Migrant Political Radicalization in Latin America Mark H
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Eastern Illinois University The Keep Masters Theses Student Theses & Publications 1970 Migrant Political Radicalization in Latin America Mark H. Smith Eastern Illinois University This research is a product of the graduate program in Political Science at Eastern Illinois University. Find out more about the program. Recommended Citation Smith, Mark H., "Migrant Political Radicalization in Latin America" (1970). Masters Theses. 4044. https://thekeep.eiu.edu/theses/4044 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses & Publications at The Keep. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of The Keep. For more information, please contact tabruns@eiu.edu. PAPER CERTIFICATE TO� Graduate Degree Candidates who have written formal theses. SUBJECT'. Permission to reproduce theses. The University Library 5.s receiving a number of requests from other institutions asking permission to reproduce dissertations for inclusion in their library holdings. Although no copyright laws are involved, we feel that professional courtesy demands that permission be obtained from the author before we allow theses to be copied. Please sign one of the following statements. Booth Library of Eastern IlJ.inois University has my permission to lend my thesis to a reputable college or university for the purpose of copying it for inclusion in that institution 1 s library or research holdings. Date Author I respectfully request Booth Library of Eastern Illinois University not allow my thesis be reproduced because Date Author /LB1861-CS7XS6551>C2/ Migrant Political Radicalization in Latin America (TITLE) BY Mark H. Smith - THESIS SUBMITIED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts in Political Science IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL, EASTERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY CHARLESTON, ILLINOIS 1970 YEAR I HEREBY RECOMMEND THIS THESIS BE ACCEPTED AS FULFILLING THIS PART OF THE GRADUATE DEGREE CITED ABOVE ?i'w:/1. 5, lflo DATE ADVISER /�././. 3 .' '·' ? () DATE DEPARTMENT HEAD Acknowledgements Warm acknowledgements are due to Dr . Margaret Soderberg, Associate Professor of Political Science, Eastern Illinois University, for her guidance and suggestions which greatly contributed to the quality of this paper . In addi�ion, I extend my appreciation to the other members of Eastern's Political Science Department for their guidance and words of encouragement. I wish to thank Miss Nancy J. Crewel! for her assistance in reading the first draft of this paper . I am also most grateful for the encourage ment and support given me by my parents . Last but not least, I wish to thank Bill, "Rip" and "Gopher" for "putting up with me" during the last three months. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chap ter I. An Introduction to Urbanization in Latin America • • • • 1 Introduction 1 General History and Theory of Latin American Urbanization 9 Statement of Purpose 16 Statement of Hypothesis 17 Method of Approach 19 II. Theories and Evidence Concerning the Radical Migrants and Marginals •••••••••. 20 The Migrant Radical: Theories 21 The Migrant Radical: Evidence 24 Problems With the Migrant Radicalization Theories 26 The Radical Marginals: Theory 35 The Radical Marginals : Evidence 37 Problems With the Radical Marginal Theory 40 III. The Politics of Mexico's New Urban Masses. 48 The·Mexican Migrant 's Adjustment to Urban Living 50 The New Urbanite and Politics 54 The Migrant 's Role in Mexican Urban Political Alienation 64 (con' t) IV. The Migrants in Venezuelan and Chilean Politics. • • • • 74 Migrant Politics: The Local Perspective 75 Political Parties in Chile 96 Analysis of Recent Elections in Venezuela and Chile 100 V. Su�ary and Conclusions. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 104 Bibliography . 109 Chapter I. An Introduction to Urbanization in Latin America Introduction The study of urbanization, or more specifically the rural-urban migration process, has taken many forms . Analyses of Latin American urbanization have ranged from tightly designed empirical work, most of which has appeared in the last ten years, to theorizing on the nature of man in urban society, with more or less loosely organized secondary source investigations filling the continuum between these two extremes. Unfortunately political scientists were probably the last to join the other social scientists in the study of urbanization. However, now that the political perspective is beginning to receive more attention, the empirical base of urbanization studies has been expanded, pri- marily at the earlier theorists' expense. That is , a few of today 's new crop of political scientists are collecting data and producing evidence which is already making a shambles of "urban-instability" theories that grew out of the work of Robert E. Park, Louis Wirth, 1 and others from the early "Chicago School" of urban sociology. This paper will center on one aspect of the debate concerning the roots of urban instability with the somewhat lofty aim of clarify- ing and consequently analyzing the polarized views which have arisen. 1 See R. E. Park, "Human Migration and the Marginal Man ," American Journal of Sociology , 3 (May, 1928) , 881-893; and L. Wirth, "Urbanism as a Way of Life" in A. J. Reiss (ed.), Louis Wirth on Cities and Social Life (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1964). 1 2 The primary concern of this writer will be to focus on the political attitudes and behavior of rural migrants once they reach the city. To put it very simply, this writer wants to know if the migrants become politically radicalized. Generally the time span of this paper will include the period from 1930 to present; however, primary emphasis (particularly in the case studies of Mexico, Venezuela , and Chile) will be placed in the period during the 19SO 's and 1960's. Before proceeding further , it might be best to clarify the meaning of some of the more important terms which will continually reappear throughout the following discussion. For this writer 's purposes the term political radicalization will assume a rather broad meaning in that it will imply migrant attitu4es and , more importantly, behavior committed to maj or alterations of the existing political structure. Obviously then, this definition includes support of extreme reactionary movements, such as Peronism in Argentina, as well as the more classic radicalism indicated by support of Communist and other extreme left wing movements. Determinants of political radicalism will be the extent to which nonsupportive attitudes are distributed through the populace and the extent to which such feelings are actually translated into be havior contributing to conditions of political instability. The primary ind:Sx· for political radicalism will be preference and support for radical political parties on the basis of ideology• Table 1. indicates what parties this writer will type as radical within the Latin American context . Because of the constantly changing nature of the Latin American political party system, this table should not be 3 strictly adhered to·. For example, as in the case of Mexico's one- party dominated system, when a party generally typed as non-radical, 2 Table 1 Latin American Party Types I By Ideology Ideology Type Example Non- Conservative Chilean United Conservative Radical Party (PCU) Liberal Liberal Party of Chile (PL) Radical Radical Party of Chile (PR) Christian Demo- Chilean Christian Democratic crat or Christian Party (PDC) Socialist Radical Socialist Socialist Party of Chile (PS) Communist Chilean Communist Party (PCCH) Populist Brazilian Labor Party (PTB) Personalist Peron's party in Argentina (Partido Peronista) becomes a relevant opposition force to the existing system it should , in that case, be classified as radical. Also there are parties which have not been historically consistently radical or non-radical. An ex- / / ample is the Aprista party Accion Democratica in Venezuela which served as a radical political force from 1948 to 1957, but today represents the elected government . However, this table will generally serve as an acceptable guideline for measuring political radicalism by party identi- f ication . 2 see Martin Needler , Latin American Politics in Perspective , (Princeton, N.J. : Van Nostrand , 1963) , 88-111. 4 Continuing with the clarification of terms, political instability is defined as a state of conflict between governments and (competing) power groups which is characterized by overt acts of violence, by support for extreme political radicalism, or by apathy in the face of movements Table 23 Criteria for and Manifestations of System Stability/Instability Stable Criteria Manifestations High rate of economic growth Democracy Dictatorship Equal income distribution High political capability Broad-based institutionalized Continue as No increase in coercion political parties democracy with option available for evaluation to demo- cratic system Unstable Criteria Manifestations Low rate of economic growth Democracy Dictatorship Unequal income distribution Low political capability Narrow personalistic Inflation decentral- Inflation, increase political parties ized violence, mili- in level of coer- tary intervention, cion, decentralized social revolution violence, social revolution 3 Ernest A. Duff and John F. Mccamant, "Measuring Social and Political Requirements for System Stability in Latin America," The American Political Science Review, (December 1968) , 1126. 5 wh ich are committed to extreme dislocations of the established power structure. Generally political instability is more likely