Competing As Potential Superpowers: Japan's China Policy 1978-1998
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SOUTH KOREA BETWEEN EAGLE and DRAGON Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma
SOUTH KOREA BETWEEN EAGLE AND DRAGON Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma Jae Ho Chung The decade of the 1990s began with the demise of the Soviet empire and the subsequent retreat of Russia from the center stage of Northeast Asia, leaving the United States in a search to adjust its policies in the region. The “rise of China,” escalating cross-strait tension since 1995, North Korea’s nuclear brinkmanship and missile challenges, latent irreden- tism, and the pivotal economic importance of Northeast Asia have all led the United States to re-emphasize its role and involvement in the region.1 This redefinition of the American mission has in turn led to the consolidation of the U.S.-Japan alliance, exemplified by the 1997 Defense Guideline revision, as well as to the establishment of trilateral consultative organizations such as the Trilateral Coordination and Oversight Group (TCOG) among the U.S., Japan, and South Korea. The increasingly proactive posture by the U.S. has, however, generated grave strategic concerns on the part of China and Russia, which have sought to circumscribe America’s hegemonic parameters in Asia both bilaterally and multilaterally (i.e., the formation of the “Shanghai Six” and the Boao Asia Forum, as well as China’s call for an Association of Southeast Asian Nations Jae Ho Chung is Associate Professor of International Relations, Seoul National University, Seoul, Republic of Korea. The author wishes to thank Bruce J. Dickson and Wu Xinbo for their helpful comments on an earlier version. Asian Survey, 41:5, pp. 777–796. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2001 by The Regents of the University of California. -
1 May 2016 U.S.-Japan-China Trilateral Report by Sheila Smith
May 2016 U.S.-Japan-China Trilateral Report By Sheila Smith June 2016 Introduction The Forum on Asia-Pacific Security (FAPS) of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy (NCAFP) hosted a one-and-a-half day Track 1.5 meeting in New York City on May 24-25, 2016, with participants from the United States, Japan and China. The participant list for the trilateral meeting appears in the appendix. This report is not so much an effort to summarize the rich discussion at the trilateral meetings, as it is an effort to analyze the complex and fragile nature of trilateral relations today and to offer suggestions to all three sides for improvement in their ties with each other. In contrast to our November 2015 report, which focused on the interactions between and among the bilateral relationships that comprise this trilateral, this meeting focused on the changing regional security balance and the tension between national strategies and regional institutions which might impede cooperation in resolving the growing tensions in the Asia-Pacific. I. Context Japan, China, and the United States once again found common purpose in the wake of North Korean nuclear and missile tests in early 2016. Pyongyang’s continued insistence on developing a nuclear arsenal resulted in a new United Nations Security Council resolution and stronger sanctions on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). China took some time to agree, prompting concerns yet again in Tokyo and Washington that Beijing was reluctant to punish Kim Jong Un for his belligerence. After Special Representative for Korean Peninsula Affairs Wu Dawei visited Pyongyang in early February,1 Beijing’s position solidified, however, and China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Washington, DC three weeks later to meet U.S. -
Title Items-In-Visits of Heads of States and Foreign Ministers
UN Secretariat Item Scan - Barcode - Record Title Page Date 15/06/2006 Time 4:59:15PM S-0907-0001 -01 -00001 Expanded Number S-0907-0001 -01 -00001 Title items-in-Visits of heads of states and foreign ministers Date Created 17/03/1977 Record Type Archival Item Container s-0907-0001: Correspondence with heads-of-state 1965-1981 Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit •3 felt^ri ly^f i ent of Public Information ^ & & <3 fciiW^ § ^ %•:£ « Pres™ s Sectio^ n United Nations, New York Note Ko. <3248/Rev.3 25 September 1981 KOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS HEADS OF STATE OR GOVERNMENT AND MINISTERS TO ATTEND GENERAL ASSEMBLY SESSION The Secretariat has been officially informed so far that the Heads of State or Government of 12 countries, 10 Deputy Prime Ministers or Vice- Presidents, 124 Ministers for Foreign Affairs and five other Ministers will be present during the thirty-sixth regular session of the General Assembly. Changes, deletions and additions will be available in subsequent revisions of this release. Heads of State or Government George C, Price, Prime Minister of Belize Mary E. Charles, Prime Minister and Minister for Finance and External Affairs of Dominica Jose Napoleon Duarte, President of El Salvador Ptolemy A. Reid, Prime Minister of Guyana Daniel T. arap fcoi, President of Kenya Mcussa Traore, President of Mali Eeewcosagur Ramgoolare, Prime Minister of Haur itius Seyni Kountche, President of the Higer Aristides Royo, President of Panama Prem Tinsulancnda, Prime Minister of Thailand Walter Hadye Lini, Prime Minister and Kinister for Foreign Affairs of Vanuatu Luis Herrera Campins, President of Venezuela (more) For information media — not an official record Office of Public Information Press Section United Nations, New York Note Ho. -
Briefing Memorandum
The National Institute for Defense Studies News, January 2011 Issue (Issue 150) Briefing Memorandum The Japan-US Alliance Structure in the Eyes of China: Historical developments and the current situation (an English translation of the original manuscript written in Japanese) Yasuyuki Sugiura, Research Fellow, 6th Research Office, Research Department 1. Introduction In 2010, the Japan-US Security Treaty celebrated its 50th year since revisions were last made in 1960. The Japan-US Security Treaty continues to serve as the axis for Japanese diplomatic and security policy even today. The milestone year of 2010 was also a year of heightened attention to China’s security stance towards other countries in Japan. In April, a Chinese naval vessel passed between Okinawa Island and Miyako Island, heading due east into the Pacific Ocean, and thereafter conducted a training exercise and refueling in Pacific Ocean waters. In September there was an incident where a Chinese fishing vessel collided with a Japan Coast Guard patrol vessel in the waters surrounding the Senkaku Islands, Japan-China relations were quickly exacerbated. Amidst this string of events, there has been recent debate over the US military’s deterrence capabilities against China in light of the relocation issue of Futenma Air Station, while another question has surfaced pertaining to whether the Japan-US Security Treaty applies to the Senkaku Islands. These new issues have caused a significant amount of attention to the Japan-US Alliance as well as to relations with China. How does China recognize the Japan-US Alliance? This is a vital question in order to understand China’s policy towards Japan and the United States. -
Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Korea Relations: Year of China-DPRK Friendship; North’s Rocket Fizzles Scott Snyder Asia Foundation/Pacific Forum CSIS See-won Byun, Asia Foundation Top-level diplomacy between Beijing and Pyongyang intensified this quarter in honor of China- DPRK Friendship Year and the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Prior to the Lunar New Year holiday in mid-January, Kim Jong-il held his first public meeting since his reported illness with Chinese Communist Party International Liaison Department Head Wang Jiarui. In March, DPRK Prime Minister Kim Yong-il paid a return visit to Beijing. The Chinese have accompanied these commemorative meetings with active diplomatic interaction with the U.S., South Korea, and Japan focused on how to respond to North Korea’s launch of a multi-stage rocket. Thus, China finds itself under pressure to dissuade Pyongyang from destabilizing activity and ease regional tensions while retaining its 60-year friendship with the North. Meanwhile, South Korean concerns about China’s rise are no longer confined to issues of economic competitiveness; the Korea Institute for Defense Analysis has produced its first public assessment of the implications of China’s rising economic capabilities for South Korea’s long- term security policies. The response to North Korea’s rocket launch also highlights differences in the respective near-term positions of Seoul and Beijing. Following years of expanding bilateral trade and investment ties, the global financial crisis provides new challenges for Sino- ROK economic relations: how to manage the fallout from a potential decline in bilateral trade and the possibility that domestic burdens will spill over and create new strains in the relationship. -
Jpfp News Letter
JPFP The Japan Parliamentarians Federation for Population NEWS LETTER No.83 June 2019 The 45th Anniversary of the Japan Parliamentarians Federation for Population (JPFP) (Part II): Promotion of Parliamentarian Activities on Population and Development and ICPPD The last issue traced the history leading up to the establishment of JPFP and its activities during the 1970s. In this issue, we follow JPFP’s activities in the international arena during the 1980s and 1990s. October 1981 - The Asian Conference of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (ACPPD) (Beijing, China) The conference resolved to establish the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD) as well as the Asian Population and Development Association (APDA), as the parental body of AFPPD. Hon. Takeo Fukuda (Chair of JPFP) was awarded the United Nations Peace Medal. Headed by Hon. Takeo Fukuda (Chair of JPFP, HR, LDP), the participants from Japan included: Hon. Takashi Sato (HR, LDP), Hon. Eisaku Sumi (HR, LDP), Hon. Keijiro Shoji (HR, LDP), Hon. Yoshiro Mori (HR, LDP), Hon. 1981 - ACPPD (Beijing) Junichiro Koizumi (HR, LDP), Hon. Katsutsugu Sekiya (HR, LDP), Hon. Shin Sakurai (HR, LDP), Hon. Akira Momiyama (HR, LDP), Hon. Shigeru Ishimoto (HC, LDP), Hon. Yukio Tashiro (HC, LDP), Hon. Chikage Ogi (Hiroko Hayashi) (HC, LDP), Hon. Dr. Hironori Inoue (HR. SPDJ, Hon. Takako Doi (HR, SPDJ), Hon. Yoshito Fukuoka (HR, SPDJ), Hon. Toshimi Kawamoto (HR, SPDJ), Hon. Jinichi Katayama (HC, SPDJ, Hon. Shigetake Arishima (HR, Komeito), Hon. Yasu Kashiwabara (HC, Komeito), Hon. Dr. Hidehiko Yaoi (HR, Komeito), Hon. Kosaku Wada (HR, DSP), Hon. Michikazu Karatani (HC, DSP), Hon. Toshio Yamaguchi (HR, NLC), Hon. -
Introduction
Introduction Almost nobody disputes that the end of the Cold War had a profound impact on the whole pattern of international security but, more than a decade after the transition, the character of the post-Cold War se- curity order still remains hotly contested. This book explores the idea that, since decolonisation, the regional level of security has become both more autonomous and more prominent in international politics, and that the ending of the Cold War accelerated this process (Katzenstein 2000). This idea follows naturally from the ending of bipolarity. Without su- perpower rivalry intruding obsessively into all regions, local powers have more room for manoeuvre. For a decade after the ending of the Cold War, both the remaining superpower and the other great powers (China, EU, Japan, Russia) had less incentive, and displayed less will, to intervene in security affairs outside their own regions. The terrorist attack on the United States in 2001 may well trigger some reassertion of great power interventionism, but this is likely to be for quite narrow and specific purposes, and seems unlikely to recreate the general willingness to intervene abroad that was a feature of Cold War superpower rivalry. The relative autonomy of regional security constitutes a pattern of in- ternational security relations radically different from the rigid structure of superpower bipolarity that defined the Cold War. In our view, this pattern is not captured adequately by either ‘unipolar’ or ‘multipolar’ designations of the international system structure. Nor is it captured by the idea of ‘globalisation’ or by the dismal conclusion that the best that IR can do in conceptualising the security order of the post-Cold War world is to call it ‘the new world disorder’ (Carpenter 1991). -
Japan's Security Relations with China Since 1989
Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989 The Japanese–Chinese security relationship is one of the most important vari- ables in the formation of a new strategic environment in the Asia-Pacific region which has not only regional but also global implications. The book investigates how and why since the 1990s China has turned in the Japanese perception from a benign neighbour to an ominous challenge, with implications not only for Japan’s security, but also its economy, role in Asia and identity as the first devel- oped Asian nation. Japan’s reaction to this challenge has been a policy of engagement, which consists of political and economic enmeshment of China, hedged by political and military power balancing. The unique approach of this book is the use of an extended security concept to analyse this policy, which allows a better and more systematic understanding of its many inherent contradictions and conflicting dynamics, including the centrifugal forces arising from the Japan–China–US triangular relationship. Many contradictions of Japan’s engagement policy arise from the overlap of military and political power-balancing tools which are part of containment as well as of engagement, a reality which is downplayed by Japan but not ignored by China. The complex nature of engagement explains the recent reinforcement of Japan’s security cooperation with the US and Tokyo’s efforts to increase the security dialogues with countries neighbouring China, such as Vietnam, Myanmar and the five Central Asian countries. The book raises the crucial question of whether Japan’s political leadership, which is still preoccupied with finding a new political constellation and with overcoming a deep economic crisis, is able to handle such a complex policy in the face of an increasingly assertive China and a US alliance partner with strong swings between engaging and containing China’s power. -
Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations US-China Relations: Friction and Cooperation in Run-up to Hu’s US Visit Bonnie Glaser, CSIS/Pacific Forum CSIS Brittany Billingsley, CSIS In the final quarter of 2010, China-US relations were marked by the now familiar pattern of friction and cooperation. Tensions spiked over North Korea, but common ground was eventually reached and a crisis was averted. President Obama‟s 10-day Asia tour, Secretary of State Clinton‟s two-week Asia trip, and US-ROK military exercises in the Yellow Sea further intensified Chinese concerns that the administration‟s “return to Asia” strategy is aimed at least at counterbalancing China, if not containing China‟s rise. In preparation for President Hu Jintao‟s state visit to the US in January 2011, Secretary Clinton stopped on Hainan Island for consultations with Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo and Deputy Secretary of State Steinberg visited Beijing. Progress toward resumption of the military-to-military relationship was made with the convening of a plenary session under the US-China Military Maritime Consultative Agreement (MMCA) and the 11th meeting of the Defense Consultative Talks. Differences over human rights were accentuated by the awarding of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize to Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo. Gaping differences over North Korea North Korea‟s provocative moves this quarter posed a challenge to the US-China bilateral relationship and Northeast Asian stability. The news that North Korea had built a sophisticated uranium enrichment plant took Washington and Beijing by surprise. As the two countries prepared to consider how to respond to the apparent North Korea violation of UN Security Council resolutions, Pyongyang shelled South Korea‟s Yeonpyeong Island, killing two civilians and two marines deployed on the island. -
1. the Politics of Legacy
UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Succeeding in politics : dynasties in democracies Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1dv7f7bb Authors Smith, Daniel Markham Smith, Daniel Markham Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Succeeding in Politics: Dynasties in Democracies A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Daniel Markham Smith Committee in charge: Professor Kaare Strøm, Chair Professor Gary W. Cox Professor Gary C. Jacobson Professor Ellis S. Krauss Professor Krislert Samphantharak Professor Matthew S. Shugart 2012 ! Daniel Markham Smith, 2012 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Daniel Markham Smith is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Chair University of California, San Diego 2012 iii DEDICATION To my mother and father, from whom I have inherited so much. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature page……………………………………………………………………………iii Dedication………………………………………………………………………………...iv Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………….v List of Abbreviations………………………….………………………………………....vii List of Figures……………………………...……………………………………………viii List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………...x Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………….xii Vita………………………………………………………………………………………xv Abstract………………………………………………………………………………….xvi 1. The -
CHINA: the Awakening of Th Red Dragon
Framework Document 03/2016 March 4, 20166 Alfonso Zurita Borbón* CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE Visit WEB Receive Newsletter RED DRAGON CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE RED DRAGON Abstract: During the first decades of the century, China has positioned itself as the number one economic power in terms of GDP measured by purchasing power parity. China's economic model and its unique and individual qualities caused the meteoric economic rise of the country. President Xi Jinping is transforming the country through a comprehensive reform program. China's commitment to long- term structural change and it’s the main economic objective of moving its economy from one led by investment and exports to one driven by consumption. Many experts and analysts predict that during the current century, China will alter the balance of world order and create a new world order. Keywords: XXI century, China, Chinese economic model, world number one economic, five-year plan for national economic and social development, renminbi, global economic balance, new world order international economic system. *NOTA: Las ideas contenidas en los Documentos Marco son de responsabilidad de sus autores, sin que reflejen, necesariamente, el pensamiento del IEEE o del Ministerio de Defensa. Documento Marco 03/2016 1 CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE RED DRAGON Alfonso Zurita Borbón INTRODUCTION China´s Brief Historical Past Both the theory and the mentality of international relations in general are experiencing a transition from the old hardcore Classical and Structural political Realism to Pluralism. In the practice of international relations, those changes can be seen reflected in the systemic (international system) re-structuring that is taking place, due to the progressive transformation of the rigid bipolar world order dynamised and governed by Realism, to a new international multipolar Pluralist and interdependent system. -
Preview from Notesale.Co.Uk Page 1 of 34
Geography Unit 3 Notes Energy Security Energy supply, demand and security Types of energy source • 85% of global energy consumption in 2007 was from fossil fuels. • Dependence on fossil fuels has only emerged over the past few hundred years. Pre – industrial revolution most energy sources were renewable. • Environmental consequences of using renewable, non-renewable and recyclable energy; o Renewable sources produce no carbon dioxide and do not directly contribute to atmospheric pollution. o Non-renewable sources emit carbon dioxide during combustion and are the cause of global warming. o Recyclable biomass and biofuels emit carbon dioxide but reabsorb it when they are regrown – making them potentially close to being ‘carbon neutral’. • Nuclear power stations do not emit carbon dioxide but there are significant environmental concerns about the radioactive uranium fuel, and the long-term problem of disposing of nuclear waste. Distribution Preview from Notesale.co.uk • Direct access to energy resources is determined primarily by the physical geography of an area. Page 1 of 34 • For example, with tidal ranges of up to 15 metres, some of Europe’s strongest winds and many glacial valleys, the UK has significant renewable resource potential. • Conversely, high latitude areas such as the UK have low solar power potential. • Areas that are tectonically active such as Iceland have much higher geothermal potential. • Similar energy resources are concentrated geographically; o In 2005, 4 countries made up over 70% of global uranium production for nuclear power – led by Canada (28%) and Australia (23%). o By 2025, 60% of the world’s oil supply will come from the Middle East.