Competing As Potential Superpowers: Japan's China Policy 1978-1998

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Competing As Potential Superpowers: Japan's China Policy 1978-1998 Competing as Potential Superpowers: Japan's China Policy 1978-1998 by Wenran Jiang, B.A., M.A. A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilmcnt of the requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario Nov. 6,1998 copyright 1998, Wenran Jiang National Library Bibliothèque nationale 191 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada Your file Votre rdldrsnce Our fils NNre rtittirence The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence dowing the exclusive permettant à la National Librq of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or seil reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in rnicroform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts £rom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be piuted or othenvise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines Japan's relations with China in the context of interactions between potential hegemonic powers in the world political econorny. It contends that the fundamental question in Sino-Japanese relations is neither misperception nor misunderstanding. The nature of Japan's relations with China is predominately determined by the two countries' relative positions in the world political economy which has gone through major sîructural changes in the past two decades. It is the two countries' changing status in the changing international system, their conflicting national interests, and their irreconcilable national goals in the region and in the world that have been prirnarily responsible for the ups and doms in the bilateral relationship in the closing decades of the twentieth century. This thesis also argues that Japan's domestic politics has played a powerhl role in shaping its relations with China. Successfully dealing with Beijing is critical for Japan if it is to assert any meaningfûl global role, yet despite Tokyo's repeated attempts since the 1970s to incorporate China into an East Asian regional fiamework centred on Japan, a set of complicated intemal developments in Japanese politics, interacting with external factors, have hampered the realization of this policy goal. Japan is still in the process of searching for a successfd China policy while coping with the uncertainties presented by a China that is rapidly ernerging as a major world power. Theoretically, the project explores how the interaction between structural factors at the level of the international system and domestic factors at the nation-state or unit level have afEected Japan's China policy. Empirically, this thesis argues, through eight case studies, that a number of commonly accepted models of Japanese foreign policy do not accurately depict Japanese behaviour towards the People's Republic of China; that the perception of Beijing as the sole unstable and unpredictable party in the bilateral relationship is incorrect; and that Japan's relations with China must be studied in a broader fiamework of systemic transformations of the international political economy. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would not have been able to compete this project without the help, support and encouragement of many teachers, fiiends, institutions, and farnily members. 1thank my initial supervisor Professor Robert Bedeski (before he left for the University of Victoria) for not only helping me to set up the early outline of the thesis but also for helping me to receive the Japan Foundation Dissertation Fellowship. The rnembers of my advisory cornmittee, Professors John Sigler, Lynn Mytelka and Jeremy Paltiel, tolerated my delays and directed me along the right path at different stages of this effort. Their teachings, together with many other professors in the Department of Political Science and the Norman Paterson School of International Relations at Carleton University, have taiight me a great deal about critical thinking, social science, and being an academic. In particular, rny supervisor Professor Paltiel, as a mentor and a friend, provided me with detailed and critical advice with great patience, and his expertise on the subject made it possible for me to make revisions vital to the completion of the thesis. Many thanks go to the suggestions provided by Professors Michael Hawes and David Carment for the thesis' final revision. Professor Glen Williams has been a great source of intellectual stimulation. 1thank Valerie Pereboom for her extra support over the years at Carleton. My gratitude also goes to Professors Car1 Mcmillan, Ted English and Jacob Kovalio. It is always diff~cultto write a dissertation while teaching full time, but the task has been made easier by the consistent support 1have received from the University of Alberta. 1 thank al1 the members of the Department of Political Science, especially Professors Thomas Keating, S.M.M. Qureshi, Fred Judson, Ian Urquhart, Linda Tremble, and Janine Brodie. 1 would also like to thank Dean Patricia Clements and Associate Dean Gurston Dacks of the Arts Faculty, and Professors Richard Lynn, Sonja Arntzen, Eva Neumaier-Dargy ay and Jenni fer Jay of East Asian Studîes. Their trust and encouragement have been invaluable. 1 would like to acknowledge the financial support of the Japan Foundation, which made it possible for me to conduct the research for this project. The Institute of Oriental Culture at Tokyo University, the Institute of International Relations at Sophia University and the Institute of Economic Research at Hitotsubashi University in Japan for having hosted me during my research trips. Professors Hosoya Chihiro, Inoguchi Takashi, Ogata Sadako, Royama Michio, Minami Ryoshin and Asai Furoburni have been great advisors. Their support was indispensable while 1was in Japan. 1owe a great deal to Professor Robert GiIpin for both his intellectud influence and friendship. Many friends have in one way or the other contributed to my Ph.D. program. Jaime Florcruz, Dr. Alan Juffs, Mr. and Mrs. Hartigrink, Brian and Ruth Wilson have been both great friends and my English teachers. They have always been there when 1 needed their support. Simple words cannot express my deep gratitude. 1would also like to thank other fiiends: Shu Li, Lusheng Jia, Anne-Marie Treaholt, Keiko Sueuchi, Bai Gao, Zhou Peiwu. Finally, 1 would like to Say that my wife Tanya has been the most important person in this project. Her patience, tolerance, love, insights on the thesis contents and editing skills are the key to the completion of the project. This thesis is dedicated to her and our parents whose love and care have been with us al1 along. Of course, none of the people and institutions but 1 who is solely responsible for any errors in the thesis. vii NOTES ON THE TEXT Throughout this dissertation, Japanese and Chinese names are given in their original order, with the family narne fmt. However, the bibliography is alphabetically arranged according to the family name. If a Japanese or a Chinese author publishes in both English and Japanese/Chinese, that author's name appears in the footnotes in the order of its original publication. The long vowel does not appear on Japanese names that are fiequently printed in English, such as Osaka (Ôsaka) and Ohira (Ôhira). The pinyin system is used for the rornanization of Chinese terrns. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract Acknowledgernent Notes on the text Table of Contents ix List of Tables xii .. List of Figures Xlll List of Appendices xiv List of Abbreviations xv List of Japanese and Chinese terms xvii CHAPTER 1: Introduction 1. The Penod Under Research II. An Evaluation of the Current Research ILI. The Analytical Framework CHAPTER 2: China Fever and the China Rush 1. The International Environment of Japan's China Diplomacy II. Case Study One - Domestic Politics and Japan's China Policy before and after the 1978 Peace Treaty III. Case Sixdy Two - Japan in Motion for Capturing the Chinese Market IV. Conclusion CHAPTER 3: Political Frictions: Misperceptions or CaIculated Risks? 1. Japan in the 1980s II. Case Study Three - The "Textbook Dispute" III. Case Study Four - Nakasone's Visit to the Yasukuni Shrine IV. History as Politics and Politics as History V. Conclusion CWTER4: Tokyo's Balance Game: Member of the West But Voice for China? 1. Neither East Nor West: Japan's "Identity Crisis" II. Case Study Five - The Nature of Japan's ODA to the PRC III. Case Study Six - Japan's Post-Tiananrnen Diplomacy TV. The Emperor Goes to Beijing V. Conclusion CHAPTER 5: Coping With China: Engagement as Containment? 1. From the "Japan Problem" to the "China Problem" II. Case Study Seven - Expanding ODA Objectives: The Third and Fourth Yen Loans III. Case Study Eight - Japan's China Policy and the 1996 Japan-U.S . Security Agreement IV. Conclusion CHAPTER 6: Conclusions 1. China in Japan's Comprehensive National Security Framework II. Evaluating Japan's China Policy Performance m. Domestic Politics and Japan's China Policy IV. Sino-Japanese Relations in the Changing International System Appendices Bibliography LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Japan's Main Trading Partners, 1929-54 Table 2 China's Ten-Year Plan, 1976- 1985 Table 3 Japan's Yen Loans To China Table 4 An Assessrnent of Japan's China Policy 1978-98 xii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Complex Strategic Triangles in the Post Cold War Era LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix 1 Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the People's Republic of China and Japan Appendix II Summary of the Report on Comprehensive National Security Appendix III Japan-US.
Recommended publications
  • SOUTH KOREA BETWEEN EAGLE and DRAGON Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma
    SOUTH KOREA BETWEEN EAGLE AND DRAGON Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma Jae Ho Chung The decade of the 1990s began with the demise of the Soviet empire and the subsequent retreat of Russia from the center stage of Northeast Asia, leaving the United States in a search to adjust its policies in the region. The “rise of China,” escalating cross-strait tension since 1995, North Korea’s nuclear brinkmanship and missile challenges, latent irreden- tism, and the pivotal economic importance of Northeast Asia have all led the United States to re-emphasize its role and involvement in the region.1 This redefinition of the American mission has in turn led to the consolidation of the U.S.-Japan alliance, exemplified by the 1997 Defense Guideline revision, as well as to the establishment of trilateral consultative organizations such as the Trilateral Coordination and Oversight Group (TCOG) among the U.S., Japan, and South Korea. The increasingly proactive posture by the U.S. has, however, generated grave strategic concerns on the part of China and Russia, which have sought to circumscribe America’s hegemonic parameters in Asia both bilaterally and multilaterally (i.e., the formation of the “Shanghai Six” and the Boao Asia Forum, as well as China’s call for an Association of Southeast Asian Nations Jae Ho Chung is Associate Professor of International Relations, Seoul National University, Seoul, Republic of Korea. The author wishes to thank Bruce J. Dickson and Wu Xinbo for their helpful comments on an earlier version. Asian Survey, 41:5, pp. 777–796. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2001 by The Regents of the University of California.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 May 2016 U.S.-Japan-China Trilateral Report by Sheila Smith
    May 2016 U.S.-Japan-China Trilateral Report By Sheila Smith June 2016 Introduction The Forum on Asia-Pacific Security (FAPS) of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy (NCAFP) hosted a one-and-a-half day Track 1.5 meeting in New York City on May 24-25, 2016, with participants from the United States, Japan and China. The participant list for the trilateral meeting appears in the appendix. This report is not so much an effort to summarize the rich discussion at the trilateral meetings, as it is an effort to analyze the complex and fragile nature of trilateral relations today and to offer suggestions to all three sides for improvement in their ties with each other. In contrast to our November 2015 report, which focused on the interactions between and among the bilateral relationships that comprise this trilateral, this meeting focused on the changing regional security balance and the tension between national strategies and regional institutions which might impede cooperation in resolving the growing tensions in the Asia-Pacific. I. Context Japan, China, and the United States once again found common purpose in the wake of North Korean nuclear and missile tests in early 2016. Pyongyang’s continued insistence on developing a nuclear arsenal resulted in a new United Nations Security Council resolution and stronger sanctions on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). China took some time to agree, prompting concerns yet again in Tokyo and Washington that Beijing was reluctant to punish Kim Jong Un for his belligerence. After Special Representative for Korean Peninsula Affairs Wu Dawei visited Pyongyang in early February,1 Beijing’s position solidified, however, and China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Washington, DC three weeks later to meet U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Title Items-In-Visits of Heads of States and Foreign Ministers
    UN Secretariat Item Scan - Barcode - Record Title Page Date 15/06/2006 Time 4:59:15PM S-0907-0001 -01 -00001 Expanded Number S-0907-0001 -01 -00001 Title items-in-Visits of heads of states and foreign ministers Date Created 17/03/1977 Record Type Archival Item Container s-0907-0001: Correspondence with heads-of-state 1965-1981 Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit •3 felt^ri ly^f i ent of Public Information ^ & & <3 fciiW^ § ^ %•:£ « Pres™ s Sectio^ n United Nations, New York Note Ko. <3248/Rev.3 25 September 1981 KOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS HEADS OF STATE OR GOVERNMENT AND MINISTERS TO ATTEND GENERAL ASSEMBLY SESSION The Secretariat has been officially informed so far that the Heads of State or Government of 12 countries, 10 Deputy Prime Ministers or Vice- Presidents, 124 Ministers for Foreign Affairs and five other Ministers will be present during the thirty-sixth regular session of the General Assembly. Changes, deletions and additions will be available in subsequent revisions of this release. Heads of State or Government George C, Price, Prime Minister of Belize Mary E. Charles, Prime Minister and Minister for Finance and External Affairs of Dominica Jose Napoleon Duarte, President of El Salvador Ptolemy A. Reid, Prime Minister of Guyana Daniel T. arap fcoi, President of Kenya Mcussa Traore, President of Mali Eeewcosagur Ramgoolare, Prime Minister of Haur itius Seyni Kountche, President of the Higer Aristides Royo, President of Panama Prem Tinsulancnda, Prime Minister of Thailand Walter Hadye Lini, Prime Minister and Kinister for Foreign Affairs of Vanuatu Luis Herrera Campins, President of Venezuela (more) For information media — not an official record Office of Public Information Press Section United Nations, New York Note Ho.
    [Show full text]
  • Briefing Memorandum
    The National Institute for Defense Studies News, January 2011 Issue (Issue 150) Briefing Memorandum The Japan-US Alliance Structure in the Eyes of China: Historical developments and the current situation (an English translation of the original manuscript written in Japanese) Yasuyuki Sugiura, Research Fellow, 6th Research Office, Research Department 1. Introduction In 2010, the Japan-US Security Treaty celebrated its 50th year since revisions were last made in 1960. The Japan-US Security Treaty continues to serve as the axis for Japanese diplomatic and security policy even today. The milestone year of 2010 was also a year of heightened attention to China’s security stance towards other countries in Japan. In April, a Chinese naval vessel passed between Okinawa Island and Miyako Island, heading due east into the Pacific Ocean, and thereafter conducted a training exercise and refueling in Pacific Ocean waters. In September there was an incident where a Chinese fishing vessel collided with a Japan Coast Guard patrol vessel in the waters surrounding the Senkaku Islands, Japan-China relations were quickly exacerbated. Amidst this string of events, there has been recent debate over the US military’s deterrence capabilities against China in light of the relocation issue of Futenma Air Station, while another question has surfaced pertaining to whether the Japan-US Security Treaty applies to the Senkaku Islands. These new issues have caused a significant amount of attention to the Japan-US Alliance as well as to relations with China. How does China recognize the Japan-US Alliance? This is a vital question in order to understand China’s policy towards Japan and the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
    Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Korea Relations: Year of China-DPRK Friendship; North’s Rocket Fizzles Scott Snyder Asia Foundation/Pacific Forum CSIS See-won Byun, Asia Foundation Top-level diplomacy between Beijing and Pyongyang intensified this quarter in honor of China- DPRK Friendship Year and the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Prior to the Lunar New Year holiday in mid-January, Kim Jong-il held his first public meeting since his reported illness with Chinese Communist Party International Liaison Department Head Wang Jiarui. In March, DPRK Prime Minister Kim Yong-il paid a return visit to Beijing. The Chinese have accompanied these commemorative meetings with active diplomatic interaction with the U.S., South Korea, and Japan focused on how to respond to North Korea’s launch of a multi-stage rocket. Thus, China finds itself under pressure to dissuade Pyongyang from destabilizing activity and ease regional tensions while retaining its 60-year friendship with the North. Meanwhile, South Korean concerns about China’s rise are no longer confined to issues of economic competitiveness; the Korea Institute for Defense Analysis has produced its first public assessment of the implications of China’s rising economic capabilities for South Korea’s long- term security policies. The response to North Korea’s rocket launch also highlights differences in the respective near-term positions of Seoul and Beijing. Following years of expanding bilateral trade and investment ties, the global financial crisis provides new challenges for Sino- ROK economic relations: how to manage the fallout from a potential decline in bilateral trade and the possibility that domestic burdens will spill over and create new strains in the relationship.
    [Show full text]
  • Jpfp News Letter
    JPFP The Japan Parliamentarians Federation for Population NEWS LETTER No.83 June 2019 The 45th Anniversary of the Japan Parliamentarians Federation for Population (JPFP) (Part II): Promotion of Parliamentarian Activities on Population and Development and ICPPD The last issue traced the history leading up to the establishment of JPFP and its activities during the 1970s. In this issue, we follow JPFP’s activities in the international arena during the 1980s and 1990s. October 1981 - The Asian Conference of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (ACPPD) (Beijing, China) The conference resolved to establish the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD) as well as the Asian Population and Development Association (APDA), as the parental body of AFPPD. Hon. Takeo Fukuda (Chair of JPFP) was awarded the United Nations Peace Medal. Headed by Hon. Takeo Fukuda (Chair of JPFP, HR, LDP), the participants from Japan included: Hon. Takashi Sato (HR, LDP), Hon. Eisaku Sumi (HR, LDP), Hon. Keijiro Shoji (HR, LDP), Hon. Yoshiro Mori (HR, LDP), Hon. 1981 - ACPPD (Beijing) Junichiro Koizumi (HR, LDP), Hon. Katsutsugu Sekiya (HR, LDP), Hon. Shin Sakurai (HR, LDP), Hon. Akira Momiyama (HR, LDP), Hon. Shigeru Ishimoto (HC, LDP), Hon. Yukio Tashiro (HC, LDP), Hon. Chikage Ogi (Hiroko Hayashi) (HC, LDP), Hon. Dr. Hironori Inoue (HR. SPDJ, Hon. Takako Doi (HR, SPDJ), Hon. Yoshito Fukuoka (HR, SPDJ), Hon. Toshimi Kawamoto (HR, SPDJ), Hon. Jinichi Katayama (HC, SPDJ, Hon. Shigetake Arishima (HR, Komeito), Hon. Yasu Kashiwabara (HC, Komeito), Hon. Dr. Hidehiko Yaoi (HR, Komeito), Hon. Kosaku Wada (HR, DSP), Hon. Michikazu Karatani (HC, DSP), Hon. Toshio Yamaguchi (HR, NLC), Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Introduction Almost nobody disputes that the end of the Cold War had a profound impact on the whole pattern of international security but, more than a decade after the transition, the character of the post-Cold War se- curity order still remains hotly contested. This book explores the idea that, since decolonisation, the regional level of security has become both more autonomous and more prominent in international politics, and that the ending of the Cold War accelerated this process (Katzenstein 2000). This idea follows naturally from the ending of bipolarity. Without su- perpower rivalry intruding obsessively into all regions, local powers have more room for manoeuvre. For a decade after the ending of the Cold War, both the remaining superpower and the other great powers (China, EU, Japan, Russia) had less incentive, and displayed less will, to intervene in security affairs outside their own regions. The terrorist attack on the United States in 2001 may well trigger some reassertion of great power interventionism, but this is likely to be for quite narrow and specific purposes, and seems unlikely to recreate the general willingness to intervene abroad that was a feature of Cold War superpower rivalry. The relative autonomy of regional security constitutes a pattern of in- ternational security relations radically different from the rigid structure of superpower bipolarity that defined the Cold War. In our view, this pattern is not captured adequately by either ‘unipolar’ or ‘multipolar’ designations of the international system structure. Nor is it captured by the idea of ‘globalisation’ or by the dismal conclusion that the best that IR can do in conceptualising the security order of the post-Cold War world is to call it ‘the new world disorder’ (Carpenter 1991).
    [Show full text]
  • Japan's Security Relations with China Since 1989
    Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989 The Japanese–Chinese security relationship is one of the most important vari- ables in the formation of a new strategic environment in the Asia-Pacific region which has not only regional but also global implications. The book investigates how and why since the 1990s China has turned in the Japanese perception from a benign neighbour to an ominous challenge, with implications not only for Japan’s security, but also its economy, role in Asia and identity as the first devel- oped Asian nation. Japan’s reaction to this challenge has been a policy of engagement, which consists of political and economic enmeshment of China, hedged by political and military power balancing. The unique approach of this book is the use of an extended security concept to analyse this policy, which allows a better and more systematic understanding of its many inherent contradictions and conflicting dynamics, including the centrifugal forces arising from the Japan–China–US triangular relationship. Many contradictions of Japan’s engagement policy arise from the overlap of military and political power-balancing tools which are part of containment as well as of engagement, a reality which is downplayed by Japan but not ignored by China. The complex nature of engagement explains the recent reinforcement of Japan’s security cooperation with the US and Tokyo’s efforts to increase the security dialogues with countries neighbouring China, such as Vietnam, Myanmar and the five Central Asian countries. The book raises the crucial question of whether Japan’s political leadership, which is still preoccupied with finding a new political constellation and with overcoming a deep economic crisis, is able to handle such a complex policy in the face of an increasingly assertive China and a US alliance partner with strong swings between engaging and containing China’s power.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
    Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations US-China Relations: Friction and Cooperation in Run-up to Hu’s US Visit Bonnie Glaser, CSIS/Pacific Forum CSIS Brittany Billingsley, CSIS In the final quarter of 2010, China-US relations were marked by the now familiar pattern of friction and cooperation. Tensions spiked over North Korea, but common ground was eventually reached and a crisis was averted. President Obama‟s 10-day Asia tour, Secretary of State Clinton‟s two-week Asia trip, and US-ROK military exercises in the Yellow Sea further intensified Chinese concerns that the administration‟s “return to Asia” strategy is aimed at least at counterbalancing China, if not containing China‟s rise. In preparation for President Hu Jintao‟s state visit to the US in January 2011, Secretary Clinton stopped on Hainan Island for consultations with Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo and Deputy Secretary of State Steinberg visited Beijing. Progress toward resumption of the military-to-military relationship was made with the convening of a plenary session under the US-China Military Maritime Consultative Agreement (MMCA) and the 11th meeting of the Defense Consultative Talks. Differences over human rights were accentuated by the awarding of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize to Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo. Gaping differences over North Korea North Korea‟s provocative moves this quarter posed a challenge to the US-China bilateral relationship and Northeast Asian stability. The news that North Korea had built a sophisticated uranium enrichment plant took Washington and Beijing by surprise. As the two countries prepared to consider how to respond to the apparent North Korea violation of UN Security Council resolutions, Pyongyang shelled South Korea‟s Yeonpyeong Island, killing two civilians and two marines deployed on the island.
    [Show full text]
  • 1. the Politics of Legacy
    UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Succeeding in politics : dynasties in democracies Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1dv7f7bb Authors Smith, Daniel Markham Smith, Daniel Markham Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Succeeding in Politics: Dynasties in Democracies A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Daniel Markham Smith Committee in charge: Professor Kaare Strøm, Chair Professor Gary W. Cox Professor Gary C. Jacobson Professor Ellis S. Krauss Professor Krislert Samphantharak Professor Matthew S. Shugart 2012 ! Daniel Markham Smith, 2012 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Daniel Markham Smith is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Chair University of California, San Diego 2012 iii DEDICATION To my mother and father, from whom I have inherited so much. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature page……………………………………………………………………………iii Dedication………………………………………………………………………………...iv Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………….v List of Abbreviations………………………….………………………………………....vii List of Figures……………………………...……………………………………………viii List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………...x Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………….xii Vita………………………………………………………………………………………xv Abstract………………………………………………………………………………….xvi 1. The
    [Show full text]
  • CHINA: the Awakening of Th Red Dragon
    Framework Document 03/2016 March 4, 20166 Alfonso Zurita Borbón* CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE Visit WEB Receive Newsletter RED DRAGON CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE RED DRAGON Abstract: During the first decades of the century, China has positioned itself as the number one economic power in terms of GDP measured by purchasing power parity. China's economic model and its unique and individual qualities caused the meteoric economic rise of the country. President Xi Jinping is transforming the country through a comprehensive reform program. China's commitment to long- term structural change and it’s the main economic objective of moving its economy from one led by investment and exports to one driven by consumption. Many experts and analysts predict that during the current century, China will alter the balance of world order and create a new world order. Keywords: XXI century, China, Chinese economic model, world number one economic, five-year plan for national economic and social development, renminbi, global economic balance, new world order international economic system. *NOTA: Las ideas contenidas en los Documentos Marco son de responsabilidad de sus autores, sin que reflejen, necesariamente, el pensamiento del IEEE o del Ministerio de Defensa. Documento Marco 03/2016 1 CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE RED DRAGON Alfonso Zurita Borbón INTRODUCTION China´s Brief Historical Past Both the theory and the mentality of international relations in general are experiencing a transition from the old hardcore Classical and Structural political Realism to Pluralism. In the practice of international relations, those changes can be seen reflected in the systemic (international system) re-structuring that is taking place, due to the progressive transformation of the rigid bipolar world order dynamised and governed by Realism, to a new international multipolar Pluralist and interdependent system.
    [Show full text]
  • Preview from Notesale.Co.Uk Page 1 of 34
    Geography Unit 3 Notes Energy Security Energy supply, demand and security Types of energy source • 85% of global energy consumption in 2007 was from fossil fuels. • Dependence on fossil fuels has only emerged over the past few hundred years. Pre – industrial revolution most energy sources were renewable. • Environmental consequences of using renewable, non-renewable and recyclable energy; o Renewable sources produce no carbon dioxide and do not directly contribute to atmospheric pollution. o Non-renewable sources emit carbon dioxide during combustion and are the cause of global warming. o Recyclable biomass and biofuels emit carbon dioxide but reabsorb it when they are regrown – making them potentially close to being ‘carbon neutral’. • Nuclear power stations do not emit carbon dioxide but there are significant environmental concerns about the radioactive uranium fuel, and the long-term problem of disposing of nuclear waste. Distribution Preview from Notesale.co.uk • Direct access to energy resources is determined primarily by the physical geography of an area. Page 1 of 34 • For example, with tidal ranges of up to 15 metres, some of Europe’s strongest winds and many glacial valleys, the UK has significant renewable resource potential. • Conversely, high latitude areas such as the UK have low solar power potential. • Areas that are tectonically active such as Iceland have much higher geothermal potential. • Similar energy resources are concentrated geographically; o In 2005, 4 countries made up over 70% of global uranium production for nuclear power – led by Canada (28%) and Australia (23%). o By 2025, 60% of the world’s oil supply will come from the Middle East.
    [Show full text]