DOCSLIB.ORG

L-G-0010822438-0026417920.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
L-G-0010822438-0026417920.Pdf Super alta perennis Studien zur Wirkung der Klassischen Antike Band 17 Herausgegeben von Uwe Baumann, MarcLaureys und Winfried Schmitz DavidA.Lines /MarcLaureys /Jill Kraye (eds.) FormsofConflictand Rivalries in Renaissance Europe V&Runipress Bonn UniversityPress ® MIX Papier aus verantwor- tungsvollen Quellen ® www.fsc.org FSC C083411 Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie;detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. ISBN 978-3-8471-0409-4 ISBN 978-3-8470-0409-7 (E-Book) Veröffentlichungen der Bonn University Press erscheinen im Verlag V&Runipress GmbH. Gedruckt mit freundlicher Unterstützung des „Leverhulme Trust International Network“ (Großbritannien) zum Thema „RenaissanceConflictand Rivalries:Cultural Polemics in Europe, c. 1300–c.1650“ und der Philosophischen Fakultätder UniversitätBonn. 2015, V&Runipress in Göttingen /www.v-r.de Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk und seine Teile sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Printed in Germany. Titelbild:Luca della Robbia, relieffor the Florentine campanile, c. 1437 (Foto:Warburg Institute, Photographic Collection, out of copyright) Druck und Bindung:CPI buchbuecher.de GmbH, Birkach Gedruckt aufalterungsbeständigem Papier. Contents DavidA.Lines /MarcLaureys /JillKraye Foreword ................................... 7 Jeroen De Keyser Francesco Filelfo’s Feud with Poggio Bracciolini.............. 13 Concetta Bianca Contentiosae disputationes agli esordi della stampa............ 29 Donatella Coppini La polemica de imitatione fra Angelo Poliziano ePaolo Cortesi. Dalla lingua di Cicerone alla lingua del cardinale ................. 39 Arnold Becker Hutten’s PolemicalDialogues:LiteraryPositioning and its Impacts ...61 Uwe Baumann The Humanisticand Religious Controversies and Rivalries of Thomas More (1477/8–1535): ATypologyofLiteraryForms and Genres?..... 79 Guido Giglioni Scaliger versus Cardano versus Scaliger ...................109 Irene Reginato /Eugenio Burgio Foundation Myths and Trade Conflicts:Ramusio,the Fourth Crusade and the Venetian Merchants’ Crisis in the Sixteenth Century.......131 Alessio Cotugno Le Annotationi di Piccolomini elaPoetica di Castelvetro aconfronto: tecnica argomentativa, vocabolario critico,dispositivi esegetici ......161 6 Contents Eugenio Refini The Courtier and the Philosopher’s Stone:Dialogue and ConflictinFabio Glissenti’s Discorsi morali ..........................207 Irene Verziagi Forme della polemica antiprotestante eantigesuitica nei Ragguagli di Parnaso di Traiano Boccalini .........................223 Paul-Alexis Mellet Les remontrances : une expressionparadoxale de la sociØtØ politique (XVIme sicle) ................................247 Contributors .................................273 Index Nominum ...............................277 DavidA.Lines /MarcLaureys /Jill Kraye Foreword Between around 1300 and 1650, in aperiodoften evoked for its extraordinary cultural ferment, Europe was rivenbyaseries of momentous social, cultural, intellectual, and religious contrasts. Prominentaspects of the new state of affairs were vehementdebates (regarding,for example, the status of the figurativearts, the value of the vernacular,the relationship of the disciplines, or posed as contrasts between Aristotle and Plato, mathematics and natural philosophy, Gothic and Neoclassical styles, monarchyand republicanism, the Catholic Church and Protestantreform), invectives, and physical clashes and violence, culminatinginthe disastrous Thirty Ye ars’ War. In addition, new developments such as the invention of printing,the discoveryofthe Americas, the con- frontation with Islam and the Ottoman Empire, and the application of mathe- matics to science led to the coexistence of established and newer worldviews and practices,which vied with each other for acceptance and status. We believe that this cultureofopposition, contention, confrontation, and competition(well captured by the German term Streitkultur)1 was in manywayscentral to the period’s cultural achievements. It was prominentinboththe socio-political realm and in the literary, artistic, legal, religious, and philosophical production of the Renaissance, and functioned as acatalyst for awide range of cultural developments. In order to analyse this relationship between conflictand cultural production on abroad scale, scholars from various institutions have banded together in an international network. With the supportofthe Leverhulme Trust, aprojecthas 1The term Streitkultur first arose in the 1980s amongsocial scientists and was then picked up in political contexts to denote fairness and openness in politicaldebates as anecessary requi- rementofademocratic society ;see Sarcinelli (1990). It is nowused in various senses. In the context of German scholarship surrounding the historical development of ‘the culture of conflict’, especially,the termcan denote either verbaland physical violence as asocial practice, amodeofcommunication and interaction or non-violentexchange and negotiation of conflicting views and interests. This distinction is pointed out by Schwerhoff (2013), 215– 216. 8 David A. Lines /Marc Laureys /Jill Kraye been formed on ‘Renaissance Conflict and Rivalries:Cultural Polemics in Eu- rope, c. 1300–c. 1650’. The initiative, which runs from October 2012 untilSep- tember 2015, is led by the Centrefor the Study of the Renaissanceatthe Uni- versity of Warwick (PI:David Lines, Italian Studies) and includes scholars at the universities of Bonn, Leuven, Ca’ Foscari(Venice),Florence, and The Warburg Institute in London, as well as, most recently,the Centred’Études SupØrieures de la Renaissance in Tours. One of the principal objectivesofthe networkhas been to examine the issue of Streitkultur from multiple disciplinaryperspectives;and we are therefore verypleased not only to have differentnational and historio- graphicaltraditions represented, but also to have obtained the participation of scholars from aremarkable varietyoffields, including Classics, History, English, French, and Italian Studies, Neo-Latin Philology, HistoryofPhilosophy, History of Religion, and HistoryofArt. Our Leverhulme International Network attempts to assess the role and function of conflict and rivalries as apositiveagentofcultural production and change during the Renaissance –the underlying assumption being that ever since Hesiod’s distinction between good and bad Eris (Works and Days,11–24) there exists, alongside the concept of destructiveconflict and strife, anotion of confrontation and managementofopposing interests that can be acatalyst of intellectual creativityand cultural progress. Althoughthere is by nowasub- stantial literatureonindividual aspectsofRenaissance Streitkultur,2 there has been little in the wayofinternational and interdisciplinaryresearch into the phenomenon. Our network thereforetries to bridge individual approaches throughastronger contextualization of, for instance, ideas and artistic pro- duction within social and institutional realities. Althoughitdoesnot exclude physicalviolence, it particularly explores the realm of non-violentconflict and the nature and limits of its acceptance (artistic representations of violence, pasquinades, invectives, disputations, and suchlike). In the process, we ask whether ‘conflict’, ‘rivalry’, or another label is most useful for understanding the confrontations that took place –atboth theoretical and practical levels –between various forms and expressions of Renaissance philosophy, religion, art, and literature(humanismand scholasticism, the disputa delle arti,orarguments for the superiorityofpoetryoverother literarygenres or of ChristianityoverIslam). Importantpoints of our discussionsinclude the following:why were polemics so central to Renaissance culture, even for figures likeErasmus?How were po- lemics exploitedtoforge national/regional, confessional or professional iden- 2Beforethe creation of the Leverhulme InternationalNetwork on ‘Renaissance Conflict and Rivalries’ the team members from the University of Bonn explored this topic, alongwith several other colleagues, in aseries of interdisciplinaryworkshops and conferences. Some of the results of this research have beenpublished in Baumann /Becker /Steiner-Weber(2008), Laureys /Simons (2010), and Laureys /Simons(2013). Foreword 9 tities?Whatrole did the re-appropriation of classical rhetoric playinmoulding this picture of aconflictual Renaissance?And to what extentdid rhetorical formulae mask professional rivalries and jealousies rather than straightforward, fundamental ideological differences? Starting from the premise that polemicscould be apositiveproducer of cultureinthe early modernperiod, and that the mechanisms whereby the re- lationship between culture and conflictworked deserve much more intense scrutiny, our Network has formulated research questions falling into three main categories: –Forms:towhat extentwere conflict and rivalries in the Renaissance expressed throughdiffering (e.g.,verbal vs visual) media, languages (e.g.,Latin vs vernacular), and genres (e.g.,invectives, pasquinades, rivaltranslations of the classics, works of scholarship,sculpturevspainting,religious vs secular artorliterature)?Whatprocesses determined these differing forms and to what extentwas it acceptable to express notions of conflictand rivalries throughthem?
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Leonardo Bruni, the Medici, and the Florentine Histories1
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Queensland eSpace /HRQDUGR%UXQLWKH0HGLFLDQGWKH)ORUHQWLQH+LVWRULHV *DU\,DQ]LWL Journal of the History of Ideas, Volume 69, Number 1, January 2008, pp. 1-22 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\8QLYHUVLW\RI3HQQV\OYDQLD3UHVV DOI: 10.1353/jhi.2008.0009 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jhi/summary/v069/69.1ianziti.html Access provided by University of Queensland (30 Oct 2015 04:56 GMT) Leonardo Bruni, the Medici, and the Florentine Histories1 Gary Ianziti Leonardo Bruni’s relationship to the Medici regime raises some intriguing questions. Born in 1370, Bruni was Chancellor of Florence in 1434, when Cosimo de’ Medici and his adherents returned from exile, banished their opponents, and seized control of government.2 Bruni never made known his personal feelings about this sudden regime change. His memoirs and private correspondence are curiously silent on the issue.3 Yet it must have been a painful time for him. Among those banished by the Medici were many of his long-time friends and supporters: men like Palla di Nofri Strozzi, or Rinaldo degli Albizzi. Others, like the prominent humanist and anti-Medicean agita- tor Francesco Filelfo, would soon join the first wave of exiles.4 1 This study was completed in late 2006/early 2007, prior to the appearance of volume three of the Hankins edition and translation of Bruni’s History of the Florentine People (see footnote 19). References to books nine to twelve of the History are consequently based on the Santini edition, cited in footnote 52.
    [Show full text]
  • Flavio Biondo's Italia Illustrata
    Week V: Set Reading – Primary Source Flavio Biondo, on the revival of letters, from his Italia illustrata Editor’s Note: Flavio Biondo (1392-1463), also (confusingly) known as Biondo Flavio, was born in Forlì, near Bologna, but much of his career was spent at the papal curia, where he worked as secretary to successive Popes. At the same time, he wrote works of history and of topography. The Italia illustrata, which he worked on in the late 1440s and early 1450s, was intended to describe the geography of the regions of Italy but, in doing so, Biondo discoursed on the famous men of each region and, in the context in the section of his home region of the Romagna, provided a brief history of the revival of letters in his own lifetime. Those who truly savour Latin literature for its own taste, see and understand that there were few and hardly any who wrote with any eloquence after the time of the Doctors of the Church, Ambrose, Jerome and Augustine, which was the moment when the Roman Empire was declining – unless among their number should be put St Gregory and the Venerable Bede, who were close to them in time, and St Bernard, who was much later.1 Truly, Francesco Petrarca [Petrarch], a man of great intelligence and greater application, was the first of all to begin to revive poetry and eloquence.2 Not, however, that he achieve the flower of Ciceronian eloquence with which we see many in our own time are decorated, but for that we are inclined to blame the lack and want of books rather than of intelligence.
    [Show full text]
  • Francesco Filelfo As a Writer of Invective
    Francesco Filelfo as a Writer of Invective David Marsh As in other literary genres, the writers of Renaissance invective often drew inspiration from Francesco Petrarca (1304–1374), whose four polemical writ- ings revived a classical tradition that dated back to Cicero, pseudo-Sallust, and Jerome.1 In the Quattrocento, many humanists gained notoriety by pub- lishing invectives against rival scholars, most notably Antonio Loschi, Poggio Bracciolini, Lorenzo Valla, Bartolomeo Facio, and Antonio da Rho. Oddly, it seems that the singularly contentious and combative Francesco Filelfo (1398–1481) wrote nothing that he explicitly called an invective.2 Indeed, on several occasions the humanist dismissed invective as distasteful. The tirades of Antonio da Rho (c. 1398–c.1450), for example, were notorious for their viru- lence; and in 1443 Filelfo accordingly deprecated the friar’s “insane” attacks on the humanist Pier Candido Decembrio, whom he often considered an enemy.3 1 On Cicero and Roman invective, see Arena 2007, and Booth 2007. For an introduction to all four Petrarchan invectives with Latin text and English translation and notes, see Petrarch 2003. Enenkel 2010 distinguishes Contra medicum from the Ciceronian model of In Pisonem: Petrarch rejects the urban social values of Roman invective (he despises Avignon and lauds solitude), and employs Scholastic forms of argumentation. For the humanist invectives of the Renaissance, see Laureys 2003, Helmrath 2010, and Marsh 2016. On the wider context of polemics, known in German as Streitkultur (agonal culture), see Laureys-Simons 2010, and Lines-Laureys-Kraye 2015. 2 I here echo De Keyser 2015, 15: “Oddly enough, Filelfo wrote nothing which he explicitly called an invective; but the majority of his writings, in numerous literary genres, contain ad hominem attacks, including, most prominently, on Poggio.” 3 PhE·05.21 (30 December 1443): “Vellem equidem, pater optime, ab omni istiusmodi scribendi genere te continuisses, neque cum insanienti Petro Candido Decembre desipere ipse volu- isses.
    [Show full text]
  • Greek Studies in Italy: from Petrarch to Bruni
    Greek Studies in Italy: From Petrarch to Bruni The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Hankins, James. 2007. Greek studies in Italy: From Petrarch to Bruni. In Petrarca e il Mondo Greco Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi, Reggio Calabria, 26-30 Novembre 2001, ed. Michele Feo, Vincenzo Fera, Paola Megna, and Antonio Rollo, 2 vols., Quaderni Petrarcheschi, vols. XII-XIII, 329-339. Firenze: Le Lettere. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:8301600 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA GREEK STUDIES IN ITALY: FROM PETRARCH TO BRUNI Comparing with the mind's eye the revival of Greek studies that took place in Avignon and Florence in the middle decades of the fourteenth century with the second revival that began in Florence three decades later, two large problems of historical interpretation stand out, which have not yet, I hope, entirely exhausted their interest—even after the valuable studies of Giuseppe Cammelli, R. J. Leonertz, Roberto Weiss, Agostino Pertusi, N. G. Wilson, Ernesto Berti, and many others. The first problem concerns the reason why (to use Pertusi's formulation) Salutati succeeded where Boccaccio failed: why no Latin scholar of the mid-fourteenth century succeeded in learning classical Greek, whereas the students of Manuel Chrysoloras were able not only to learn Greek themselves, but to pass down their knowledge to later generations.
    [Show full text]
  • Erotemata by Manuel Chrysoloras. a Greek Grammar for the West
    Erotemata by Manuel Chrysoloras. A Greek grammar for the West. A research project carried out by classes 3A and 3B from Liceo XXV Aprile in Portogruaro in the 2016-2017 school year While following the project on Greek studies in Humanism, some questions came to our minds: what was it like to study Greek six centuries ago? Were those students much different from us? As our Greek grammar text, we have decided to use Erotemata by Manuel Chrysoloras, a Byzantine grammarian who was appointed by Coluccio Salutati as a teacher in Florence by the end of the 14th century. Chrysoloras was not only a scholar but also a diplomat: Emperor Manuel II put him in charge of seeking help from the Western countries against the Turks and so he travelled across Italy, France, England, Spain, and Germany. His sojourn and teaching activity in Italy were particularly significant, because they inspired a new interest in studying Greek among Italian humanists. Chrysoloras’ text was a didactic grammar meant for foreign students, largely used in the 15th century and many times republished as an abridged version. Among the different editions, the editio princeps, considered the oldest, was printed in Venice in 1471 containing Greek lemmas and a comment in Latin. Also important is another bilingual edition printed in Parma in 1481. Our work starts from the latter version. We were interested in understanding how Greek was taught in that time and how the grammatical lexicon was translated into Latin and from Latin into our language. We have looked at different versions of the Erotemata and analysed them according to their contents and their conservation: the best editions are those preserved in Barcelona and in the National Library in Florence.
    [Show full text]
  • The Revival of Greek Studies in the West I 14Th – 15Th Cent
    The Revival of Greek Studies in the West I 14th – 15th cent. Ioannis Deligiannis Democritus University of Thrace • Introduction – Greek in the Middle Ages • The Early Humanism (14th cent.) • 15th cent. – Greek language teaching and learning methods • Chrysoloras’ Erotemata • Guarino da Verona and Battista Guarini • ms. Vat. Urb. Gr. 121 – Italian humanists who studied and/or translated Greek • Guarino Guarini da Verona • Leonardo Bruni • Vittorino da Feltre • Sassolo da Prato • Francesco Filelfo • Lapo da Castiglionchio the younger • Francesco Griffolini d’Arezzo • Lorenzo Valla • Marsilio Ficino • Angelo Poliziano • Other Italian translators Greek in the Middle Ages • Middle Ages Europe: Greek not generally known. • Interest in Latin translations of Greek texts: – Boethius (5th ex. – 6th in.): Aristotle. – John Scottus Eriugena (9th cent.): Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Maximus the Confessor. – Burgundio of Pisa (12th cent.): John of Damascus, John Chrysostom, Galen. – James of Venice (12th cent.): Aristotle. – Henricus Aristippus (12th cent.): Plato, Euclid, Ptolemy, Aristotle, Gregory of Nazianzus. • 13th cent: a better acquaintance with Greek. • Southern Italy remained the main bridge between Greeks and Latins. • Bartholomew of Messina: Aristotle. • Robert Grosseteste: revision of Burgundio’s translation of John of Damascus, and translations of other works of his, of Dionysius the Areopagite, Aristotle; articles from the Suda Lexicon. • Roger Bacon: wrote a Greek grammar for Latins, significant for the revival of the Greek studies in the West. • William of Moerbeke: translation of Aristotle or revision of existing translations; literal and faithful; classic in the 14th cent. He also translated mathematical treatises (Hero of Alexandria and Archimedes), commentaries of Simplicius, Proclus, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Visualizing Dynasty and Dissent in Jacopo Pontormo's Portrait Of
    Visualizing dynasty and dissent in Jacopo Pontormo’s Portrait of Cosimo il Vecchio Mary Hogan Camp Figure 1 Pontormo, Portrait of Cosimo il Vecchio, c. 1519, oil on panel, 90 x 72 cm Uffizi Gallery (inv. 1890, n. 3574), Florence. Photograph courtesy of Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) The Portrait of Cosimo il Vecchio, c. 1519, marked the first Medicean portrait commission for the rising young Florentine artist Jacopo Pontormo (b.1494). [Figure1] It proved pivotal in his career, garnering him the favour and patronage of the Medici, who would continue to give him commissions and eventually place him on their payroll, where he remained for over twenty-four years until his death in 1556.1 At the time this commission was given, however, there was no such future surety: the family was facing a crisis, and the survival of the Medici line was in grave doubt. In 1516, Duke Giuliano de’ Medici, the youngest son of Lorenzo the Magnificent and ruler of Florence, had died childless at the age of thirty-seven. In 1519, his twenty-six-year-old nephew and successor, Duke Lorenzo, succumbed to a combination of syphilis and tuberculosis just twenty-one days after the birth of his only daughter Catherine. Their unexpected deaths left the family with no legitimate heir to power. There was one 1 Elizabeth Pilliod, Pontormo, Bronzino, Allori: a genealogy of Florentine art, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001, 17. Journal of Art Historiography Number 17 December 2017 Mary Hogan Camp Visualizing dynasty and dissent in Jacopo Pontormo’s Portrait of Cosimo il Vecchio glimmer of hope, and of a hoped-for change in fortune: the birth of a healthy son to Maria Salviati, granddaughter of Lorenzo the Magnificent, on 12 June 1519, only one month after Duke Lorenzo’s death.
    [Show full text]
  • Humanists and Europe Humanists and Europe Dreams and Realities of Renaissance Europe
    Humanists and Europe Humanists and Europe Dreams and Realities of Renaissance Europe Andrea MARTIGNONI ABSTRACT Humanism was a cultural movement that developed rapidly in Italy in the fourteenth century before spreading throughout early modern Europe. Based on a return to the authors of antiquity, advocating the renewal of the study of the humanities (the studia humanitatis) and putting forward a new vision of the place of man in the world, it gradually became a dominant cultural model throughout the continent. The terms Renaissance, humanism and Europe are often closely associated. But to which Europe are we referring? Did people at the time really have a feeling of belonging to Europe? Even if we have undoubtedly inherited a certain idea of Europe from the Renaissance, which ideas did it encompass at that time? From a Christian Europe governed by the pope to a Europe of confederations, from a Europe of plural identities to a new humanist Europe République des lettres, a wide range of projects for Europe were put forward between dreams, hopes and disillusionment. In the mid-fourteenth century, the Italian poet Francesco Petrarca, known in English as Petrarch (1304-1374) announced, in a fit of poetic enthusiasm, the imminent dawn of a new age marked by a profound cultural renewal encompassing the letters, science and the arts. A new era, commonly referred to as the Renaissance since the 19th century, would revive the golden age of antiquity and sound the victory of light over darkness. “Shaking off the darkness,” Petrarch wrote in his poem
    [Show full text]
  • Renaissance Consolations (Preprint)
    Forthcoming in O. Akopyan, ed., Fate and Fortune in European Thought, ca. 1400- 1650 (Leiden: Brill, 2021), 13-36 Renaissance Consolations: Philosophical Remedies for Fate and Fortune JOHN SELLARS Philosophy during the Renaissance adopted a range of different literary forms. One that proved popular was the work of consolation, inspired by ancient models such as the consolatory works of Seneca. Many of these works were prompted by immediate, often traumatic events – both personal and political – and were sincere attempts to draw on ancient models of consolatory thought for the therapeutic benefit they might confer. In this chapter I shall examine examples of philosophical consolation by Petrarch, Filelfo, and Scala among others, approaching them as practical responses to the vicissitudes of fate and fortune. In particular I shall focus on the way these authors draw on ancient therapeutic arguments recorded in Cicero and Seneca, such as the Stoic denial that external events are ever truly bad. I shall also be concerned with what these Renaissance works tells us about how their authors conceived the role and purpose of philosophy – a practical guide to life. 1. Ancient Background Philosophy during the Renaissance adopted a variety of literary forms. One of these was the philosophical consolation, which itself found expression in a variety of different kinds of text, from letters to friends, works of self-consolation, and dialogues. In this variety it followed ancient precedents, drawing on both new discoveries and texts already well known. In the beginning, the Renaissance consolatory tradition leaned heavily on the works of Cicero and Seneca, both readily available and already well known.
    [Show full text]
  • The Greek Tradition As a Combat Zone: Hellenocentrism in the Work of George Trapezuntius of Crete
    CHAPTER 4 The Greek Tradition as a Combat Zone: Hellenocentrism in the Work of George Trapezuntius of Crete Greece is both the mother of the civilised world and the origin of worldwide moral decline. Its language spread the evil message of paganism all over the world, but also prepared it for the word of God. It produced evil monsters such as Plato and Theodore Gazes, but also paragons of human genius like Aristotle and Isidore of Kiev. The Greeks dwelt both on the highest peaks of civilisation and in the deepest caves of immorality. These statements do not reflect the conflicting beliefs and opinions of quar- relling Byzantines. They are the opinions of one man, George Trapezuntius of Crete.1 He was the first prominent Byzantine scholar to settle in Italy after Manuel Chrysoloras, in 1416.2 At the invitation of Francesco Barbaro he first settled in Venice, but from there moved on to Vicenza, Rome, and Naples. From his early twenties until his death in 1473 he worked as translator, teacher, writer of wide-ranging humanist texts, and prophet. His Italian life was dominated by some famous quarrels, not only with Andrea Agaso, whom he believed to be 1 About Greece, for example: “. Graecia, bonorum morum domicilium scientiarumque patria, militiae columen, vere in Christum pietatis certissimum specimen . .” [the home of good customs, the fatherland of the sciences, the summit of warfare, and a model of Christian piety] (Trapezuntius 1523: fol. Tiv, with Monfasani 1984k: 406, §107). On Plato, Aristotle, and Gemistos Plethon, see below. On Isidore of Kiev, see Trapezuntius (1523: fol.
    [Show full text]
  • Renaissance and Discovery
    The Renaissance celebrated human beauty and dignity. He re Flemish painter Rogier van der Weyden (1400-1464) portrays an ordinary woman more perfectly on canvas than sh e could ever have appeared in real life. Rogier van da Weyden (Netherlandish, 1J99.1400- 1464), "Porlrait of a Lady." 1460 .. J70 x .270 114\\. x 10'i'i1 framed: .609 x .5JJ x .1 14 [24 x 2 1 x 4'121. PhOlo: Bob Grove. An drew W. Mellon ColkClion. PholOgraph (I Hoard of Trustees, National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC «t Listen to the Chapter Audio on MyHistorylab.com 2 Renaissance and Discovery T The Renaissance in Italy (1375-1527) LEARNING OBJECTIVES T he lralian Ciry-Srares • Humanism · High Renaissance Arr • Slavery in the Renaissance How did humanism affect culture T Italy's Political Decline: The French Invasions (1494-1527) and tli arts in fourteenth- and Charles VUI's March Through Iraly · Pope Alexander VI and the Borgia Family · Pope Julius II fifteenth-century Italy? • N iccolo Mach iavell i What were the causes of Italy's political decline? T Revival of Monarchy in Northern Europe France · Spain · England · The Holy Roman Empire How were the powerful monar­ chies of northern Europe differ­ T The Northern Renaissance ent from their predecessors? T he Printing Press · Erasmus · Humanism and Refonn How did the northern Renais­ T Voyages of Discovery and the New Empires in the West and East sance affect culture in Germany, T he Portuguese Ch:trt [he Course · T he Spanish Voyages of Columb us · T he Spanish Empire England, France, and Spain? in the New World · The Church in Spanish America · The Economy of Exploitarion • T he Impact What were the motives for Euro­ on Europe pean voyages of discovery, and T In Perspective what were the consequences? F THE LATE Middle Ages saw unprecedented chaos, it also witnessed a recovery I that continued into the seventeenth century.
    [Show full text]
  • 01. Rosenwein
    Barbara H. Rosenwein, Loyola University, Chicago The Place of Renaissance Italy in the History of Emotions* The Italian Renaissance continues to hold an important place in historians’ periodization of Western history. Yet Renaissance Italy plays an oddly small role in most histories of emotion. This holds true in two ways: first, in discussions of the history of theories of emotion; and, second, in discussions that touch on the history of felt - or, at rate, expressed - emotions. This situation is, however, beginning to change. In this paper I will briefly talk about theory, spend most of my time on practice, and at the end will suggest how and why it would be good to put the two together when studying emotions in the Italian Renaissance. Theories of Emotion Histories of theories of the emotions generally spend little time on the Italian Renaissance. Two recent examples must here stand for all: the new Oxford Handbook of Philosophy of Emotion jumps from medieval notions of the passions to Kant, while Dominik Perler’s treatment of theories of the emotions from 1270 to 1670 leaps over the Italian Renaissance as it spans the period from the fourteenth-century English William of Ockham to the sixteenth-century French Michel de Montaigne.1 Yet Renaissance humanists were often keenly interested in the emotions. Petrarch (d. 1374), for example, treated numerous emotions in his De secreto conflictu curarum mearum and above all in his De remediis utriusque fortune, where he borrowed from but also refocused ancient Stoic theories of the emotions.2 Francesco Filelfo (d. 1481) wrote a systematic treatise on the emotions, De morali disciplina, drawing on Cicero’s Tusculan Disputations and the Peri pathon of Pseudo-Andronicus of Rhodes.3 And between Petrarch and Filelfo was Coluccio Salutati (d.
    [Show full text]