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Introduction Notes Introduction 1. Oleg V. Khlevniuk, The History of the Gulag: From Collectivization to the Great Terror (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), 2. 2. The secret police (then OGPU) began controlling a large percentage of the prison system in 1928–1930; in 1931 they began to oversee “special settlers.” Anne Applebaum, Gulag: A History (New York: Anchor Books, 2003), 50. 3. The system was evolving as early as the 1923 establishment of the proto-Gulag camps on the Solevetskii Islands, and arguably earlier. 4. Other categories of exiles existed, but, unlike the special settlers, they were neither subject to forced labor nor under the surveillance of the secret police. J. Otto Pohl, The Stalinist Penal System (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 1997), 55. 5. Exact figures will probably never be known. According to NKVD documents, nearly 1.4 million of those arrested were convicted, and more than half of them executed. See J. Arch Getty and Oleg V. Naumov, The Road to Terror: Stalin and the Self-Destruction of the Bolsheviks, 1932–39 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), 588–89; Khlevniuk, History of the Gulag, 289–90. 6. Applebaum, Gulag, xxxiv. 7. Pohl, Stalinist Penal System, 5. 8. Orlando Figes, The Whisperers: Private Life in Stalin’s Russia (New York: Metro- politan Books, 2007), xxxi. 9. Applebaum, Gulag, 510. 10. For compelling visual images and narrative accounts of daily life in the Gulag, see gulaghistory.org. 11. Steven A. Barnes, Death and Redemption: The Gulag and the Shaping of Soviet Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, forthcoming). 12. Applebaum, Gulag, 190–95. 13. Gulag Boss, the memoir of a camp official, provides an important new perspec- tive on these officials’ lives, making it clear that choices made by Gulag guards were often made under intense pressure. Fyodor Mochulsky, Gulag Boss: A Soviet Memoir, trans. Deborah Kaple (Oxford University Press, 2010). 14. Edwin Bacon, The Gulag at War: Stalin’s Forced Labour System in the Light of the Archives (New York: New York University Press, 1994), passim; Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment (London: Pimlico, 2008), xviii; Getty and Naumov, Road to Terror, 590–94; Steven Rosefielde, “Incriminating Evidence: Excess Deaths and Forced Labor under Stalin—A Final Reply to Critics,” Soviet Studies vol. 39, no. 2 (1987): 292, 304; Stephen Wheatcroft, “More Light on the 224 / Notes Scale of Repression and Excess Mortality in the Soviet Union in the 1930s,” Soviet Studies vol. 42, no. 2 (1990): 355–59; 366. 15. Personal communication between Jehanne Gheith and Iurii Brodskii, July 2005. 16. Nanci Adler, “Return of the Repressed,” in Daniel Bertaux, Paul Thompson, and Anna Rotkirch, eds., On Living Through Soviet Russia (London: Routledge, 2004), 215. 17. Nanci Adler, The Gulag Survivor: Beyond the Soviet System (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2002), 27. 18. Kathleen E. Smith, Remembering Stalin’s Victims: Popular Memory and the End of the USSR (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996), 137. 19. Adler, Gulag Survivor, 263. 20. Adler, Gulag Survivor, 31. 21. Daria Khubova, Andrei Ivankiev, and Tonia Sharova, “After Glasnost: Oral History in the Soviet Union,” in Luisa Passerini, ed., International Yearbook of Oral History and Life Stories, Vol. 1, Memory and Totalitarianism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 89. 22. Stephen Jones supports this point: “Soviet propaganda creates a chasm between official and popular reality. Under these conditions, official history, as part of official reality, becomes suspect, and personal memory becomes the ‘truth.’ In Western pluralist systems, history as conveyed by historians and the media, is seen, on the whole, as more trustworthy than personal memories.” Stephen F. Jones, “Old Ghosts and New Chains: Ethnicity and Memory in the Georgian Republic,” in Rubie S. Watson, ed., Memory, History, and Opposition under State Socialism (Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 1994), 153–54. 23. Khubova, Ivankiev, and Sharova, “After Glasnost,” 95–96. 24. Adler, Gulag Survivor, 40. 25. Catherine Merridale, Ivan’s War: Life and Death in the Red Army, 1939–1945 (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2006), 48. 26. Vieda Skultans, The Testimony of Lives: Narrative and Memory in Post-Soviet Latvia (New York: Routledge, 1998), xii, xiii. 27. Khubova, Ivankiev, and Sharova, “After Glasnost,” 95–96; Bertaux, Thompson, and Rotkirch, On Living, 10. 28. Sheila Fitzpatrick and Yuri Slezkine, eds., In the Shadow of Revolution: Life Stories of Russian Women from 1917 to the Second World War, trans. Yuri Slezkine (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 3–4; Lisa A. Kirschenbaum, “Innocent Victims and Heroic Defenders: Children and the Siege of Leningrad,” in James Marten, ed., Children and War: A Historical Anthology (New York: New York University Press, 2002), 288. 29. See, for example, Svetlana Alexievich, Voices from Chernobyl, trans. Keith Gessen (London: Dalkey Archive Press, 2005); Catherine Merridale, Night of Stone: Death and Memory in Twentieth-Century Russia (New York: Penguin, 2000) and Ivan’s War. Stephen Jones also alludes to this aspect of memory in the USSR. Writing on Georgian national identity, he suggests that the USSR’s attempt to destroy certain kinds of memory (such as those of the national minorities) actually made those memories stronger: there was a powerful reason to remember. Jones, “Old Ghosts,” 160–64. 30. Irina Paperno, Stories of the Soviet Experience: Memoirs, Diaries, Dreams (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009). Notes / 225 31. Khubova, Ivankiev, and Sharova, “After Glasnost,” 96. 32. Alessandro Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories: Form and Meaning in Oral History (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1991), 2. 33. Shoshana Felman and Dori Laub, Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History (New York: Routledge, 1992), 60. 34. Adi Kunstman has recently called for scholarship of the Gulag to “provide a more careful and informed reading of the memoirs’ silences, and question the very formations of humanness in the memoirs.” Adi Kuntsman, “‘With a Shade of Disgust’: Affective Politics of Sexuality and Class in Memoirs of the Stalinist Gulag,” Slavic Review vol. 68, no. 2 (2009): 328. Although the oral histories pre- sented here rarely directly address the questions of “disgust” and maintenance of boundaries that Kuntsman describes, they do provide important additional perspectives on the memoirs’ silences. 35. Lawrence Langer, Holocaust Testimonies: The Ruins of Memory (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991), x–xi, 15, 57, and passim. 36. Solzhenitsyn conducted interviews of Gulag survivors before the 1980s as did Irina Sherbakova. Although they did not publish transcripts of these interviews, their works provide sources that can be referred to in thinking about how time period affects the shaping of memory and narrative. See Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago: An Experiment in Literary Investigation, trans. Thomas P. Whitney (New York: Harper and Row, 1974); Irina Sherbakova, “The Gulag in Memory,” in Passerini, International Yearbook of Oral History, 103–15. Readers may also want to look at the post-perestroika interviews (in Russian) online at orlandofiges.com. 37. This is one of the central arguments in Svetlana Boym, Common Places: Mythologies of Everyday Life in Russia (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). 38. Examples include: Adler, Gulag Survivor; Applebaum, Gulag; Barnes, Death and Redemption; Figes, The Whisperers; Skultans, Testimony; Cathy Frierson and Simeon Vilensky, Children of the Gulag (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010). 39. All of the American interviewers in this volume obtained oral or verbal consent from interviewees in compliance with U.S. federal requirements on research with human subjects as administered by the Institutional Review Board of their respec- tive universities (Cathy Frierson, University of New Hampshire; Jehanne Gheith, Duke University; Emily Johnson, University of Oklahoma). 40. Iosif Segal, “Mnogolikaya Vishera,” in Zemlya Rodnaya. Vishera. Zametki, ocherki, stat’i (Perm’, 1995), 85, cited in Judith Pallot, “Forced Labour for Forestry: The Twentieth Century History of Colonisation and Settlement in the North of Perm’ Oblast’,” Europe-Asia Studies vol. 54, no. 7 (2002): 1056. 1 A Life in the Forest 1. Lynne Viola, The Unknown Gulag: The Lost World of Stalin’s Special Settlements (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 6. 2. Viola, Unknown Gulag, 2. 3. Viola, Unknown Gulag, 196. 4. James R. Harris, “The Growth of the Gulag: Forced Labor in the Urals Region, 1929–1931,” The Russian Review vol. 56, no. 2 (1997): 270–273. 226 / Notes 5. Harris, “Growth of the Gulag,” 277. 6. Stephen Kotkin, “Coercion and Identity: Workers’ Lives in Stalin’s Showcase City,” in Making Workers Soviet: Power, Class, and Identity, ed. Lewis H. Siegelbaum and Ronald Grigor Suny (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994), 279. 7. On the rights and duties of kulaks, and abuses by commandants, see Viola, Unknown Gulag, 91–113. 8. Balashina mistakenly refers to the Tagil oblast—it was an okrug (county), a geo- graphic unit that was later eliminated. 9. In 1928 the Ministry of the Interior founded an experimental camp in the Urals where repeat criminals were sent to process timber. Plans for similar colonies were already in the works when a decree, in July 1929, called for the establishment of logging camps in remote areas, where the labor of prisoners would be exploited. This was deemed necessary as workers did not move to these harsh areas volun- tarily, and the development of the timber industry was crucial to the regime’s industrialization plans. Peter H. Solomon, “Soviet Penal Policy, 1917–1934: A Reinterpretation,” Slavic Review vol. 39, no. 2 (1980): 208–9. 10. On the famine, see Robert Conquest, Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); R.W. Davies and Stephen G. Wheatcroft, Industrialization of Soviet Russia: Years of Hunger (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).
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