A Sketch of the Life of Poggio Bracciolini
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The Importance of Cosimo De Medici in Library History
THE IMPORTANCE OF COSIMO DE MEDICI IN LIBRARY HISTORY by William F Meehan III osimo de Medici, the aristocratic banker in Gern1any are 'epoch-making" (Holmes, 1969 p. and statesman who enlivened philan 119). thropy in Renaissance Florence might When it came to his personal book collection, have made his greatest contribution to [Q Cosin10 preferred quality over quantity, and he added the arts through his patronage of human to his library wisely. After growing up in a home with ist libraries. Cosima hin1self accumulated a superb only three books, Cosima by the age of 30 had as personal collection, but his three major library initia sembled a library of about 70 exquisite volumes. The tives were charitable activities and included Italy's first collection reflected his literary taste and consisted of public library, which made its way to the magnificent classical texts as well as a mix of secular and sacred library founded generations later by one of his descen works typical of collections at the time. Sening his dants. library, as well as other Florentine humanist libraries, Cosima's patronage of libraries flourished when a apart from others in Italy in the first half of the four small group of Florentine intellectuals leading a revival teenth century was the accession of Greek texts, which of the classical world and litterae humaniores sought were exceedingly scarce at th time but central to the his support. They fostered a milieu that engendered an unifying theme of Cosima's excell nt collection as well appreciation for books and learning in the benefactor as a principal scholarly interest of the humanists. -
Leonardo Bruni, the Medici, and the Florentine Histories1
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Queensland eSpace /HRQDUGR%UXQLWKH0HGLFLDQGWKH)ORUHQWLQH+LVWRULHV *DU\,DQ]LWL Journal of the History of Ideas, Volume 69, Number 1, January 2008, pp. 1-22 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\8QLYHUVLW\RI3HQQV\OYDQLD3UHVV DOI: 10.1353/jhi.2008.0009 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jhi/summary/v069/69.1ianziti.html Access provided by University of Queensland (30 Oct 2015 04:56 GMT) Leonardo Bruni, the Medici, and the Florentine Histories1 Gary Ianziti Leonardo Bruni’s relationship to the Medici regime raises some intriguing questions. Born in 1370, Bruni was Chancellor of Florence in 1434, when Cosimo de’ Medici and his adherents returned from exile, banished their opponents, and seized control of government.2 Bruni never made known his personal feelings about this sudden regime change. His memoirs and private correspondence are curiously silent on the issue.3 Yet it must have been a painful time for him. Among those banished by the Medici were many of his long-time friends and supporters: men like Palla di Nofri Strozzi, or Rinaldo degli Albizzi. Others, like the prominent humanist and anti-Medicean agita- tor Francesco Filelfo, would soon join the first wave of exiles.4 1 This study was completed in late 2006/early 2007, prior to the appearance of volume three of the Hankins edition and translation of Bruni’s History of the Florentine People (see footnote 19). References to books nine to twelve of the History are consequently based on the Santini edition, cited in footnote 52. -
Curial Humanism Seen Through the Prism of the Papal Library
CURIAL HUMANISM SEEN THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE PAPAL LIBRARY Massimo Miglio The multifaceted historical perception of Italian humanism, especially with regard to the Quattrocento, that has evolved in the last several years makes it necessary to define humanism’s diverse identities as articulated in the main cultural centers of Italy, such as Milan, Venice, Padua, and Naples.1 For this reason, it is also necessary to attempt to define the characteristics of humanistic culture that developed at the papal court and to evaluate its ever evolving nature because of the particular personalities of some of the popes (Nicholas V, Pius II, Paul II, and Sixtus IV, for example) but, above all, because of the unique socio-cultural composition of the Roman court, which was made up of laymen, clerics, and intellectuals from different regions of Italy and Europe. These individuals were simultaneously called upon to address issues that were both religious and secular. The Roman court was unquestionably atypical with respect to other courts. This uniqueness was due to its mingling of the spiritual with the temporal, to its having to assert itself vis-à-vis the city of Rome and the Papal States as well as all of Christendom, to its being strongly rooted in the social reality of Italy, and to its international composition even though the papal court, contrary to popular belief, was composed primarily of Italians; between 1471 and 1527 around 60% of the court personnel were Italian. The Roman court and the papal Curia (I should note, however, that the Curia constituted only part of the Roman court) were at this time the court par excellence. -
L-G-0010822438-0026417920.Pdf
Super alta perennis Studien zur Wirkung der Klassischen Antike Band 17 Herausgegeben von Uwe Baumann, MarcLaureys und Winfried Schmitz DavidA.Lines /MarcLaureys /Jill Kraye (eds.) FormsofConflictand Rivalries in Renaissance Europe V&Runipress Bonn UniversityPress ® MIX Papier aus verantwor- tungsvollen Quellen ® www.fsc.org FSC C083411 Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie;detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. ISBN 978-3-8471-0409-4 ISBN 978-3-8470-0409-7 (E-Book) Veröffentlichungen der Bonn University Press erscheinen im Verlag V&Runipress GmbH. Gedruckt mit freundlicher Unterstützung des „Leverhulme Trust International Network“ (Großbritannien) zum Thema „RenaissanceConflictand Rivalries:Cultural Polemics in Europe, c. 1300–c.1650“ und der Philosophischen Fakultätder UniversitätBonn. 2015, V&Runipress in Göttingen /www.v-r.de Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk und seine Teile sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Printed in Germany. Titelbild:Luca della Robbia, relieffor the Florentine campanile, c. 1437 (Foto:Warburg Institute, Photographic Collection, out of copyright) Druck und Bindung:CPI buchbuecher.de GmbH, Birkach Gedruckt aufalterungsbeständigem Papier. Contents DavidA.Lines /MarcLaureys /JillKraye Foreword .................................. -
Francesco Filelfo As a Writer of Invective
Francesco Filelfo as a Writer of Invective David Marsh As in other literary genres, the writers of Renaissance invective often drew inspiration from Francesco Petrarca (1304–1374), whose four polemical writ- ings revived a classical tradition that dated back to Cicero, pseudo-Sallust, and Jerome.1 In the Quattrocento, many humanists gained notoriety by pub- lishing invectives against rival scholars, most notably Antonio Loschi, Poggio Bracciolini, Lorenzo Valla, Bartolomeo Facio, and Antonio da Rho. Oddly, it seems that the singularly contentious and combative Francesco Filelfo (1398–1481) wrote nothing that he explicitly called an invective.2 Indeed, on several occasions the humanist dismissed invective as distasteful. The tirades of Antonio da Rho (c. 1398–c.1450), for example, were notorious for their viru- lence; and in 1443 Filelfo accordingly deprecated the friar’s “insane” attacks on the humanist Pier Candido Decembrio, whom he often considered an enemy.3 1 On Cicero and Roman invective, see Arena 2007, and Booth 2007. For an introduction to all four Petrarchan invectives with Latin text and English translation and notes, see Petrarch 2003. Enenkel 2010 distinguishes Contra medicum from the Ciceronian model of In Pisonem: Petrarch rejects the urban social values of Roman invective (he despises Avignon and lauds solitude), and employs Scholastic forms of argumentation. For the humanist invectives of the Renaissance, see Laureys 2003, Helmrath 2010, and Marsh 2016. On the wider context of polemics, known in German as Streitkultur (agonal culture), see Laureys-Simons 2010, and Lines-Laureys-Kraye 2015. 2 I here echo De Keyser 2015, 15: “Oddly enough, Filelfo wrote nothing which he explicitly called an invective; but the majority of his writings, in numerous literary genres, contain ad hominem attacks, including, most prominently, on Poggio.” 3 PhE·05.21 (30 December 1443): “Vellem equidem, pater optime, ab omni istiusmodi scribendi genere te continuisses, neque cum insanienti Petro Candido Decembre desipere ipse volu- isses. -
Renaissance Anthropologies and the Conception of Man Caroline Stark
RENAISSANCE ANTHROPOLOGIES AND THE CONCEPTION OF MAN Caroline Stark Two sixteenth-century developments are credited with drastically altering the conception of man and his place in the universe, thus marking a fun- damental shift to modernity: the Protestant Reformation and subsequent Counter-Reformation, and the emergence of the New Science. This new conception of man, either as an impotent, sinful creature in need of divine grace or as a creative, active force for improving his own condition and society, would not have been possible without the earlier debate over the condition of man among Renaissance humanists.1 A number of notable humanists, including Petrarch, Facio, Manetti, and Pico della Mirandola,2 responded to the misery of man tradition, as exemplified by Pope Inno- cent III’s treatise on the misery of the human condition,3 by celebrating 1 Giovanni Gentile, Giordano Bruno e il Pensiero del Rinascimento (Florence: Le Let- tere, 1991); Eugenio Garin, “La ‘Dignitas Hominis’ e la Letteratura Patristica,” La Rinascita 1 (1938): 102–46; Giovanni Di Napoli, “ ‘Contemptus Mundi’ e ‘Dignitas Hominis’ nel Rinasci- mento,” Rivista di Filosofia Neoscolastica 48 (1956): 9–41; Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Concepts of Man, and Other Essays (New York: Harper & Row, 1972); Charles Trinkaus, “The Renaissance Idea of the Dignity of Man,” in Dictionary of the History of Ideas, ed. Philip P. Wiener (New York: Scribner, 1973), 136–47; Craven, Giovanni Pico Della Mirandola, Sym- bol of His Age: Modern Interpretations of a Renaissance Philosopher (Geneva: Droz, 1981): 21–45; Charles Trinkaus, “Themes for a Renaissance Anthropology,” in The Scope of Renais- sance Humanism, ed. -
Greek Studies in Italy: from Petrarch to Bruni
Greek Studies in Italy: From Petrarch to Bruni The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Hankins, James. 2007. Greek studies in Italy: From Petrarch to Bruni. In Petrarca e il Mondo Greco Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi, Reggio Calabria, 26-30 Novembre 2001, ed. Michele Feo, Vincenzo Fera, Paola Megna, and Antonio Rollo, 2 vols., Quaderni Petrarcheschi, vols. XII-XIII, 329-339. Firenze: Le Lettere. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:8301600 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA GREEK STUDIES IN ITALY: FROM PETRARCH TO BRUNI Comparing with the mind's eye the revival of Greek studies that took place in Avignon and Florence in the middle decades of the fourteenth century with the second revival that began in Florence three decades later, two large problems of historical interpretation stand out, which have not yet, I hope, entirely exhausted their interest—even after the valuable studies of Giuseppe Cammelli, R. J. Leonertz, Roberto Weiss, Agostino Pertusi, N. G. Wilson, Ernesto Berti, and many others. The first problem concerns the reason why (to use Pertusi's formulation) Salutati succeeded where Boccaccio failed: why no Latin scholar of the mid-fourteenth century succeeded in learning classical Greek, whereas the students of Manuel Chrysoloras were able not only to learn Greek themselves, but to pass down their knowledge to later generations. -
Session 3 Powerpoint Presentation
Defining the Renaissance through its Values Humanism, Individualism, Secularism, Materialism, Civic Humanism, Virtù Humanism This is the most fundamental and characteristic value of Renaissance. It is a complex notion pulling together three interlocking elements: • a revival of the Classical culture of the Greeks and Romans • a belief in man as a proper focus of study • the concrete work of reviving and correcting classical texts and language and creating new works in the style of the classics. Revival of the Classical learning of the Greeks and Romans As this knowledge was “pagan,” the Church had gone to great lengths in the Early Middle Ages to destroy the works or make them inaccessible to the general population and most scholars. Aristotle, whose work on comedy, a part of Poetics, was lost, allegedly through the zeal of the Church Beginning in the High and Late Middle Ages, some Catholic scholars began to see the ideas included in these works in a new light and sought to make them acceptable to and even supportive of Christianity and the Church. St. Thomas Aquinas In the 1300s and early 1400s, intentional searches began for Classical texts, many found in monastic libraries (generally not easily accessible to the monks), some private libraries, or even landfills. Poggio Bracciolini, early 1400s aide to the Pope, whose discovery of the then only known copy of Lucretius’ De Rerum Naturum was arguably one of the most important finds for the full creation of Humanism. I judge, from what I know of your religious fervour,, that you will feel a sort of repugnance toward the poem which I enclose in this letter, deeming it quite out of harmony with all your professions, and in direct opposition to your whole mode of thinking and living. -
George of Trebizond and Humanist Acts of Self-Presentation
University of Kentucky UKnowledge Theses and Dissertations--History History 2013 Honor, Reputation, and Conflict: George of Trebizond and Humanist Acts of Self-Presentation Karl R. Alexander University of Kentucky, [email protected] Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Alexander, Karl R., "Honor, Reputation, and Conflict: George of Trebizond and Humanist Acts of Self- Presentation" (2013). Theses and Dissertations--History. 14. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/14 This Doctoral Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the History at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations--History by an authorized administrator of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STUDENT AGREEMENT: I represent that my thesis or dissertation and abstract are my original work. Proper attribution has been given to all outside sources. I understand that I am solely responsible for obtaining any needed copyright permissions. I have obtained and attached hereto needed written permission statements(s) from the owner(s) of each third-party copyrighted matter to be included in my work, allowing electronic distribution (if such use is not permitted by the fair use doctrine). I hereby grant to The University of Kentucky and its agents the non-exclusive license to archive and make accessible my work in whole or in part in all forms of media, now or hereafter known. I agree that the document mentioned above may be made available immediately for worldwide access unless a preapproved embargo applies. -
Lectiones Scrupulosae
Plate 1. MS Harley 4838, folio 134 (reproduced with permission of the British Library). The Prologue to Apuleius’ Metamorphoses and Coluccio Salutati: MS Harley 4838 (With an Appendix on Sozomeno of Pistoia and the Nonius Marginalia)1 REGINE MAY Merton College, Oxford Introduction: life and work of Coluccio Salutati In the manuscript tradition of Apuleius, MS Harley 4838 has been neglected, since it is not relevant for the constitution of the text. Despite having some unique features, there is no mention of it in the most recent book on Apu- leian textual criticism.2 I intend to show how important this hitherto ne- glected manuscript is for the textual tradition and interpretation of Apuleius’ Metamorphoses in the Renaissance, by first establishing its readings and their importance, and then tracing its influence throughout the Renaissance scholarship on Apuleius. MS Harley 4838 was owned and annotated by Coluccio Salutati, whose most interesting and longest marginal notes are on the prologue to the Metamorphoses (Met. 1,1). The notes have not been properly edited, and what printed versions exist of them are incomplete, imprecise, and untrans- lated.3 Thus I present here a full transcription and translation of them. ————— 1 Maaike Zimmerman was the one who encouraged me to publish my first scholarly at- tempts on Apuleius, and I am thus very grateful to be allowed to contribute a paper to honour her in her Festschrift. 2 Magnaldi–Gianotti 2000. Cf. also my review May 2002a. For a general study cf. Rey- nolds 1983, 15–18. 3 Catalogue of the Harleian Manuscripts in the British Museum, Vol. -
The Revival of Greek Studies in the West I 14Th – 15Th Cent
The Revival of Greek Studies in the West I 14th – 15th cent. Ioannis Deligiannis Democritus University of Thrace • Introduction – Greek in the Middle Ages • The Early Humanism (14th cent.) • 15th cent. – Greek language teaching and learning methods • Chrysoloras’ Erotemata • Guarino da Verona and Battista Guarini • ms. Vat. Urb. Gr. 121 – Italian humanists who studied and/or translated Greek • Guarino Guarini da Verona • Leonardo Bruni • Vittorino da Feltre • Sassolo da Prato • Francesco Filelfo • Lapo da Castiglionchio the younger • Francesco Griffolini d’Arezzo • Lorenzo Valla • Marsilio Ficino • Angelo Poliziano • Other Italian translators Greek in the Middle Ages • Middle Ages Europe: Greek not generally known. • Interest in Latin translations of Greek texts: – Boethius (5th ex. – 6th in.): Aristotle. – John Scottus Eriugena (9th cent.): Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Maximus the Confessor. – Burgundio of Pisa (12th cent.): John of Damascus, John Chrysostom, Galen. – James of Venice (12th cent.): Aristotle. – Henricus Aristippus (12th cent.): Plato, Euclid, Ptolemy, Aristotle, Gregory of Nazianzus. • 13th cent: a better acquaintance with Greek. • Southern Italy remained the main bridge between Greeks and Latins. • Bartholomew of Messina: Aristotle. • Robert Grosseteste: revision of Burgundio’s translation of John of Damascus, and translations of other works of his, of Dionysius the Areopagite, Aristotle; articles from the Suda Lexicon. • Roger Bacon: wrote a Greek grammar for Latins, significant for the revival of the Greek studies in the West. • William of Moerbeke: translation of Aristotle or revision of existing translations; literal and faithful; classic in the 14th cent. He also translated mathematical treatises (Hero of Alexandria and Archimedes), commentaries of Simplicius, Proclus, etc. -
Florentine Convent As Practiced Place: Cosimo De'medici, Fra Angelico
Bowling Green State University ScholarWorks@BGSU Art History Faculty Publications Art 2012 Florentine Convent as Practiced Place: Cosimo de’Medici, Fra Angelico, and the Public Library of San Marco Allie Terry-Fritsch Bowling Green State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/art_hist_pub Part of the Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons Repository Citation Terry-Fritsch, Allie, "Florentine Convent as Practiced Place: Cosimo de’Medici, Fra Angelico, and the Public Library of San Marco" (2012). Art History Faculty Publications. 1. https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/art_hist_pub/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Art at ScholarWorks@BGSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Art History Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@BGSU. Medieval Jewish, Christian and Muslim Culture Encounters in Confluence and Dialogue Medieval Encounters 18 (2012) 230-271 brill.com/me Florentine Convent as Practiced Place: Cosimo de’Medici, Fra Angelico, and the Public Library of San Marco Allie Terry-Fritsch* Department of Art History, 1000 Fine Art Center, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH 43403, USA *E-mail: [email protected] Abstract By approaching the Observant Dominican convent of San Marco in Florence as a “prac- ticed place,” this article considers the secular users of the convent’s library as mobile specta- tors that necessarily navigated the cloister and dormitory and, in so doing, recovers, for the first time, their embodied experience of the architectural pathway and the frescoed decora- tion along the way. To begin this process, the article rediscovers the original “public” for the library at San Marco and reconstructs the pathway through the convent that this secu- lar audience once used.