Freedom in the World 2019
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In Search of the Center
In Search of the Center By Dahlia Scheindlin After the Second Intifada (2000-2005), Israel appeared to be hurtling towards rightwing politics with no end in sight. From 2009, the towering figurehead of the right, Benjamin Netanyahu, won election after election. As public sentiment veered to the right, parties competed for extreme nationalist and expansionist policies, and there seemed to be no stopping the trend. Yet the party that finally came close to beating Netanyahu in April 2019, then surpassed Likud in a second round in September that year, was not a competitor from the right but a rival from the Israeli center. Blue and White was an unlikely challenger. The party was cobbled together ad hoc ahead of the April 2019 elections, led by three former generals with no obvious political ideology, party institutions or base of support beyond the voters of one of the constituent parties in its joint slate, Yesh Atid. The latter was largely viewed as center-left. Yet somehow, voters knew instinctively where Blue and White fit on Israel’s map – the center. The party’s own leaders worked hard to convey a centrist image as their brand, as well. But do centrist political movements ever succeed in Israel? Can a centrist party become a defining force of Israeli politics, and if so, what exactly does centrism mean in Israel? The Pull of the Center On the face of it, centrist politics sound like a potential antidote to Israel’s notoriously polarized, fragmented, and aggressive political culture. A center party could become a vehicle to promote moderation and pragmatic policies, in theory. -
S Election Results
The Challenge of Israel’s Election Results I wrote the following for the latest newsletter of the World Union of Meretz, from the J Street Conference in Washington, DC. Representatives of all of the Israeli opposition gathered there, meeting together with its counterparts from American Jewry, who clearly represent the majority of American Jews. The final polls allowed on Friday the 13th, four days before election day, had given the Zionist Union (Labor & Hatnua) led by Herzog and Livni a lead of 24 to 20 seats, with an even chance to lead the next government. Netanyahu then went into emergency mode, using every demagogic trick in the book to turn the results around. He warned the leadership of the settlers that “the left” was on the verge of winning, and would begin to evacuate settlements, so they mobilized en masse, coming in thousands to Likud strongholds in the outlying and development towns to get out the vote. Mobilizing the extreme right to abandon Naftali Bennet’s Jewish Home party, Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu and the ultra-right Yachad party (led by Shas refugee Eli Yishai in alliance with Kahanist Baruch Marzel), Netanyahu renounced his support for a two-state solution, and on election day warned that Israeli Arabs were voting in droves, being “bussed in by Jewish left-wingers” supported by foreign money. This last claim was ridiculous, since Israeli Arab citizens were simply walking to the polling booths, exercising their democratic right to vote, and energized by the fact that the four Arab parties had united in a Joint Arab List to ensure that they would pass the minimum voter threshold that had been raised to try to prevent them from entering the Knesset. -
Caesarea Forum - Xvii
CAESAREA FORUM - XVII PROGRAM Chair: Dr. Yuval Steinitz, Minister of Finance Academic Director of the Forum: Mr. David Brodet Wednesday and Thursday, 1st -2nd July 2009 Hotel Royal Beach, Eilat WEDNESDAY, 1st JULY 2009 8:30 - 9:30 Registration and assembly 9:30 - 13:00 First Session : "The Requisite Size of the Government - between Economy and Politics" [The Olive and Acacia Hall] Presentation of the Team's Recommendations: Prof. Joseph Zeira , Department of Economics, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Presenters: Prof. Avishai Braverman, Minister of Minority Affairs Mr. Yoram Ariav , Director General and Acting Head of the Budget Department, Ministry of Finance Prof. Zvi Eckstein , Deputy Governor, Bank of Israel Dr. Michel Strawczynski, Director, Macro-Economic and Policy Department, Bank of Israel Prof. Omer Moav, Department of Economics, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Prof. Manuel Trajtenberg , Head, National Economic Council, Prime Minister's Office Ms. Yael Andorn, Director General, Amitim Pension Funds Dr. Yossi Bachar , Economic Consulting and Business Development Ltd. Dr. Eldad Shidlovsky , Head, Economics and Research Department, Ministry of Finance Plenary discussion 13:00 - 14:15 Minister of Finance's Session : [The Ranch House Restaurant] Luncheon Address by the Dr. Yuval Steinitz, Minister of Finance 14:30 - 18:15 Second Session : "The Future of Growth Promotion in Israel: A Return to Boosting Avant-garde Industries and Scientific Technological Innovation" [The Olive and Acacia Hall] 14:30-16:30 Presentation of the Team's Recommendations: Prof. Arnon Bentor, Dean, Civil and Environmental Engineering Faculty, and Senior Researcher, The Neaman Institute, The Technion Presenters: Mr. Eli Hurvitz, Chairman, Teva Pharmaceutical Industries Ltd. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
Israel 2019 International Religious Freedom Report
ISRAEL 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary This section covers Israel, including Jerusalem. In December 2017, the United States recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. It is the position of the United States that the specific boundaries of Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem are subject to final status negotiations between the parties. The Palestinian Authority (PA) exercises no authority over Jerusalem. In March 2019, the United States recognized Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. A report on the West Bank and Gaza, including areas subject to the jurisdiction of the PA, is appended at the end of this report. The country’s laws and Supreme Court rulings protect the freedoms of conscience, faith, religion, and worship, regardless of an individual’s religious affiliation, and the 1992 “Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty” protects additional individual rights. In 2018, the Knesset passed the “Basic Law: Israel – The Nation State of the Jewish People.” According to the government, that “law determines, among other things, that the Land of Israel is the historical homeland of the Jewish people; the State of Israel is the nation state of the Jewish People, in which it realizes its natural, cultural, religious and historical right to self-determination; and exercising the right to national self-determination in the State of Israel is unique to the Jewish People.” The government continued to allow controlled access to religious sites, including the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif (the site containing the foundation of the first and second Jewish temple and the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqsa Mosque). -
How and Why Did Ariel Sharon Become Prime Minister and How Did the Politics Violence Impact on His Electoral Success in 2001?
BEN-GURION UNIVERSITY OF THE NEGEV FACULTY OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT HOW AND WHY DID ARIEL SHARON BECOME PRIME MINISTER AND HOW DID THE POLITICS VIOLENCE IMPACT ON HIS ELECTORAL SUCCESS IN 2001? THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS JENNFER SCHARFSTEIN UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF: BECKY KOOK ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR AND DORON SHULTZINER, LECTURER DECEMBER 2013 1 Abstract There are two questions that are examined in the thesis. They are: Why and how did Ariel Sharon become Prime Minister? How did the political violence impact on his electoral success in 2001? When looking at these questions there are a few specific events that had a significant impact on Sharon and the election. The main event is the second Intifada, and the perception of violence that went along with it. Public opinion of Sharon was slowly shifting prior to the elections, and by the time the vote came around, there had been daily violence for months, and people were ready for a change. There are three main theories within the literature that can help explain, at least from the aspect of the electorate, how Sharon came into power. The first theory states that the electorate will vote against the party, or person, in powers, regardless if they are right-wing or left-wing. The second theory outlines a polarization that will take place, whereby the electorate is forced further to the right or left, depending on where their political allegiance laid previously. The final they discussed is one in which there is a shift to the right. -
Gaza Continues to Bedevil Israel
Gaza Continues to Bedevil Israel Last Saturday night, in another of the truly bleak developments emanating from the Gaza Strip and western Negev desert, a Qassam rocket fired from northern Gaza hit the town of Sderot, seriously wounding an 8 year-old boy and moderately wounding his 19 year-old brother. The next day, in a fit of pique, Interior Minister Meir Sheetrit of Kadima, a man who aspires to one day become Israel’s Prime Minister, let loose the following reaction at a meeting of the Cabinet: “Any other country would have already gone in and leveled the area, which is exactly what I think the IDF should do – decide on a neighborhood in Gaza and level it… We should let them know ‘you have to leave, this area will be taken down tomorrow’ and just take it down – that will show them we mean business.” Although given on occasion to such tempestuous outbursts, Sheetrit, on the whole, has traditionally been one of the more sober politicians to emerge from his alma mater party, the Likud. Clearly the Israeli government’s chronic inability to put an end to the low-intensity warfare in and around the Gaza Strip has many Israeli politicians befuddled, confounded, bedeviled, and groping for answers. Over the last weeks and months, the Israeli government has employed a variety of means – military, economic and diplomatic – to try and stop the incessant rocket fire. To date, not one of them has lived up to the government’s promises. Targeted killings have eliminated scores of Hamas operatives, but they’ve taken the lives of innocent civilians as well and haven’t produced any letup. -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
“It's the National Ethos, Stupid”! – Understanding the Political
International Journal of Social Science Studies Vol. 4, No. 7; July 2016 ISSN 2324-8033 E-ISSN 2324-8041 Published by Redfame Publishing URL: http://ijsss.redfame.com “It’s the National Ethos, Stupid”! – Understanding the Political Psychology of the Israeli 2015 Elections Using Data from the National Resilience Survey Eyal Lewin1 1Ariel University, Israel. Correspondence: Eyal Lewin, Ariel University, Israel. Received: May 9, 2016 Accepted: May 26, 2016 Available online: May 31, 2016 doi:10.11114/ijsss.v4i7.1651 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v4i7.1651 Abstract From a socio-political point of view, the results of the Israeli 2015 elections reflect an ongoing stagnation that is described in detail in this research. This stagnation is often explained by theories of social collective identities. However, none of the theories examines how group identities are created. Consequently, this study explains how different forms of national ethos shape political identities and interweave with them. Relying on a wide set of data from the National Resilience Survey launched by the National Security Studies Center at Haifa University, this research examines the way Israeli political parties differ according to voters' attitudes on matters of national ethos. The findings show how opposing parties correspond with the two distinct forms of national ethos. However, the data also reveals that the ethos clash is not necessarily a dichotomy, but rather a continuum where various parties are located along a spectrum between the poles. Keywords: group identity, national ethos, voter behavior, political stagnation, republicanism, liberalism. 1. Introduction A friend of mine called me excitedly on the morning of March 17, 2015. -
Israel's Do-Over Election
Your Shabbat source of Israeli News– September 6th 2019 Israel’s Do -over Election: A Guide to All the Parties Israeli politics has been reshaped by new alliances after the entire political firmament learned a harsh lesson from the April election just five months earlier: Unity among ideological allies is crucial. Smaller parties flying solo learned the hard way that independence meant risk falling below the electoral threshold and not making it into the Knesset. By doing so, they not only hurt themselves but mortally wound their entire political camp by “wasting” votes that could help them build a bloc large enough to construct a government. With only nine parties seemingly in a position to cross the electoral threshold, the next Knesset is set to feature the fewest number of parties in Israel’s history. Here are the main contenders: • Likud: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu - fighting a second re-election campaign under the shadow of pending corruption indictments, moved early to reinforce Likud by merging it with Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon’s party giving himself one less party to wrestle with in governing coalition negotiations. Later in the race, he convinced Moshe Feiglin, leader of the far-right Zehut party, to pull out of the elections in order to give larger right-wing parties the precious votes he was taking. In exchange, Feiglin was promised a ministry in a future Likud-led government. • Kahol Lavan: The largest of the multi-party players in the race, Kahol Lavan has continued with its four man alliance formed ahead of the April election. -
The Increasingly Polarised and Fragmented Party System in Israel Will Make It Difficult for a Stable Government to Emerge from This Month’S Elections
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2013/01/14/israel-elections-2013-israeli-party-system/ The increasingly polarised and fragmented party system in Israel will make it difficult for a stable government to emerge from this month’s elections. Blog Admin Israel’s next parliamentary elections are due to be held on 22 January. As part of EUROPP’s coverage of the European neighbourhood, André Krouwel and Daniel Rajmil give an overview of the country’s highly fragmented party system, noting that the results are likely to be significantly different from those in the last election in 2009. New parties have emerged in the last four years, while the largest party in the current parliament, Kadima, could well lose all of its seats. Of all established democracies, Israel has the highest electoral change per election over the post-war period. Only new democracies in Eastern Europe are more electorally volatile. On average almost a quarter of the Israeli electorate shif ts party allegiance per election. One of the main reasons f or this exceptional electoral volatility is that Israeli elections are held under a system of proportional representation (PR). This means that many political parties will enter the f ray, as it is relatively easy to enter parliament compared to majoritarian electoral systems. Parties will gain a number of seats equal to the proportion of the vote they gained in the election, albeit that Israel has introduced a 2 per cent threshold to avoid too much parliamentary f ragmentation. Nevertheless, over the last decade between 12 and 15 parties entered the Knesset in each election. -
Withdrawal from the Withdrawal Plan?
One Hundred Days After the Elections: Withdrawal from the Withdrawal Plan? Lars Hänsel / Katharina von Münster Executive Summary Israel's one-sided withdrawal from Gaza in the summer of 2005 has brought the country a period of profound changes. The evacuation of Israeli settlements on the West Bank, the historic motherland of Eretz Israel, which was initiated by the Sharon administration, constituted for many a breach of a national and religious taboo for which, however, there were reasons. On the one hand, the failure of the Oslo process had destroyed the trust between Israelis and Palestinians; on the other, demographic forecasts had already prognosticated that the Jewish population would lose its numerical majority in the region between the Mediterranean and the Jordan. After Sharon's retirement from policy, the subject of withdrawal – Tochnit HaHitkansut – became the central campaign issue under his successor, Ehud Olmert. Mr Olmert's convergence plan not only envisaged a complete evacuation of the settlements scattered all over the West Bank, but also the integration of all settlements situated close to the border into blocks belonging to Israel. The withdrawal has also changed the country's party landscape for good. At the end of November 2005, Ariel Sharon announced his resignation from the Likud and the foundation of his own party called Kadima, resulting in the collapse of the Likud. When the 73-year-old retired from politics after an apoplexy in January, Mr Olmert, a former mayor of Jerusalem who was little known until that day, took over the business of government– an administrator who represented a political style which differed greatly from that of the general.