AMMAN 1970, a MEMOIR by Norvell De Atkine*
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The Origins of Hamas: Militant Legacy Or Israeli Tool?
THE ORIGINS OF HAMAS: MILITANT LEGACY OR ISRAELI TOOL? JEAN-PIERRE FILIU Since its creation in 1987, Hamas has been at the forefront of armed resistance in the occupied Palestinian territories. While the move- ment itself claims an unbroken militancy in Palestine dating back to 1935, others credit post-1967 maneuvers of Israeli Intelligence for its establishment. This article, in assessing these opposing nar- ratives and offering its own interpretation, delves into the historical foundations of Hamas starting with the establishment in 1946 of the Gaza branch of the Muslim Brotherhood (the mother organization) and ending with its emergence as a distinct entity at the outbreak of the !rst intifada. Particular emphasis is given to the Brotherhood’s pre-1987 record of militancy in the Strip, and on the complicated and intertwining relationship between the Brotherhood and Fatah. HAMAS,1 FOUNDED IN the Gaza Strip in December 1987, has been the sub- ject of numerous studies, articles, and analyses,2 particularly since its victory in the Palestinian legislative elections of January 2006 and its takeover of Gaza in June 2007. Yet despite this, little academic atten- tion has been paid to the historical foundations of the movement, which grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Gaza branch established in 1946. Meanwhile, two contradictory interpretations of the movement’s origins are in wide circulation. The !rst portrays Hamas as heir to a militant lineage, rigorously inde- pendent of all Arab regimes, including Egypt, and harking back to ‘Izz al-Din al-Qassam,3 a Syrian cleric killed in 1935 while !ghting the British in Palestine. -
The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990
The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990 Submitted by René Rieger to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Middle East Politics in June 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………… ………… 2 ABSTRACT This dissertation provides a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of the Arab Gulf monarchies during the period of 1971 to 1990, as examined through two case studies: (1) the Arab Gulf monarchies’ relations with Iran and Iraq and (2) the six states’ positions in the Arab-Israeli conflict. The dissertation argues that, in formulating their policies towards Iran and Iraq, the Arab Gulf monarchies aspired to realize four main objectives: external security and territorial integrity; domestic and regime stability; economic prosperity; and the attainment of a stable subregional balance of power without the emergence of Iran or Iraq as Gulf hegemon. Over the largest part of the period under review, the Arab Gulf monarchies managed to offset threats to these basic interests emanating from Iran and Iraq by alternately appeasing and balancing the source of the threat. The analysis reveals that the Arab Gulf monarchies’ individual bilateral relations with Iran and Iraq underwent considerable change over time and, particularly following the Iranian Revolution, displayed significant differences in comparison to one another. -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 23, Issue 1 1999 Article 4 Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords JillAllison Weiner∗ ∗ Copyright c 1999 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords JillAllison Weiner Abstract This Comment addresses the Middle East peace process, focusing upon the relationship be- tween Israel and Palestine. Part I discusses the background of the land that today comprises the State of Israel and its territories. This Part summarizes the various accords and peace treaties signed by Israel, the Palestinians, and the other surrounding Arab Nations. Part II reviews com- mentary regarding peace in the Middle East by those who believe Israel needs to surrender more land and by those who feel that Palestine already has received too much. Part II examines the conflict over the permanent status negotiations, such as the status of the territories. Part III argues that all the parties need to abide by the conditions and goals set forth in the Oslo Accords before they can realistically begin the permanent status negotiations. Finally, this Comment concludes that in order to achieve peace, both sides will need to compromise, with Israel allowing an inde- pendent Palestinian State and Palestine amending its charter and ending the call for the destruction of Israel, though the circumstances do not bode well for peace in the Middle East. ISRAEL, PALESTINE, AND THE OSLO ACCORDS fillAllison Weiner* INTRODUCTION Israel's' history has always been marked by a juxtaposition between two peoples-the Israelis and the Palestinians 2-each believing that the land is rightfully theirs according to their reli- gion' and history.4 In 1897, Theodore Herzl5 wrote DerJeden- * J.D. -
Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second In
Digital Commons at St. Mary's University Faculty Articles School of Law Faculty Scholarship 2014 Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second Intifada Jeffrey F. Addicott St. Mary's University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.stmarytx.edu/facarticles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Jeffrey F. Addicott, Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second Intifada, 4 St. John’s J. Int’l & Comp. L. 71 (2014). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons at St. Mary's University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Articles by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons at St. Mary's University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. USING A CIVIL SUIT TO PUNISH/DETER SPONSORS OF TERRORISM: CONNECTING ARAFAT & THE PLO TO THE TERROR ATTACKS IN THE SECOND INTIFADA Dr. Jeffery Addicott* INTRODUCTION “All that is necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing.”1 -Edmund Burke As the so-called “War on Terror” 2 continues, it is imperative that civilized nations employ every possible avenue under the rule of law to punish and deter those governments and States that choose to engage in or provide support to terrorism.3 *∗Professor of Law and Director, Center for Terrorism Law, St. Mary’s University School of Law. -
Inconsistent U.S. Representation in Saudi Arabia: a Continuing Problem | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 789 Inconsistent U.S. Representation in Saudi Arabia: A Continuing Problem by Simon Henderson Oct 2, 2003 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Brief Analysis he surprise announcement that Robert Jordan, U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia, will leave his post by mid- T October means that Washington will lack an authoritative voice in the kingdom at a crucial time in the war on terror. One State Department official has claimed that Jordan's resignation was for personal reasons and that "Saudi Arabia holds him in the highest regard." Yet, other reports suggest that Jordan's public and semipublic criticisms of the kingdom have annoyed Riyadh. Controversial Remarks In the months since May 12, 2003, when ten Americans were killed in attacks against three expatriate residential compounds in Riyadh, several of Ambassador Jordan's comments have created a stir. Analysts are accustomed to U.S. officials employing a cautious and laudatory approach when publicly describing relations with Saudi Arabia. Hence, many were astonished when, during an interview with CBS News soon after the Riyadh attacks, Jordan stated that Washington's previous requests for increased security at the compounds had been ignored. He made similar comments to the New York Times a day later, this time singling out Crown Prince Abdullah and Saudi foreign minister Prince Saud al-Faisal for praise. By implication, Jordan was pointing the blame in the direction of Interior Minister Prince Nayef, who is in charge of internal security and has a reputation for being difficult. -
The Legal Exclusion of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
The Legal Exclusion of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon Janine Nassar RESEARCH QUESTION INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION GAP Why has the Lebanese government Palestinian refugees occupy a unique not improved the legal rights and status internationally protections of Palestinian refugees v since their entry into the country in Are the only refugee group that falls under the auspices of UNRWA 1948? vAre not protected by the 1951 Refugee Convention Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are Figure 1. Cartoon depicting a man being vUNRWA’s chronic financial crisis Figure 2. Photo of the Shatila Refugee Camp, unique: crushed by the word “displaced” published in affects vulnerable Palestinians who taken by Mohammed Asad, 2012 v Three-generations worth reside in Tele Liban rely entirely on its services refugee camps v Lack legal status and social, political, CONCLUSIONS and economic rights FROM SYMPATHY TO SCAPEGOATS DOMESTIC LAW & HUMAN RIGHTS v Their plight is neglected due to the v What was once the Palestinian influx of Syrian refugees cause evolved into the PRE-CIVIL WAR ERA Domestic mistreatment is a Palestinian problem vGovernment & citizens welcomed byproduct of the international LITERATURE REVIEW refugees protection gap v Solutions include increasing vAffluent Palestinians were naturalized donor funding for UNRWA Daniel Meier & Nur Masalha and contributed socially, economically v Palestinians are barred from buying and alleviating restrictions on vThe state weaponizes tawteen & culturally or transferring property, working in employment opportunities -
Transcript Prepared from a Tape Recording.]
1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION SABAN CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST POLICY TOWARD A NEW IRAN POLICY A SABAN CENTER SYMPOSIUM Tuesday, November 23, 2004 The Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. MILLER REPORTING CO., INC. 735 8th STREET, S.E. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003-2802 (202) 546-6666 2 [TRANSCRIPT PREPARED FROM A TAPE RECORDING.] MILLER REPORTING CO., INC. 735 8th STREET, S.E. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003-2802 (202) 546-6666 3 A G E N D A Introductory Remarks Martin Indyk, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution Opening Address "U.S. Policy Toward Iran in a Second Bush Administration" Danielle Pletka, American Enterprise Institute Panel 1: Iran's Foreign Policy and Motives Moderator: Shaul Bakhash, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution Ray Takeyh, Council on Foreign Relations M. Hadi Semati, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Panel 2: The Lay of the Land: The Threat from Iran and the International Perspective Moderator: Martin Indyk, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution Daniel Byman, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution David Kay, former head of the Iraq Survey Group Philip Gordon, The Brookings Institution Lunch Address "An Alternative Approach to Iran" Ken Pollack, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution MILLER REPORTING CO., INC. 735 8th STREET, S.E. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003-2802 (202) 546-6666 4 P R O C E E D I N G S INTRODUCTORY REMARKS MR. INDYK: Welcome to the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution and to the symposium that we are hosting today entitled "Towards a New Iran Policy." We've gathered a group of experts on Iran and on U.S. -
Lebanon's Palestinian Refugee Camps
NURTURING INSTABILITY: LEBANON’S PALESTINIAN REFUGEE CAMPS Middle East Report N°84 – 19 February 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION: THE PALESTINIAN PRESENCE IN LEBANON ..................... 1 A. MULTIPLICITY OF ACTORS AND CAMPS ........................................................................................1 1. Main political actors.................................................................................................................1 2. Palestinian refugees and camps ................................................................................................1 II. THE EVOLUTION OF LEBANESE-PALESTINIAN RELATIONS......................... 4 A. OPEN WARFARE (1969-1990).......................................................................................................4 B. THE POST-WAR YEARS (1990-2004).............................................................................................6 C. 2004-2005: TURNING POINT OR DEAD END? ................................................................................7 1. UNSCR 1559...........................................................................................................................7 2. The Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee........................................................................9 3. Nahr al-Bared: a difficult test case..........................................................................................11 D. THE REFUGEES’ PRECARIOUS -
Library of Congress
Library of Congress Interview with Brooks Wrampelmeier The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project BROOKS WRAMPELMEIER Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: March 22, 2000 Copyright 2004 ADST Q: Today is March 22, 2000. This is an interview with Brooks Wrampelmeier being done on behalf of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and I am Charles Stuart Kennedy. Brooks, can we start at the beginning. When and where were you born? WRAMPELMEIER: I was born in Cincinnati, Ohio on September 27, 1934. Q: Can you tell me a little about your family? WRAMPELMEIER: My father's family was of partly German descent. His grandfather had come over in 1848 and settled in Cincinnati. His mother's family was of Irish and New England stock. My mother's family was primarily of New England, New York City, and Kentucky origins. They had come to Cincinnati in the mid-19th century. Q: Hence the Brooks. WRAMPELMEIER: Yes, my mother's maiden name is Brooks. In fact, her Grandfather Brooks had come to Cincinnati from Kentucky. My father was a third-generation painting contractor. He owned a business founded by his grandfather back in the early 1850s. My mother's father was a naval officer, a 1902 graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy, who Interview with Brooks Wrampelmeier http://www.loc.gov/item/mfdipbib001488 Library of Congress then left the Navy to marry his childhood sweetheart in 1907. They settled in the little suburb of Cincinnati called Wyoming where they were born. My parents lived a few years in Cincinnati and when I was three they also moved to Wyoming. -
Intelligence Report FEE5
DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE Intelligence Report ESAU L: THE FEDAYEEN (Annex to ESAU XLVIII: Fedayeen-- “Men of Sacrifice’y 1 NO 5 FEE5 . WARNING It is to be seen only by perso indoctrinated and authorized to receive// information within the Government to which#hsmitted; its security mwbe maintained in ac- cordance with1 1 \ I I egardless of the advantage d by the Director of Cen .. I A NOTE ON SOURCES This paper relies primarily on clandestine reporting, particularly for the internal structure and operations of the various fedayeen organizations. I The repostlng 1s quite guoa on poiiticdi as-wf the subject such as the maneuverings of the fedayeen groups, their internal disputes, and their ideological and tactical views. However, our information is more scanty on such important matters as the number of i armed men in each group, the sources and mechanics of funding, and details of the sources and methods of delivery of arms shipments to the fedayeen. I H TABLE OF CONTENTS Page FATAH AND THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION (PLO) Fatah -- Background to February 1969, (I 1: 1 PLO -- Background to February 1969 c. 8 Fatah Takeover of PLO -- February 1969, ~ LI ,11 Fatah Attempts to Control the Palestine Liberation Army (PLA) ~ , 15 Fatah Retains Its Identity, .20 Fatah Tactics and Operations, .24 Fatah Funding s 0 0 3 0 0 ' (I c 0 0 G 0 D 0 0 .26 THE A3IAB NATIONALIST MOVEMENT (ANMI AND ITS FEDAYEEN WINGS ANMo 0 f 0 0 c 0 0 0 c. 0 0 0 0 J li 0 9.0 c c .30 Background on the ANM's Fedayeen Wings, .32 Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP 1 0 C U C 3 0 0 0 G u 0 u (I c c 35 Organization c 0 0 0 0 c 0 0 0 c c 0 3 c 38 Funding, 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 c 0 0 0 0 0 c p 0 42 Popular Democratic Front for Liberatlon of Palestine (PDFLP) Strategy ., .44 Organization ,, .45 Funding, .48 PFLP General Command, , .51 1- I 1- (Contents Con t) . -
Boundaries and Political Agency of Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon Zeinab Amiri Iowa State University
Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2016 Boundaries and political agency of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon Zeinab Amiri Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd Part of the Architecture Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Amiri, Zeinab, "Boundaries and political agency of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon" (2016). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 15655. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/15655 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Boundaries and political agency of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon by Zeinab Amiri A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Major: Architecture Program of Study Committee: Marwan Ghandour, Major Professor Ross Exo Adams Nell Gabiam Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2016 Copyright © Zeinab Amiri, 2016. All rights reserved. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ......................................................................................................