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CPC Outreach Journal #273
#273 9 July 2003 USAF COUNTERPROLIFERATION CENTER CPC OUTREACH JOURNAL Air University Air War College Maxwell AFB, Alabama Welcome to the CPC Outreach Journal. As part of USAF Counterproliferation Center’s mission to counter weapons of mass destruction through education and research, we’re providing our government and civilian community a source for timely counterproliferation information. This information includes articles, papers and other documents addressing issues pertinent to US military response options for dealing with nuclear, biological and chemical threats and attacks. It’s our hope this information resource will help enhance your counterproliferation issue awareness. Established here at the Air War College in 1998, the USAF/CPC provides education and research to present and future leaders of the Air Force, as well as to members of other branches of the armed services and Department of Defense. Our purpose is to help those agencies better prepare to counter the threat from weapons of mass destruction. Please feel free to visit our web site at www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc-cps.htm for in-depth information and specific points of contact. Please direct any questions or comments on CPC Outreach Journal Jo Ann Eddy, CPC Outreach Editor, at (334) 953-7538 or DSN 493-7538. To subscribe, change e-mail address, or unsubscribe to this journal or to request inclusion on the mailing list for CPC publications, please contact Mrs. Eddy. The following articles, papers or documents do not necessarily reflect official endorsement of the United States Air Force, Department of Defense, or other US government agencies. Reproduction for private use or commercial gain is subject to original copyright restrictions. -
In Search of the Center
In Search of the Center By Dahlia Scheindlin After the Second Intifada (2000-2005), Israel appeared to be hurtling towards rightwing politics with no end in sight. From 2009, the towering figurehead of the right, Benjamin Netanyahu, won election after election. As public sentiment veered to the right, parties competed for extreme nationalist and expansionist policies, and there seemed to be no stopping the trend. Yet the party that finally came close to beating Netanyahu in April 2019, then surpassed Likud in a second round in September that year, was not a competitor from the right but a rival from the Israeli center. Blue and White was an unlikely challenger. The party was cobbled together ad hoc ahead of the April 2019 elections, led by three former generals with no obvious political ideology, party institutions or base of support beyond the voters of one of the constituent parties in its joint slate, Yesh Atid. The latter was largely viewed as center-left. Yet somehow, voters knew instinctively where Blue and White fit on Israel’s map – the center. The party’s own leaders worked hard to convey a centrist image as their brand, as well. But do centrist political movements ever succeed in Israel? Can a centrist party become a defining force of Israeli politics, and if so, what exactly does centrism mean in Israel? The Pull of the Center On the face of it, centrist politics sound like a potential antidote to Israel’s notoriously polarized, fragmented, and aggressive political culture. A center party could become a vehicle to promote moderation and pragmatic policies, in theory. -
Freedom in the World 2019
Freedom in the World 2019 https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/israel A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 12 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 A largely ceremonial president is elected by the Knesset for one seven-year term. In 2014, Reuven Rivlin of the right-leaning Likud party was elected to replace outgoing president Shimon Peres, receiving 63 votes in a runoff against Meir Sheetrit of the centrist Hatnuah party. The prime minister is usually the leader of the largest faction in the Knesset. In 2014, in a bid to create more stable governing coalitions, the electoral threshold for parties to win representation was raised from 2 percent to 3.25 percent, and the no- confidence procedure was revised so that opponents hoping to oust a sitting government must simultaneously vote in a new one. The incumbent prime minister in 2018, Benjamin Netanyahu of the conservative party Likud, had been in office since 2009, most recently securing reelection after the 2015 parliamentary polls. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 Members of the 120-seat Knesset are elected by party-list proportional representation for four-year terms, and elections are typically free and fair. In the 2015 contest, Likud secured 30 seats, followed by the center-left Zionist Union with 24. The Joint List—a coalition of parties representing Arab citizens of Israel, who often identify as Palestinian—earned 13 seats; the centrist Yesh Atid (There Is a Future), 11; Kulanu, also centrist, 10; Habayit Hayehudi (Jewish Home), 8; the ultra- Orthodox parties Shas and United Torah Judaism, 7 and 6, respectively; the right- wing Yisrael Beiteinu, 6; and the left-wing Meretz party, 5. -
CC of CPI Report to 25Th Congress
Summary of the report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Israel to the 25th Congress 31 May – 2 June 2007 Chapter 1: Corporate globalization and the struggle against it The globalization of capital and the rapid growth of modern industry, technology, information systems and media have been exploited by capital in an attempt to concentrate the control of resources, capital and wage labor. But this has also created the material basis for the international workers‟ solidarity exemplified in Marx and Engels‟ slogan: “Workers of the world, unite!” The adoption of the neo-liberal model has aggravated socioeconomic inequality, both within nations and between rich and poor countries, to an unprecedented level, while increasing the numbers of unemployed people, poor workers, women, children and older people living in miserable conditions. In the first decade of the 21st century, wealth continues to be concentrated in the hands of the two hundred largest multinational corporations – that is, in the hands of a few hundred billionaires – while the majority of humanity is forced to live in poverty, lacking basic necessities such as clean water, food, housing, schools and hospitals. The US administration continues to sabotage all attempts to reach meaningful international agreement on ways to curtail global warming (the greenhouse effect), thus endangering the very existence of the human race on Earth. The Bush Administration cynically exploits the concept of democracy in an attempt to conceal a cruel policy of conquest, destruction of social rights and impingement on democratic rights within the USA. “The war on terror” is the latest phase of the US attempt to create a “new world order”. -
Whose Side Are We On? Viewers’ Reactions to the Use of Irony in News Interviews
Pragmatics 25:2. 149-178 (2015) International Pragmatics Association DOI: 10.1075/prag.25.2.02hir WHOSE SIDE ARE WE ON? VIEWERS’ REACTIONS TO THE USE OF IRONY IN NEWS INTERVIEWS Galia Hirsch Abstract This research seeks to identify and analyze the reaction to irony in Israeli political news interviews, in view of the specific nature of this genre, which has been known to allow a certain level of adversarialness (Liebes et al. 2008; Blum-Kulka 1983; Weizman 2008; Clayman &Heritage 2002a and 2002b). Our intention was to examine whether the audience regards the use of irony as over-aggressive, and whether they believe interviewees regard it as such, in order to shed light on the potential consequences the use of indirect discourse patterns has for the interviewer. Based on Goffman's (1981) notion of footing, and on the concept of positioning as defined by Weizman (2008: 16), we focused on the audience's capacity to grasp the positioning and repositioning in the interaction as a possible influential factor in their reaction to the employment of irony. The research is based on two conceptual paradigms: Media studies and pragmatic studies of irony. The findings indicate that Israeli audiences tend to regard interviewers' employment of irony in political interviews as slightly hostile, and as such it is viewed as a possible threat to interviewees' face (Goffman 1967), but also as a legitimate and comprehensible tool, especially when the irony is accompanied by humor or mitigating non-verbal signs. Hence, the risk for the interviewer is not as great as we assumed. -
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief Updated May 18, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44245 SUMMARY R44245 Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief May 18, 2020 The following matters are of particular significance to U.S.-Israel relations. Jim Zanotti Israeli unity government, possible West Bank annexation, and COVID-19. In May Specialist in Middle 2020, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and his main political rival Benny Eastern Affairs Gantz formed a unity government, bringing an end to a long political stalemate in Israel that had continued through three elections in April 2019, September 2019, and March 2020. Netanyahu and Gantz cited the COVID-19 pandemic and the need to address its public health, economic, and other implications for Israel as a major reason for their agreement. By accepting a unity government, Gantz departed from his campaign pledge not to join with Netanyahu, who is scheduled to begin a criminal trial on corruption charges on May 24. While the agreement provides for Gantz to rotate into the position of prime minister by November 2021, and appears to give him broad powers of approval over the government’s actions, his choice to join Netanyahu split his Kahol Lavan party and might leave Netanyahu with an overall political advantage. Arguably, the most significant aspect of the Netanyahu-Gantz deal for U.S. policy is its explicit authorization of a cabinet and Knesset vote on annexing West Bank territory—in coordination with the United States—after July 1, 2020 (see more on the issue’s significance below). -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
“It's the National Ethos, Stupid”! – Understanding the Political
International Journal of Social Science Studies Vol. 4, No. 7; July 2016 ISSN 2324-8033 E-ISSN 2324-8041 Published by Redfame Publishing URL: http://ijsss.redfame.com “It’s the National Ethos, Stupid”! – Understanding the Political Psychology of the Israeli 2015 Elections Using Data from the National Resilience Survey Eyal Lewin1 1Ariel University, Israel. Correspondence: Eyal Lewin, Ariel University, Israel. Received: May 9, 2016 Accepted: May 26, 2016 Available online: May 31, 2016 doi:10.11114/ijsss.v4i7.1651 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v4i7.1651 Abstract From a socio-political point of view, the results of the Israeli 2015 elections reflect an ongoing stagnation that is described in detail in this research. This stagnation is often explained by theories of social collective identities. However, none of the theories examines how group identities are created. Consequently, this study explains how different forms of national ethos shape political identities and interweave with them. Relying on a wide set of data from the National Resilience Survey launched by the National Security Studies Center at Haifa University, this research examines the way Israeli political parties differ according to voters' attitudes on matters of national ethos. The findings show how opposing parties correspond with the two distinct forms of national ethos. However, the data also reveals that the ethos clash is not necessarily a dichotomy, but rather a continuum where various parties are located along a spectrum between the poles. Keywords: group identity, national ethos, voter behavior, political stagnation, republicanism, liberalism. 1. Introduction A friend of mine called me excitedly on the morning of March 17, 2015. -
The Increasingly Polarised and Fragmented Party System in Israel Will Make It Difficult for a Stable Government to Emerge from This Month’S Elections
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2013/01/14/israel-elections-2013-israeli-party-system/ The increasingly polarised and fragmented party system in Israel will make it difficult for a stable government to emerge from this month’s elections. Blog Admin Israel’s next parliamentary elections are due to be held on 22 January. As part of EUROPP’s coverage of the European neighbourhood, André Krouwel and Daniel Rajmil give an overview of the country’s highly fragmented party system, noting that the results are likely to be significantly different from those in the last election in 2009. New parties have emerged in the last four years, while the largest party in the current parliament, Kadima, could well lose all of its seats. Of all established democracies, Israel has the highest electoral change per election over the post-war period. Only new democracies in Eastern Europe are more electorally volatile. On average almost a quarter of the Israeli electorate shif ts party allegiance per election. One of the main reasons f or this exceptional electoral volatility is that Israeli elections are held under a system of proportional representation (PR). This means that many political parties will enter the f ray, as it is relatively easy to enter parliament compared to majoritarian electoral systems. Parties will gain a number of seats equal to the proportion of the vote they gained in the election, albeit that Israel has introduced a 2 per cent threshold to avoid too much parliamentary f ragmentation. Nevertheless, over the last decade between 12 and 15 parties entered the Knesset in each election. -
Middle East Peace Process Could Two Become One?
The Middle East peace process Could two become one? Israel’s right, frustrated Palestinians and assorted idealistic outsiders are talking of futures that do not feature a separate Palestinian state. It is a mistake Mar 16th 2013 | GAZA AND JERUSALEM | From the print edition IN 1942, as the Holocaust in Europe was entering its most horrific phase, a pacifist American rabbi called Judah Magnes helped found a political party in Palestine called Ihud. Not the best analogy Hebrew for unity, Ihud argued for a single binational state in the Holy Land to be shared by Jews and Arabs. Its efforts —and those of like-minded idealists—came to naught. Bitterly opposed to the partition of Palestine, Magnes died in 1948 just as the state of Israel—the naqba, or catastrophe, to Palestinians—was being born. Decades of strife were to follow. At the United Nations, in the White House and around the world, there is a strong belief that any solution ending that strife must be based on two separate states, with a mainly Jewish one called Israel sitting alongside a mainly Arab one called Palestine. The border between them would be based on the one that existed before the 1967 war—known as the “green line”—with some adjustments and land swaps to reflect the world as it is. Jerusalem would be a shared but divided capital. In the face of the manifold obstacles facing such a solution, however, something like Magnes’s one-state variant has been coming back into vogue, both in left-wing Western (and Jewish) circles and among a growing minority of Palestinians. -
Iron Domes: Desecuritization in the 2014 Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and the Battle for Identities
Iron Domes: Desecuritization in the 2014 Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and the Battle for Identities by Arel Jarus-Hakak A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts In Political Science- Political Theory Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2018 Arel Jarus-Hakak Abstract This thesis investigates the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; specifically, the empirical study centers on the 2014 military conflict. The objective of the study was to determine the optimal courses of action actors could take in their desecuritization efforts, within the Jewish Israeli context. This was achieved through the investigation of the intersubjective mechanisms that the Israeli government relied upon during this time, as well as the various strategies used by human rights organizations, Knesset members and other actors in their work to counter the securitization process. Theoretically, this work aims to bridge the gap between existing securitization literature, and critical theory, and further expand on existing literature. This thesis argues that desecuritizing agents should incorporate socio-cultural motifs in their arguments in front of Jewish Israeli audiences, as well as pivot towards international audiences to succeed in desecuritization. Table of Contents !"#$%&'$()*+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++*$* ,%-)(./"#01")'2*++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++*$$* -
The Energy Island: Israel Deals with Its Natural Gas Discoveries
POLICY PAPER Number 35 February 2015 The Energy Island: Israel Deals with its Natural Gas Discoveries NATAN SACHS TIM BOERSMA Acknowledgements This report, and the larger project of which it is a We are also very grateful to Ibraheem Egbaria, part, benefited greatly from the insight and assis- Ilan Suliman and Firash Qawasmi, who helped tance of a large number of people. facilitate our visit to the (East) Jerusalem District Electricity Company; to Ohad Reifen who helped For generosity with their time and insights we are facilitate interviews in Israel; and to Allison Good grateful to: Yossi Abu, CEO Delek Drilling; Con- for her helpful feedback on a draft of this paper. stantine Blyuz, Deputy Director for Economic & Strategic Issues, Israeli Ministry of National Infra- We would also like to thank our Brookings col- structures, Energy and Water Resources; Yael Co- leagues: Martin Indyk and Ted Piccone for support- hen Paran, CEO, Israel Energy Forum; Ariel Ezrahi, ing our work through the Foreign Policy Program’s Infrastructure (Energy) Adviser, Office of the Quar- Director’s Strategic Initiative Fund; Charles Ebin- tet Representative, Mr. Tony Blair; Michalis Firillas, ger, for his sage feedback on drafts and, along with Deputy Head of Mission, Consul, Embassy of the Tamara Wittes, for guiding us and providing won- Republic of Cyprus in Israel; Nurit Gal, Director, derful places within Brookings in which to work; Regulation and Electricity Division, Public Utilities Kemal Kirisci and Dan Arbell for their assistance, Authority of Israel; Dr. Gabi Golan, Deputy Gov- collaboration and multiple discussions throughout ernment Secretary, Office of the Prime Minister of the duration of this project; to Khaled Elgindy for the State of Israel; Mr.