DOCSLIB.ORG

Palmer Raids (The Raids of the 1920’S) UNITED STATES HISTORY WRITTEN BY: Gregory Dehler See Article History Alternative Title: Palmer Red Raids BRITANNICA STORIES

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Palmer Raids (The Raids of the 1920’S) UNITED STATES HISTORY WRITTEN BY: Gregory Dehler See Article History Alternative Title: Palmer Red Raids BRITANNICA STORIES Palmer Raids (The Raids of the 1920’s) UNITED STATES HISTORY WRITTEN BY: Gregory Dehler See Article History Alternative Title: Palmer Red Raids BRITANNICA STORIES Palmer Raids, also called Palmer Red Raids, raids conducted by the U.S. Department of Justice in 1919 and 1920 in an attempt to arrest foreign anarchists, communists, and radical leftists, many of whom were subsequently deported. The raids, fueled by social unrest following World War I, were led by Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer and are viewed as the climax of that era’s so-called Red Scare. A. Mitchell Palmer. Harris and Ewing Collection/Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. (digital file no. LC-DIG-hec-16294) The emotional pitch of World War I did not abate with the armistice, and rampant inflation, unemployment, massive and violent strikes, and brutal race riots in the United States contributed to a sense of fear and foreboding in 1919. A mail bomb plot, consisting of 36 explosive packages designed to go off on May Day, 1919, triggered a grave fear that a Bolshevik conspiracy sought the overthrow of the United States. On June 2, 1919, a second series of bombings took place, destroying Palmer’s home and leading to increased public pressure for action against the radical agitators. Palmer was a latecomer to the anticommunist cause and had a history of supporting civil liberties. However, he was ambitious to obtain the Democratic nomination for the presidency in 1920 and believed that he could establish himself as the law-and-order candidate. Together with J. Edgar Hoover, Palmer created the General Intelligence Division in the Federal Bureau of Investigation and secured an increase in funds from Congress to devote to anticommunist activities by the Justice Department. On November 7, 1919 (the second anniversary of the Bolshevik takeover of Russia), U.S. federal and local authorities raided the headquarters of the Union of Russian Workers in New York City and arrested more than 200 individuals. On November 25 a second raid on the Union of Russian Workers headquarters unveiled a false wall and a bomb factory, confirming suspicions that the union harboured revolutionary intentions. Palmer believed that the way to deal with the radicals was to deport the immigrants. On December 21, 249 radicals, including anarchist Emma Goldman, were packed aboard the USS Buford, which the press dubbed the Soviet Ark, and deported to Russia. On January 2, 1920, the most spectacular of the Palmer Raids took place, when thousands of individuals (estimates vary between 3,000 and 10,000) were arrested in more than 30 cities. The following day, federal, state, and local agents conducted further raids. In all the Palmer Raids, arrests greatly exceeded the number of warrants that had been obtained from the courts, and many of those arrested were guilty of nothing more than having a foreign accent. Palmer declared the raids a success but announced that the work was far from done. He claimed that there were still more than 300,000 dangerous communists inside the United States. Local authorities lacked the facilities to hold the arrestees from the January raids, and Palmer sent a large number of suspected radicals to the Bureau of Immigration for deportation. Acting Secretary of Labor Louis Post, however, did not share Palmer’s fear of radical aliens and reversed more than 70 percent of the 1,600 deportation warrants. Meantime, American public opinion shifted under Palmer’s feet. As news of the brutality of the raids became public and the constitutionality of the actions was brought into question, many, including the National Civil Liberties Bureau, publicly challenged Palmer’s actions. Palmer’s unfulfilled dire predictions of a May Day 1920 revolution destroyed his credibility with the public, diminishing the Red Scare and ending the Palmer Raids. Fearing a communist revolutionary takeover of the U.S., Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer set in motion a hunt for conspirators, called the Palmer Raids. Read about these raids and test your understanding with a quiz. The Red Scare Though the U.S. and the Allies won World War I in 1918, there was still fear in the air. Influential journalist Walter Lippman wrote, 'We seem to be the most frightened victors the world ever saw.' So what were Americans so scared of? In 1917 the Bolsheviks (nicknamed the 'Reds') took control of Russia and created the world's first communist state. They declared their goal of fomenting a worldwide communist revolution. Many Americans were sympathetic to the Bolshevik's anti-capitalist views: socialists were elected as mayors and council members in many U.S. cities, and the socialist candidate for president Eugene V. Debs, languishing in federal prison for criticizing America's role in World War I, received almost 1 million votes in the 1920 election. Radical labor unions challenged their employers with a series of strikes and violent confrontations. And anarchists triggered bombs in courthouses and police stations, killing dozens. This set off the Red Scare: a fear of revolutionary violence in the United States. Many Americans feared revolutionary violence during the Red Scare When a bomb destroyed the front of the U.S. Attorney General's house in June, 1919, he vowed to stop the pending anti-capitalist revolution in America. The Attorney General, a man named A. Mitchell Palmer, proclaimed that a 'blaze of revolution' was 'sweeping over every American institution of law and order.' The aftermath of the bombing of the house of Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer The Palmer Raids Beginning in 1918 and continuing through 1920, Palmer spearheaded a nationwide hunt for potential revolutionaries. He argued that anyone who might harbor ideas that could lead to violence should be detained and deported, even if they hadn't committed an actual crime. Palmer set up a Radical Division within the Justice Department, and the new division's sole aim was to seek out revolutionaries. The Palmer Raids targeted radical labor unions such as the Industrial Workers of the World and the Union of Russian Workers. Federal officials also roughed up and arrested immigrants, socialists, and communists. The largest of the Palmer Raids occurred in January, 1920, when Palmer's henchmen broke down doors in over 30 cities. Almost 6,000 people were arrested, many taken from their homes without arrest warrants. Though Palmer claimed to have captured a variety of conspirators and subversives, the truth was something different. Most of the 500 people that were deported as result of the raids were nothing more than intellectual radicals who had committed no crime nor participated in anything illegal. But Americans were scared, so they allowed Palmer to act with impunity. Fear-mongers like A. Mitchell Palmer usually go too far. And Palmer did when he announced that he had uncovered a revolutionary conspiracy set to be unleashed on May 1, 1920. Palmer predicted an orgy of violence and destruction. Heeding his warning, states sent out militias, bomb squads, and police en masse. A Byte Out of History The Palmer Raids 12/28/07 The bomb hit home, both literally and figuratively. On June 2, 1919, a militant anarchist named Carlo Valdinoci blew up the front of newly appointed Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer’s home in Washington, D.C.—and himself up in the process when the bomb exploded too early. A young Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt, who lived across the street, were also shaken by the blast. The bombing was just one in a series of coordinated attacks that day on judges, politicians, law enforcement officials, and others in eight cities nationwide. About a month earlier, radicals had also mailed bombs to the mayor of Seattle and a U.S. Senator, blowing the hands The destruction caused by the bombing off the senator’s domestic worker. The next day, a postal worker in of Attorney General Palmer’s home. New York City intercepted 16 more packages addressed to political and business leaders, including John D. Rockefeller. It was already a time of high anxiety in America—driven by a deadly wave of the pandemic flu, the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and ensuing over-hyped “Red Scare,” and sometimes violent labor strikes across the country. The nation demanded a response to the bombings, and the Attorney General—who had his eye on the White House in 1920—was ready to oblige. He created a small division to gather intelligence on the radical threat and placed a young Justice Department lawyer named J. Edgar Hoover in charge. Hoover collected and organized every scrap of intelligence gathered by the Bureau of Investigation (the FBI’s predecessor) and by other agencies to identify anarchists most likely involved in violent activity. The young Bureau, meanwhile, continued to investigate those responsible for the bombings. Later that fall, the Department of Justice began arresting, under recently passed laws like the Sedition Act, suspected radicals and foreigners identified by Hoover’s group, including well-known leaders Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman. In December, with much public fanfare, a number of radicals were put on a ship dubbed the “Red Ark” or “Soviet Ark” by the press and deported to Russia. At this point, though, politics, inexperience, and overreaction got the better of Attorney General Palmer and his department. Hoover—with the encouragement of Palmer and the help of the Department of Labor— started planning a massive roundup of radicals. By early January 1920, the plans were ready. The department Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer organized simultaneous raids in major cities, with local police called on to arrest thousands of suspected anarchists. But the ensuing “Palmer Raids” turned into a nightmare, marked by poor communications, planning, and intelligence about who should be targeted and how many arrest warrants would be needed.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Palmer Primary Source Analysis
    Palmer’s Case Against “Red” 1920 ! Primary Source Analysis Image Analysis Point of View Writing Prompt Copyright Stephanie’s History Store Brief Background! In 1919 and 1920, Attorney General Palmer led a crusade against Americans believed to be “leftist,” “anarchists,” and threats to the general safety of democratic America. His plan was to arrest and deport those threats to America. The Department of Labor thwarted many of Palmer’s deportations attempt because deportation was under its jurisdiction and the Department objected to Palmer’s methods. These Palmer Raids were one aspect of the Red Scare, the fear of, and reaction to, political radicals in America. With the Russian Revolution making !news, for many people this Red Scare became more of a reality. A fear was that the Russian Revolution would bleed into America via Russian immigrants and other immigrants sympathetic to the Russian cause. People were targeted by Palmer both fairly and unfairly. A person could denounce his or her neighbor and proof of radical activities was not necessary for the arrest to happen. Below is a speech given by Palmer regarding his crusade against “Red.” In two years hundreds of individuals were deported, multiple thousands were arrested, and more than a few were unfortunately innocent of being !anarchists, communists, or leftists. Attorney General Palmer’s Case! Against the “Reds,” 1920 In this brief review of the work which the Department of Justice has undertaken, to tear out the radical seeds that have entangled American ideas in their poisonous theories, I desire not merely to explain what the real menace of communism is, but also to tell how we have been compelled to clean up the country almost unaided by !any virile legislation.
    [Show full text]
  • When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
    WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context.
    [Show full text]
  • The Life and Times of Emma Goldman: a Curriculum for Middle and High School Students
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 356 998 SO 023 057 AUTHOR Falk, Candace; And Others TITLE The Life and Times of Emma Goldman: A Curriculum for Middle and High School Students. Primary Historical Documents on: Immigration, Freedom of Expression, Women's Rights, Anti-Militarism, Art and Literature of Social Change. INSTITUTION California Univ., Berkeley. Emma Goldman Papers Project.; Los Angeles Educational Partnership, CA.; New Directions Curriculum Developers, Berkeley, CA. REPORT NO ISBN-0-9635443-0-6 PUB DATE 92 NOTE 139p.; Materials reproduced from other sources will not reproduce well. AVAILABLE FROMEmma Goldman Papers Project, University of California, 2372 Ellsworth Street, Berkeley, CA 94720 ($13, plus $3 shipping). PCB TYPE Guides Classroom Use Teaching Guides (For Teacher) (052) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC06 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Females; Feminism; Freedom of Speech; Higher Education; High Schools; Hig ,School Students; *Humanities Instruction; Intermediate Grades; Junior High Schools; Labor; Middle Schools; Primary Sources; *Social Studies; *United States History; Units of Study IDENTIFIERS *Goldman (Emma); Middle School Students ABSTRACT The documents in this curriculum unit are drawn from the massive archive collected by the Emma Goldman Papers Project at the University of California (Berkeley). They are linked to the standard social studies and humanities curriculum themes of art and literature, First Amendment rights, labor, progressive politics, and Red Scare, the rise of industrialization, immigration, women's rights, World War I, and
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Workingmen's Association, Sometimes Called The
    Speer: History of the Union of Russian Workers [April 8, 1919] 1 The Russian Workingmen’s Association, sometimes called the Union of Russian Workers (What It Is and How It Operates). [A Bureau of Investigation Internal Report] April 8, 1919 by Edgar B. Speer Report prepared in he Pittsburgh Office of the Bureau of Investigation. Document in DoJ/BoI Investigative Files, NARA M-1085, reel. 926, file 325570. At Pittsburgh, Pa. included some of the Russian Anarchists. There was trouble among the members of this organization and From the 6th to the 9th of January, 1919, the a Russian Anarchist by the name of William Shatov, 2nd Convention of the Russian Colonies was held in sometimes called Shatoff, who now occupies a promi- New York City. One hundred twenty-three delegates nent position in the Lenin Government in Russia; participated in the convention and they represented another Russian by the name of A. Rode, who is still 33,975 Russians, according to the Soviet of Working- living in the United States; a man by the name of men’s Deputies of the US and Canada Weekly. The inde- Dieproski; a Finnish Anarchist by the name of Peter- pendent element was represented by 60 delegates; son, who it is understood is still living in the United Union of Russian Workers, 49; Socialists, 9; Indus- States under the name of Peters; and several others. trial Workers of the World, 2; and Anarchists, 3. Dur- These met and formed a Russian Anarchist Group. ing the convention, Peter Bianki, who represented the The Group was in existence about 6 months when it Union of Russian Workers of the United States and began the publication of a monthly paper called Golos Canada and the Anarchists, declared from the con- Truda (Voice of Labor).
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Modernism and Yiddish Literature
    i “Any Minute Now the World’s Overflowing Its Border”: Anarchist Modernism and Yiddish Literature by Anna Elena Torres A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Joint Doctor of Philosophy with the Graduate Theological Union in Jewish Studies and the Designated Emphasis in Women, Gender and Sexuality in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Chana Kronfeld, Chair Professor Naomi Seidman Professor Nathaniel Deutsch Professor Juana María Rodríguez Summer 2016 ii “Any Minute Now the World’s Overflowing Its Border”: Anarchist Modernism and Yiddish Literature Copyright © 2016 by Anna Elena Torres 1 Abstract “Any Minute Now the World’s Overflowing Its Border”: Anarchist Modernism and Yiddish Literature by Anna Elena Torres Joint Doctor of Philosophy with the Graduate Theological Union in Jewish Studies and the Designated Emphasis in Women, Gender and Sexuality University of California, Berkeley Professor Chana Kronfeld, Chair “Any Minute Now the World’s Overflowing Its Border”: Anarchist Modernism and Yiddish Literature examines the intertwined worlds of Yiddish modernist writing and anarchist politics and culture. Bringing together original historical research on the radical press and close readings of Yiddish avant-garde poetry by Moyshe-Leyb Halpern, Peretz Markish, Yankev Glatshteyn, and others, I show that the development of anarchist modernism was both a transnational literary trend and a complex worldview. My research draws from hitherto unread material in international archives to document the world of the Yiddish anarchist press and assess the scope of its literary influence. The dissertation’s theoretical framework is informed by diaspora studies, gender studies, and translation theory, to which I introduce anarchist diasporism as a new term.
    [Show full text]
  • The Danger of Dissent: a Century of Targeting Immigrants
    NYLS Law Review Vols. 22-63 (1976-2019) Volume 65 Issue 2 Volume 65, Issue 2, 2020/21: A CENTURY OF TARGETING IMMIGRANTS: FROM Article 1 THE RED SCARE TO THE TRAVEL BAN January 2020 The Danger of Dissent: A Century of Targeting Immigrants Lenni B. Benson New York Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/nyls_law_review Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Lenni B. Benson, The Danger of Dissent: A Century of Targeting Immigrants, 65 N.Y.L. SCH. L. REV. 133 (2020-2021). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Law Review by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 65 | 2020/21 VOLUME 65 | 2020/21 LENNI B. BENSON Te Danger of Dissent: A Century of Targeting Immigrants 65 N.Y.L. Sch. L. Rev. 133 (2020–2021) This article is an adaptation of the remarks Professor Benson delivered at the New York Law School Law Review symposium on November 8, 2019, titled “A Century of Targeting Immigrants: From the Red Scare to the Travel Ban.” It would not exist without the support, research, and contributions of Andrew Goltzman, J.D., New York Law School, 2020. ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Lenni B. Benson is a Distinguished Chair in Immigration and Human Rights Law, New York Law School; Founder and Senior Advisor, Safe Passage Project. J.D. Arizona State University College of Law, 1983; B.S. Arizona State University, 1980.
    [Show full text]
  • “For a World Without Oppressors:” U.S. Anarchism from the Palmer
    “For a World Without Oppressors:” U.S. Anarchism from the Palmer Raids to the Sixties by Andrew Cornell A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Social and Cultural Analysis Program in American Studies New York University January, 2011 _______________________ Andrew Ross © Andrew Cornell All Rights Reserved, 2011 “I am undertaking something which may turn out to be a resume of the English speaking anarchist movement in America and I am appalled at the little I know about it after my twenty years of association with anarchists both here and abroad.” -W.S. Van Valkenburgh, Letter to Agnes Inglis, 1932 “The difficulty in finding perspective is related to the general American lack of a historical consciousness…Many young white activists still act as though they have nothing to learn from their sisters and brothers who struggled before them.” -George Lakey, Strategy for a Living Revolution, 1971 “From the start, anarchism was an open political philosophy, always transforming itself in theory and practice…Yet when people are introduced to anarchism today, that openness, combined with a cultural propensity to forget the past, can make it seem a recent invention—without an elastic tradition, filled with debates, lessons, and experiments to build on.” -Cindy Milstein, Anarchism and Its Aspirations, 2010 “Librarians have an ‘academic’ sense, and can’t bare to throw anything away! Even things they don’t approve of. They acquire a historic sense. At the time a hand-bill may be very ‘bad’! But the following day it becomes ‘historic.’” -Agnes Inglis, Letter to Highlander Folk School, 1944 “To keep on repeating the same attempts without an intelligent appraisal of all the numerous failures in the past is not to uphold the right to experiment, but to insist upon one’s right to escape the hard facts of social struggle into the world of wishful belief.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Anti-Anarchism: the Origins of Ideological Deportation and the Suppression of Expression
    Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies Volume 19 Issue 1 Article 7 Winter 2012 Global Anti-Anarchism: The Origins of ideological Deportation and the Suppression of Expression Julia Rose Kraut New York University Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijgls Part of the Immigration Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Kraut, Julia Rose (2012) "Global Anti-Anarchism: The Origins of ideological Deportation and the Suppression of Expression," Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies: Vol. 19 : Iss. 1 , Article 7. Available at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijgls/vol19/iss1/7 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School Journals at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies by an authorized editor of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Global Anti-Anarchism: The Origins of Ideological Deportation and the Suppression of Expression JULIA ROSE KRAUT* ABSTRACT On September 6, 1901, a self-proclaimed anarchist named Leon Czolgosz fatally shot President William McKinley at the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, New York. This paper places the suppression of anarchists and the exclusion and deportation of foreigners in the aftermath of the "shot that shocked the world" within the context of international anti-anarchist efforts, and reveals that President McKinley's assassination successfully pulled the United States into an existing global conversation over how to combat anarchist violence. This paper argues that these anti-anarchistrestrictions and the suppression of expression led to the emergence of a "free speech consciousness" among anarchists,and others, and to the formation of the Free Speech League, predecessor of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU).
    [Show full text]
  • The Long Red Scare: Anarchism, Antiradicalism, and Ideological Exclusion in the Progressive Era Adam Quinn University of Vermont
    University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM Graduate College Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2016 The Long Red Scare: Anarchism, Antiradicalism, and Ideological Exclusion in the Progressive Era Adam Quinn University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Quinn, Adam, "The Long Red Scare: Anarchism, Antiradicalism, and Ideological Exclusion in the Progressive Era" (2016). Graduate College Dissertations and Theses. 582. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/582 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate College Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE LONG RED SCARE: ANARCHISM, ANTIRADICALISM, AND IDEOLOGICAL EXCLUSION IN THE PROGRESSIVE ERA A Thesis Presented by Adam Quinn to The Faculty of the Graduate College of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Specializing in History May, 2016 Defense Date: March 24, 2016 Thesis Examination Committee: Nicole Phelps, Ph.D. Advisor Dona Brown, Ph.D., Second Reader Alec Ewald, Ph.D., Chairperson Cynthia J. Forehand, Ph.D., Dean of the Graduate College ABSTRACT From 1919 to 1920 the United States carried out a massive campaign against radicals, arresting and deporting thousands of radical immigrants in a matter of months, raiding and shutting down anarchist printing shops, and preventing anarchists from sending both periodicals and personal communications through the mail. This period is widely known as the First Red Scare, and is framed as a reaction to recent anarchist terrorism, syndicalist unionizing, and the Bolshevik Revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Periodicals in English Published in the United (1833–1955) States (1833–1955): an Annotated Guide, Ernesto A
    Anarchist Periodicals REFERENCE • ANARCHIST PERIODICALS Longa in English In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, dozens of anarchist publications appeared throughout the United States despite limited fi nancial resources, a pestering and Published in censorial postal department, and persistent harassment, arrest, and imprisonment. the United States Such works energetically advocated a stateless society built upon individual liberty and voluntary cooperation. In Anarchist Periodicals in English Published in the United (1833–1955) States (1833–1955): An Annotated Guide, Ernesto A. Longa provides a glimpse into the doctrines of these publications, highlighting the articles, reports, manifestos, and creative works of anarchists and left libertarians who were dedicated to An Annotated Guide propagandizing against authoritarianism, sham democracy, wage and sex slavery, Anarchist Periodicals in English Published in the United States and racial prejudice. Nearly 100 periodicals produced throughout North America are surveyed. Entries include title; issues examined; subtitle; editor; publication information, including location and frequency of publication; contributors; features and subjects; preced- ing and succeeding titles; and an OCLC number to facilitate the identifi cation of (1833–1955) owning libraries via a WorldCat search. Excerpts from a selection of articles are provided to convey both the ideological orientation and rhetorical style of each newspaper’s editors and contributors. Finally, special attention is given to the scope of anarchist involvement in combating obscenity and labor laws that abridged the right to freely circulate reform papers through the mail, speak on street corners, and assemble in union halls. ERNESTO A. LONGA is assistant professor of law librarianship at the University of New Mexico School of Law.
    [Show full text]
  • The First Amendment and the Right of Access to Deportation Proceedings
    California Western Law Review Volume 40 Number 2 Article 3 2004 The First Amendment and the Right of Access to Deportation Proceedings Jonathan L. Hafetz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.cwsl.edu/cwlr Recommended Citation Hafetz, Jonathan L. (2004) "The First Amendment and the Right of Access to Deportation Proceedings," California Western Law Review: Vol. 40 : No. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.cwsl.edu/cwlr/vol40/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by CWSL Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in California Western Law Review by an authorized editor of CWSL Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hafetz: The First Amendment and the Right of Access to Deportation Procee THE FIRST AMENDMENT AND THE RIGHT OF ACCESS TO DEPORTATION PROCEEDINGS JONATHAN L. HAFETZ The events of September 11, 2001 have significantly redefined the boundary between liberty and national security in American law and society. As part of its "war against terrorism," the federal government, led by the President, has attempted to find those responsible for the September 11 at- tacks and protect the country against future terrorist attacks. In the process, it has sought unprecedented power to detain and deport noncitizens,' broaden the definition of "terrorist activity,"' conduct physical searches and wiretaps of suspected terrorists,3 subject Arab and Muslim men to ethnic profiling by law enforcement authorities,4 require certain immigrants from Arab and Muslim countries to undergo a "special registration" process,5 and seize and detain indefinitely individuals in the United States whom the President has designated as "enemy combatants.
    [Show full text]
  • A Case Study on the Relationship Between Anarcho-Syndicalists and Bolsheviks in Revolutionary Russia, 19
    THE BOLSHEVIK ILLUSION: A CASE STUDY ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ANARCHO-SYNDICALISTS AND BOLSHEVIKS IN REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA, 1917 A Thesis Presented to the faculty of the Department of History California State University, Sacramento Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History by Kyle Joseph Brislan SUMMER 2018 © 2018 Kyle Joseph Brislan ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii THE BOLSHEVIK ILLUSION: A CASE STUDY ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ANARCHO-SYNDICALISTS AND BOLSHEVIKS IN REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA, 1917 A Thesis by Kyle Joseph Brislan Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Dr. Aaron Cohen __________________________________, Second Reader Dr. Christopher Castañeda ____________________________ Date iii Student: Kyle Joseph Brislan I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. __________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________ Dr. Rebecca Kluchin Date Department of History iv Abstract of THE BOLSHEVIK ILLUSION: A CASE STUDY ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ANARCHO-SYNDICALISTS AND BOLSHEVIKS IN REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA, 1917 by Kyle Joseph Brislan The revolutionary semblance between anarcho-syndicalism and Bolshevism, amplified by the reemergence of populist ideals among factory workers, engendered a temporary alliance between Russia’s anarcho-syndicalists and Bolsheviks at various times during 1917 and the Civil War. Lenin’s vague and politically elusive concepts of revolution and social organization persuaded some anarcho-syndicalists to join the Bolshevik vanguard. Many of Russia’s anarcho-syndicalists fell victim to the Bolshevik illusion, which necessitated the revolution’s success upon the unification of Russia’s revolutionary forces, either to overthrow the Provisional Government or defeat the Whites in the Civil War.
    [Show full text]