals’. Moscow uncle, who did it in exchange for a bottle of insufficient evidence. had a network twice that size, and Stalin of vodka. Needless to say, it wasn’t always clear was informed that in the USSR as a whole Patronage, too, remains essential. Every where necessity stopped and crime started. there were at least half a million regular body knows that when someone changes Some kinds of workplace theft, for exam informants. his job, he takes ‘his people’ with him and ple, were essential to keep the economy go Discrete channels ofinformation report is replaced by someone else with his own ing. A construction foreman complained: ed on the popular mood. A network of Party client group. This goes some way to explain We think: what to do? We went to supply committees compiled reports on the opin ing why one sees large numbers of idle organisations, showed them the construction ions their members expressed at meetings, young men and women ‘working’ in shops plans and said: give us the materials. They just but so did the disciplinary chain of com and, especially, banks: the manager’s clients stared at us blankly and said they had no mat mand, the Party Control Commission. As must be given jobs. One middling business erial. Then they said: ‘Ivan Ivanovich, if you they made their way up the hierarchy the re man of my acquaintance has about sixty em 256 pages • £11.25 paperback give us meat, bread and money - on a certain ports were filtered, on the one hand, by ployees in his small enterprise. For them, freight caryou will find the nails and glass you ISBN 0-7914-4516-X Party officials, on the other, by the police. however, it is not an employer-employee need; you will get everything.’ We thought Illustrated: 30 b/w photos again, what to do? Ifwe wait, we cannot build. By and large, Party reports emphasised pop relationship. He ‘takes care’ of ‘his guys’ ular support while police reports magnified in return for their loyalty. If a worker’s If we break the law, we can. We decided to n a unique and perceptive dissent Reports from single sources were mother needs surgery, my friend pays for break the law. look at the future of cinema, equally unreliable. An NKVD official might it If someone’s child needs help getting Wheeler Winston Dixon The regime may have boasted about the be tempted to exaggerate the prevalence of into a private school, my friend arranges it I explores the possible effects virtues of collectivised agriculture, but we dangerous opinions in his region in order Organised crime provides the quintessent of the digital age on the have known fora long time that it was real tojustify budget increases. Or he mightwant ial model of a patronage network, and it production and exhibition of _ ly the private plots that fed the country, to minimise reports of dissent in ordgr_j£L, would beiufd to conduct any kind of busi films. Although Hollywood will thanks to Fitzpatrick, we now know that show he was doing a good job of getting ness in Russia today without mafia connect seek to retain its dominance ‘leaks’ in the urban economy may turn out rid of the bad apples in his orchard. ions. Sergei M. has a business in St Peters over the global presentation of to have been equally important What the The archives I have seen show that the burg. Like everyone else who does business entertainment, Dixon argues, sources we have at present don’t allow us to Politburo was dissatisfied with the reports anywhere in Russia, he pays for protection a new vision of international estimate with any precision is the size of the it was receiving and reluctant to trust them. (‘getting a roof, as it is called) from a mafia access—a democracy of leaks and how much was bled from the of Stalin complained publicly about the ‘naus group. One day he quarrelled with a custom images—will finally inform the ficial pipeline. Fitzpatrick is properly caut eating reports’ he was getting from self- er and the disgruntled customer’s mafia future structure of cinema in ious, observing only that they ‘took the interested officials. In 1934, Yezhov told him ‘roof’ showed up in his office with a loaded the twenty-first century. harsh edge off the Stalin system’, but it is that NKVD networks around the country gun, demanding a refund. Sergei was allow clear that the closer we look, the more we were unprofessional, incompetent and un ed to call his own ‘roof’, who arrived forth find happening outside official channels. reliable. Official fear and ignorance of soc with with his own weapons. The two maf “...conversational/ And the regime knew it One of Fitz iety were among the main causes of the ter iosi had a calm discussion, which establish chatty, amazing patrick’s most interesting chapters, ‘Con ror - the Yezhovshchina - as the regime ed that the patronage network of Sergei’s filmographic sweep, versations and Listeners’, is about its con prescribed regional quotas for execution ‘roof’ reached higher than that of the cust tidbits of all kinds stant attempts at surveillance. From the lat with only a vague idea of who its ‘enemies’ omer. Sergei was not disturbed again. Little of interesting est instalments of Khrushchev’s memoirs, were. By 1939, when the executions stop has changes since Popov and Ruslanov had we know that Stalin installed listening de ped, nearly a million Soviet citizens were their quarrel: the winners are still the ones information, asides, vices in the homes of his most trusted lieu dead. with the strongest patrons. interpretations, tenants. This was a regime which, despite Another thing that hasn’t changed are prophecies, gossip, blandishments and its brave propaganda t a l in is m , with its shortages and rat the vague and easily repudiated ‘signals’ concerns, and claims, was very insecure about its hold on ioning, surveillance and terror, Party which the Government issues instead of categorizations.” power. Politburo members carried revolv Sprivileges and patronage, enthusiasm rational laws which it intends to enforce. It ers for fear that angry citizens would try to and utopianism, is gone. As Fitzpatrick is also as incompetent and corrupt as it was — Joseph Natoli, author of ambush them in public. If a joke was going argues, the system of those years was the in Stalin’s day: even more than in the 1930s, Speeding to the Millennium: the rounds, detailed reports on its circulat- product o f a very specific set of early 20th- officials at all levels use their position to Film and Culture 1993-1995 I ion were compiled. Student drinking and centuiy circumstances, but many of the collect bribes and divert resources into priv I travelling societies were seen as ‘counter things she describes - the hardships as well ate networks. Taking a leaf out of the Stalin Available from revolutionary’. The police arrested some stud as the coping strategies - are still in operat ist book, the Government tries to encour Plymbridge Distributors ents from Saratov who tried to get Germ ion in Russia today. Housing remains cramp age enthusiasm and support by rebuild Estover Road an visas for a holiday, claiming they were ed and substandard, no longer because it is ing Moscow and throwing up all kinds of Estover Plymouth Devon PL6 7PZ spies. A report on this ridiculous incident in short supply, but because so much of the monuments to the future. But in Stalin Phone: 01752-202301 was sent to the Politburo for serious dis stock has been privatised, gentrified, and ist times, such things inspired a certain Fax: 01752-202333 cussion and ‘political evaluation’. The Polit taken out of the reach of most people. The pride and hopefulness: now few people email: [email protected] buro was even afraid of dead people: if an average Russian today relies on all kinds of care. ‘Palaces on Monday’ is a notion of the ordinary citizen committed suicide the networks and subterfuges to secure and past □ 25 LONDON REVIEW OF BOOKS 2 MARCH 2000 Inside the Gulag Anne Applebaum Sistema Ispravitelno-Trudovikh tema Ispravitelno-Trudovikh Lagerei v whose fortunes would not be so di otherwise empty tundra. The naming Lagerei v SSSR, 1923-1960: SSSR, 1923-1960: Spravochnik (The Sys rectly linked to those of its author, of the camps is therefore no mean feat: Spravochnik tem of Labor Camps in the USSR, 1923- whose reception would not be colored imagine trying to study the history of (The System of Labor Camps in 1960: A Guide) decided to dedicate by so many layers of emotion. They the Nazi camps without knowing the USSR, 1923-1960: A Guide) their book to the “twenty-fifth anniver wanted the facts, as far as that was pos whether Auschwitz is an actual place edited by N. G. Okhotin and sary of the appearance of A. I. Solzhe sible, to speak for themselves. or a prisoners’ nickname, a camp or a A. B. Roginsky. nitsyn’s Gulag Archipelago." The Spra group of camps, which is exactly the Moscow: Zvenya, 598 pp. vochnik's editors were themselves of the T h e result is a book that is different situation in which earlier Soviet histo generation that had been most pro from Solzhenitsyn’s Gulag in almost rians found themselves. Labor Camp Socialism: The Gulag foundly affected by the publication of every possible way. Solzhenitsyn’s Nor is the placing of the camps a in the Soviet Totalitarian System Solzhenitsyn’s work. They are all active book, circulated in samizdat in the minor detail. We are all familiar with by Galina Mikhailovna Ivanova. members of the Memorial Society— early 1970s, was dramatically pub the image of the prisoner in the snow M. E. Sharpe, 208 pp., $62.95; an organization dedicated, since 1987, lished abroad in 1974. The Spravoch- storm, digging gold or coal with a pick $24.95 (paper) to writing the history of the Stalinist nik's plain black cover gives it a semi axe. There were plenty of them—mil Gulag v Komi Krai past, and to promoting human rights official appearance, as does the fact that lions, as the figures for the camps of (The Gulag in the Komi Region) in the present. it was published under the joint auspices Kolyma and Vorkuta make clear—but by N. A. Morozov. Nevertheless, their book was in of Memorial and the State Archive of there were also, we now know, camps in Siktivar: Siktivkarskii Universitet, tended to have an effect that would be the Russian Federation. Nor has it had central Moscow, where prisoners built 181 pp. apartment blocks or designed airplanes; camps in Krasnoyarsk where prisoners Gulag v Karelii (The Gulag in Karelia) ran nuclear power plants; fishing camps edited by Vasily Makurov. on the Pacific coast; collective farm Petrozavodsk: Karelskii Nauchni camps in southern Uzbekistan. The Tsentr RAN, 225 pp. Gulag photo albums in the Russian State Archive are full of pictures of Vyatlag prisoners with their camels. From Ak by Viktor Berdinskikh. tyubinsk to Yakutsk, there was not a Kirov: Kirovskaya Oblastnaya single major population center that did Tipografia, 318 pp. not have its own local camp or camps. Polyansky ITL In the Soviet Union of the 1940s, it would (Corrective Labor Camp) have been difficult, in many places, to by S. P. Kuchin. go about your daily business and not run Zheleznogorsk (Krasnoyarsk-26): into prisoners. It is no longer possible to Museino-Vystavochny Tsentr argue, as some Western historians have Zheleznogorska, 256 pp. done, that the camps were known to only a small proportion of the population.2 Till My Tale Is Told: Women's Memoirs of the Gulag .Archives have also made possible edited by Simeon Vilensky. A group o f new prisoners arrives in a camp, is stripped naked in the snow, and is thoroughly the first serious studies of the institu Indiana University Press, searched. From Naskalnaya Zhivopis (“Cliff Drawings”), the illustrated diaries o f Evfro- tional and administrative history of 364 pp., $35.00 siniya Kersonovskaya, a former prisoner whose drawings were published in Moscow in 1991. the camp system. Accounts of the his To some Russians, the memory of a Kersonovskaya writes, “The goal o f the search was to leave us the rags, and for the guards to tory of the system as a whole are given take the good things—sweaters, mittens, socks, scarves, vests, good shoes— for themselves. ” first encounter with Alexander Sol in the two comprehensive historical zhenitsyn’s Gulag Archipelago is as very different from Solzhenitsyn’s. the same kind of popular appeal. Like essays at the beginning of the Spra much a physical memory—the blurry, This was not only because they, like many books being published now in vochnik, as well as in Galina Ivanova’s mimeographed text, the dog-eared others, have been critical of Solzheni Russia, the Spravochnik had a tiny ini Labor Camp Socialism: The Gulag in paper, the dim glow of the lamp tsyn’s many small errors of fact and em tial Russian print run of two thousand the Soviet Totalitarian System —one of switched on late at night—as it is one phasis: his general historical conclu (the same number appeared simultane the first major books on the subject to of reading the revelatory text itself. sions have in fact stood up extremely ously in Polish). Yet eventually its im emerge out of the old world of “offi Although nearly three decades have well, proving that prisoners’ gossip pact may prove no less. This is not de cial” history, its author being affiliated passed since unbound, hand-typed was not so unreliable after all. What spite, but because of, the fact that it with the Russian Academy of Science. samizdat manuscripts of the work the wider community of camp sur consists mostly of lists: a list of every Dozens of regional historians have began circulating around what used to vivors and historians dislike is rather department of the Gulag (the word is also made use of provincial archives be the Soviet Union, many can also the emotions surrounding The Gulag an acronym for Glavnaya Upravlenia to describe the history of particular still recall the emotions stirred by pos Archipelago and the tone of it, which Lagerei, or Main Camp Administra camps, unfortunately often without sessing the book, remembering who is that of a great sage imparting a thun tion); a list of every subdepartment of footnotes or bibliographies. N. A. Mo gave it to them, who else knew about dering moral lesson to his people. the Gulag; and a list of all 476 camps rozov’s Gulag v Komi Krai (The it, whom they passed it on to next. “Only those who had been there knew whose existence has so far been identi Gulag in the Komi Region), Vasily In part, this was because The Gulag the whole truth,” he writes of his fel fied in the archives. We don’t, of course, M akurov’s Gulag v Karelii (The Gulag Archipelago, banned at home and low survivors: “But as though stricken know what remains to be declassified, in Karelia), and Viktor Berdinskikh’s published to great acclaim abroad, had dumb on the islands of the Archi and personal files of particular prison Vyatlag (describing the Vyatskii camps the allure of the forbidden. pelago, they kept their silence__ 5,1 ers are still difficult to obtain. But, in northern Russia) are perhaps the But the book’s appearance also That Solzhenitsyn chose to put him contrary to popular mythology, Rus three most professional. Also among marked the first time that anyone had self and his moral views at the center sian archives are not entirely closed: the better books in this genre is S. P. tried to write a history of the Soviet of the book also left it open to a par the authors are able to draw on many K uchin’s Polyansky ITL (Corrective concentration camps, using what in ticularly insidious form of attack: to thousands of secret police, party, gov Labor Camp)—although it is one formation was then available, mostly discredit its substance, it was neces ernment, and procuracy documents, (there are others) in which the author the “reports, memoirs and letters by sary only to discredit the author—to not to mention the administrative and tries to defend the Gulag’s legacy. 227 witnesses,” whom Solzhenitsyn hint, as the Soviet government did, financial archives of the Gulag itself. Thanks to the work of these and cites in his introduction. Many knew that he was a virulent nationalist, or As a result, reading the Spravochnik other writers, we can now see that Fe fragments of the story, from the cousin even that he might not be altogether is like watching a blurry image gradu liks Dzerzinsky, Lenin’s chief of secret who had been there or the neighbor’s sane. The same was true of many of ally come into focus. Inmates did not police, was mulling over a plan to use nephew who worked in the police. No the memoirs published on the subject. always know the precise name or loca prisoners to exploit the Soviet Union’s one, however, had attempted to put it When the editors of the Spravochnik tion of their camp. Some, including empty, mineral-rich far north as early all together, to tell, in effect, an alter began their “History of the Gulag” many German war prisoners, were de as 1925; that the early camps in the native history of the Soviet Union, project in 1990, they, like many young liberately not told where they were; Solovetsky Islands, run by the OGPU without which the previous fifty years Russian historians, were therefore others confused the name of their lag- (then the name for the secret police), were hard to comprehend, even for consciously trying to produce a book punkt, or camp unit, with the camp it those who had lived through them. self. Each of the 476 camps was, after 2See, for example, Robert W. Thur It was in acknowledgment of the con ’Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag all, made up of hundreds, even thou ston, Life and Terror in Stalin’s Russia, tribution Solzhenitsyn made to this al Archipelago, Vol. 1 (HarperPerennial, sands of lagpunkts, sometimes spread 1934-1941 (Yale University Press, ternative history that the editors of Sis 1991), p. x. out over thousands of square miles of 1996). June 15,-2000 33 were the first to try to make prisoner reached.4 Throughout the series of between those who think prisoner complained, for example, that “the labor profitable; and how the OGPU— meetings, the discussion was rather of labor was essential to the Soviet econ whole population of the camp, includ with Stalin’s full support—then wrested how many prisoners would be needed omy and those who think prisoner ing free workers, lives off flour. The the entire prison system away from to extract the resources of “underpop labor was a vast money-squandering only meal for prisoners is ‘bread’ made the justice and interior ministries in a ulated areas,” a euphemism for the and time-wasting distraction. In the from flour and water, without meats or series of institutional battles by the barely habitable far north. former category are many of the fats.” As a result, the inspector went end of the 1920s. True, the consensus was to vary Gulag’s former bosses, who argued on indignantly, there were high rates We also know that it was precisely greatly, from camp to camp and from (and argue) that certain kinds of tasks of illness, particularly scurvy—and, at this point that the Soviet camps year to year, about precisely how in could only have been completed at not surprisingly, the camp was failing ceased to be a harsh but recognizable humanly inmates should be treated. the required speed using prisoners. to meet its production norms. form of the Western penal system and Death rates were much lower in the Alexei Loginov, former deputy com The outrage ceased to seem surpris instead became something quite new. early 1930s and went up in 1933, at the mander of the Norilsk camps, gave a ing after I had read several dozen sim They became part of the Plan—the time of national famine; they fell again typical justification in an interview ilar reports, each of which used more Five-Year Plan, that is—the program and then were allowed to rise after with Angus Macqueen for his docu or less the same sort of language, and to industrialize the Soviet Union at in 1937. Finally, they were brought down mentary film GULAG, shown in July ended with more or less the same rit human speed. Although camp “cultural- again, as Galina Ivanova points out, 1999 on BBC2. ual conclusion: conditions needed to education sections” would continue to when Lavrenty Beria took over the be improved so that prisoners would spin propaganda about “rehabilita NKVD, the renam ed OGPU, in 1938. If we had sent civilians, we would work harder, and so that production tion” until Stalin’s death, prisoners, Arguing that the ill and the dying were first have had to build houses for norms would be met. Much odder is in practice, ceased to be regarded as destroying the efficiency of the NKVD’s them to live in. And how could the fact that despite Beria’s desire for human beings and were rather consid economic progress, Beria ordered the civilians live there? With prison profits, and despite a vast system of in ered to be expendable labor, to be fed food rations to be raised and output to ers it is easy—all you need is a spections and reports and reprimands, as little as possible and worked as hard no improvements were made in the as possible. The essence of the OGPU’s system once it was in place. “profitable” system, invented in the It might have been expected that Solovetsky Islands in the 1920s and small camps like Volgolag would have sold so successfully to Stalin, was to struggled to find food and supplies feed prisoners according to their pro during the war years, particularly dur ductivity. Prisoners were at times ing the “hungry winter” of 1941-1942. murdered in mass killings, at times de But although conditions nationally did liberately frozen to death in punish improve after the war, an inspection of ment “isolators,” and at times shot twenty-three jarge camps in 1948 still by guards eager to claim bonuses for concluded, among other things, that 75 killing “escapees”; but for the most percent of the prisoners in Norillag in part, it was this system for allotting or northern Siberia had no warm boots; denying food to prisoners, not delib that the number of prisoners unfit for erate killing, that caused the greatest hard labor in Karelia had recently number of deaths. The weak prisoner, tripled; that death rates were still “too in the famous words of one survivor, high” in half a dozen camps—too high, that is, to allow for efficient produc quickly falls into a vicious circle. tion .7 The reports make the reader re Since he cannot do his full quota call the inspectors of Gogol’s era: the of work, he does not receive the forms were observed, the reports were full bread ration: TTTTiTIWrTroiir!-" filed, the effects on actual human be ished body is still less able to meet A hospital for “strict-regime” prisoners, Vorkuta, 1945. This photograph was taken by ings were ignored. Camp commanders the demands, and so he gets less camp guards, and was preserved in the Gulag’s archives in Moscow. were routinely reprimanded for failing and less bread— He employs his to improve living conditions, living last remaining strength to creep be increased. This was not out of kind barrack, an oven with a chimney, conditions continued to fail to im off into an out-of-the-way cor ness: when there were other priorities, and they survive.6 as there were during the war, food prove, and there the discussion ended. n er__ Only the fearful cold finds None of which is to say that the rations dropped again. What really Yet although it was, at the time, taken him out and mercifully gives him camps were not also intended to ter interested him was proving that the as axiomatic that prison labor was his sole desire: peace, sleep, death.3 rorize and subjugate the population. NKVD could be a powerful part of the cheaper—in 1935, Genrikh Yagoda, Certainly prison and camp regimes, By the time the camps began to ex economy. Hence, for example, his spe then chief of the OGPU, wrote a letter which were dictated in minute detail pand in the late 1920s, the Soviet cial role in promoting the “Special to Stalin promising that every kilome by Moscow, were openly designed to Union, a society allegedly inspired by Technical Bureau” of the NKVD, the ter of road built by prisoners would be humiliate prisoners. The prisoners’ Marx and Marxism, had taken the offices and laboratories where prisoner- 50,000 rubles cheaper—the consensus belts, buttons, garters, and items made commodification of labor to new specialists, among them the brilliant among the new generation of Russian of elastic were taken away from them; heights. In the concentration camps engineer Andrei Tupolev, designed historians is that the camp system was they were described as “enemies,” and that emerged at the beginning of the military aircraft and artillery systems in fact an inefficient diversion of the forbidden to use the word “comrade.” 1930s, human beings’ worth was calcu and other technical projects. Their country’s resources, which perma Such measures contributed to the de lated, like that of the camp horses, in existence was known—Solzhenitsyn nently damaged its economic develop humanization of prisoners in the eyes units of labor. Perhaps unexpectedly, described them in his novel The First ment. In Labor Camp Socialism, Galina of camp guards and bureaucrats, who this attitude was already clearly re Circle—but only now is it possible to Ivanova points out that the economic therefore found it that much easier not flected in the language of the Gulag’s see how important they were to their activity of the secret police was, by the to treat them as people, or even as fel original founders, who, when they met founders.5 late 1940s, “so irrational and ineffi low citizens. in 1929 to discuss the expansion of the Contrary to popular belief, it was cient that even such a potentially lu camps, spoke among themselves al only in the 1940s that the Gulag then crative form of commercial activity as N ow here is this powerful ideological most entirely in terms of economics. became, in the words of the Spravoch- ‘renting out workers’ did not bring the combination—the disregarding of the n ik's authors, a fully fledged “camp- ministry any profit.” Oleg Khlevniuk, humanity of prisoners, combined with .According to the records of their industrial complex,” an integral and who is currently compiling a collection the need to fulfill the Plan—clearer conversations, the ministers and Polit important part of the Soviet economy: of Gulag documents for Yale Univer than in the camp inspection reports, buro members who were planning the camps reached their peak in indus sity Press, also notes that in calculating submitted periodically by local prose what was to become one of the crud trial might not, as is usually assumed, the Gulag’s efficiency, the system’s cutors, and now kept neatly on file in est prison systems in the world never in 1937-1938 but in 1950-1952. How masters failed to count the costs of the the Moscow archives. Discovering them discussed the need to punish prison fully integrated and how important repressive system, including the costs almost by accident, I was shocked, at ers, never mentioned their living they were is still the subject of debate of the guards, of the deaths, and most first, both by their frankness and by conditions, and certainly never re of all of the misdirected talent.8 How S.A. Krasilnikov, “Rozhdenia GU- ferred to the official ideology of “re 4 the peculiar kind of outrage they ex did it serve the country to have bril LAGa: Diskusii v Verkhnikh Eshelon- education” in their internal debates press. Describing conditions in Volgo liant physicists (not all of them made akh Vlasti,” Istoricheskii Arkhiv, No. 4 about the new system, which went on lag, a railroad construction camp in it into Beria’s “Special Technical Bu (1997), pp. 142-156. For Stalin's inter Tatarstan in July 1942, one inspector for about a year. Stalin, although not ventions, see Lars Lih, Oleg Naumov, reaus”) digging coal? present, took a great interest in the and Oleg Khlevniuk, editors, Stalin’s '’This film was the first in English to in proceedings, occasionally intervening Letters to Molotov (Yale University terview both prisoners and camp com 7GARF, fond 8131, opis 37, delo 1253 if the “wrong” conclusions were Press, 1995), p. 212. manders. Excerpts from some of the and 4547. 5Aleksandr I. Kokurin, “Osoboye interviews also appeared in an article s01eg Khlevniuk, “Prinuditelny Trud v 3Elinor Lipper, Eleven Years in Soviet Tekhnicheskoye Byuro NKVD SSSR,” by Angus Macqueen in Granta 64 Ekonomike SSSR, 1929-1941 gody,” Camps (London: World Affairs Book Istoricheskii Arkhiv, No. 1 (1999), pp. (Winter 1998), pp. 37-53, under the Svobodnaya Msyl, No. 13 (1992), Club, 1950), pp. 105-106. 85-99. title “Survivors.” pp. 73-84. 34 The New York Review Collection Number: A3299 Collection Name: Hilda and Rusty BERNSTEIN Papers, 1931-2006 PUBLISHER: Publisher: Historical Papers Research Archive Collection Funder: Bernstein family Location: Johannesburg ©2015 LEGAL NOTICES: Copyright Notice: All materials on the Historical Papers website are protected by South African copyright law and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, or otherwise published in any format, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner. 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