SYUHADA AND ITS COMMUNITY IN CHANGING , 1950s-1980s

MUHAMMAD YUANDA ZARA1

Abstract One of Yogyakarta city’s symbols of colonialism is the Kotabaru region, which during the colonial period was a housing complex for Dutch officials and a handful of Indonesian elite. The Japanese took over the area during their Occupation. Following Indonesian independence, Indonesians seized the area for the interests of the newly born Republic of . Syuhada Mosque, the first modern mosque in post-independence Indonesia, was then built there, representing both and Indonesian nationalism, as the mosque’s name and location suggest. Unlike most Indonesian at the time, which were established primarily as a place for worship, Syuhada brought social and political missions. The activities of its community encompassed religious practices (such as five obligatory daily prayers and recital of Koranic verses), handling social matters (education for children, youth and women, debate on Islam and modernity, and counter-Christianization activities), as well as responding to national politics (such as the anti-Communist movement in 1960s). Its community mostly lived outside the immediate environment of the mosque, yet Syuhada managed to present itself not just as a mosque for a small community, but for a city, even for the Indonesian nation-state. Given its four decades of overarching religious and sociopolitical functions, the mosque is deliberately aimed at a new generation of Indonesian : middle class, urban, educated, and open-minded Muslims, and serves as a role model for later mosques and religious institutions. Keywords: Syuhada Mosque, Islam, nationalism, Muslim community, Yogyakarta, decolonization in Indone- sia, modernity

Abstrak Salah satu simbol kolonialisme di Yogyakarta adalah kawasan Kotabaru, yang selama masa kolonial dikenal sebagai kompleks pemukiman pejabat Belanda dan beberapa orang Indonesia dari kalangan elite. Jepang mengam­ bil alih kawasan ini di masa pendudukannya. Setelah Indonesia merdeka, kawasan ini dikuasai orang Indonesia dan digunakan untuk kepentingan negara Republik Indonesia yang baru lahir. Masjid Syuhada, masjid modern pertama sesudah Indonesia merdeka, didirikan di sana, dan mencerminkan baik Islam dan nasionalisme Indo­ nesia, sebagaimana ditunjukkan oleh nama dan lokasi masjid tersebut. Berbeda dengan sebagian besar masjid di Indonesia pada saat itu yang umumnya dibangun hanya sebagai tempat ibadah, Syuhada mempunyai misi sosial dan politik. Aktivitas komunitasnya mencakup praktek keagamaan (seperti shalat lima waktu dan pengajian), menangani masalah sosial (pendidikan anak, pemuda/i, dan wanita, debat soal Islam dan modernitas, dan oposisi terhadap Kristenisasi), dan merespon situasi politik nasional (seperti gerakan anti-komunis tahun 1960an). Meski komunitasnya terutama berasal dari luar lingkungan terdekatnya, namun Syuhada berhasil menampilkan dirinya tak hanya sebagai sebuah masjid untuk suatu komunitas kecil, melainkan untuk sebuah kota bahkan negara. Meng­ ingat empat dekade fungsi keagamaan dan sosiopolitiknya, masjid ini memperlihatkan posisinya sebagai masjid yang ditujukan kepada sebuah generasi baru Muslim Indonesia: Muslim kelas menengah, urban, berpendidikan dan berpikiran terbuka, dan berperan penting sebagai teladan bagi masjid dan institusi keagamaan yang muncul di kemudian hari. Kata kunci: Masjid Syuhada, Islam, nasionalisme, komunitas Muslim, Yogyakarta, dekolonisasi di Indonesia, mo­ dernitas

1 Obtained PhD at Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research (AISSR), University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam Roeterseilandcampus, Nieuwe Achtergracht 166, 1018 WV Amsterdam. Email: [email protected]. This study is largely based on my undergraduate thesis at History Department of . I have revised it based on some new sources and analyses. I thank to my supervisor, Prof. Bambang Purwanto, who helped me to formulate a number of essential aspects in examining the connection between a place for worship, its community and a changing urban space. Copyright ©2016 The Author, ©2016 Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities. All rights reserved. Printed in Indonesia. Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH); Vol. 6, Issue 2, (2016), Pp. 13-28. ISSN: 1979–8431. 14 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES (JISSH)

INTRODUCTION As a consequence, scholars largely overlook the sociopolitical roles that mosques play in There is a strong tie between religion, the different localities. Only very minor studies have religious community, the environment and been carried out on how a mosque reflects not the building (Supardi & Amiruddin, 2001: just a specific architectural history, but also its 12). Islam is no exception. In Islam, a masjid relations with the society that builds and uses it. (mosque) is principally used for conducting These include a study about the role of a mosque one of the most important elements in Islam: as an educational institution during the early Muslim prayer (shalah). Yet, throughout Islamic middle ages (Imamuddin, 1984), on a mosque’s history, it is evident that a mosque is not solely role in providing social and moral supports for utilized for that, but it is also used for dealing Muslim youths in the United States (Nguyen, with sociopolitical matters that exist within its et. al., 2013) and on the use of the Jogokariyan religious community. In the time of the Prophet Mosque in Yogyakarta as a public sphere where , for instance, a mosque was used the mosque was opened for various social and as a place of worship,for a meeting room, a educational functions (Prasetya, 2014). safety room, a curing room for the sick, as well as a place to arrange war strategy, teaching and To the best of my knowledge, this research proselytizing (Yani, 1999: 13-23). is a pioneering study which examines the little known, but undoubtedly important, issue of Nevertheless, most studies concerning the position of a mosque and the dynamics of mosques in the Islamic world pay too much its religious community in a changing society, attention to the physical elements of a mosque, city and state in an Indonesian context. This or to be precise, on the achitectural forms and study will shed new light into how Indonesian artistic styles of mosques in different parts Muslims use mosques for different sociopoliti- of the Islamic world; ranging from the Arab cal goals (so, not just for praying) over several world (Creswell, 1934; King, 1978), Palestine decades in post-independence Indonesia. These (Rosen-Ayalon, 2006), North Africa (Al-Asad, decades, especially from the 1950s to the 1980s, 1992), Turkey (Yetkin, 1959; Al-Asad, 1999; As, were largely marked by the decolonization of 2006), the Indian subcontinent (Parihar, 2004), Indonesia, the rise of the Indonesian nation- and (Bruce, 1996). Studies on state, the contest for power between military mosques in Indonesia reflect this trend, includ- and civilian leaders, the birth of an Indonesian ing De Graaf (1963), who traces the architectural Muslim middle class, and Muslims’ rivalry with history of Javanese mosques until the 14th cen- other world religions, especially Christianity. tury, Pamungkas (1996) details the renovation of the Great Mosque of Yogyakarta under This study focuses on Syuhada Mosque Sultan Hamengku Buwono VIII. Kusno (2003), located in an Islamic enclave of Yogyakarta, examines Indonesian mosques’ architecture Indonesia. This mosque was deemed to be the as a contested space among traditional Islam most modern mosque in Indonesia in the 1950s, rooted in Indonesian society, transnational long before the bigger and more well-known Islam especially from the Middle East, and the mosque, which also carried a sense of decolo- Indonesian state as represented by ’s nization, the Istiqlal Mosque (Independence New Order. In other words, mosques have Mosque) in , was built (officially opened primarily been seen as a (historical) monuments in 1978). Compared to other mosques of its whose artistic styles have changed over time, time, Syuhada’s distinctive features included meaning that each mosque is a site to inspect its modern facilities and its prominent roles in the prevailing architectural design and a ruling sociopolitical changes occuring in Yogyakarta regime that built the mosque in a specific region and Indonesia from the 1950s until the 1980s. at a given time. Therefore, mosque studies This research examines Syuhada Mosque mainly concentrate on mosque structures such not from an architectural point of view, but as the , , porch, roof style, mosaics, from a social history perspective of its urban mihrabs, walls, decorations, and inscriptions. Muslim community and management. I will SYUHADA MOSQUE AND ITS COMMUNITY... 15 answer the following questions: 1) How was The Dutch capitulation to the Japanese in the Syuhada Mosque built in the context of 1942 caused major changes in the East Indies, Dutch colonialism, Japanese Occupation, and including Yogyakarta. After the sudden flight of the Indonesian revolution? 2) How did Syuhada the Dutch inhabitants, Kotabaru was reopened. Mosque’s management and community respond Similar to the Dutch, the Japanese occupying to sociopolitcal changes taking place around forces used Kotabaru as their housing and them, both in a local and national context? governance complex, including offices, military 3) How has Syuhada Mosque represented a barracks, warehouses, etcetera (Kurniawati dan modern ? By using historical Nurhajarini, 2005). method and examining written documents as Indonesian independencewas proclaimed well as interviews with those associated with in Jakarta by on 17 August, 1945 and the mosque, this study explores Syuhada from received a warm welcome in Yogyakarta. The its establishment in the 1950s to its peak of Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono IX of Yogyakarta activities in the1980s. Sultanate congratulated the new Republic and asserted his support behind it. Government of- THE ORIGIN OF KOTABARU fices and private houses, which were previously occupied by the Japanese, were taken over by Historian Fakih (2005) drew the historical roots Indonesians despite Japanese resistance. of Kotabaru to the last quarter of twentieth century, especially when in 1870 the Dutch Pro-Republic elements in Yogyakarta, colonial government applied Agrarische Wet, inter alia the armed youth, demanded the which allowed the entry of foreign capital into Japanese leave Yogyakarta, including abandon- the . One of the implications ing Kotabaru. The Japanese refused, and a were the increasing number of Europeans, battle between Japanese troops and armed mainly Dutch, who came to the colony. The Indonesians ensued on 6 and 7 October, 1945 Europeans were given freedom to design and (Suwarno: 1994, 179). A number of victims fell implement their plans with regards to their from both sides while Kotabaru was finally taken life among the natives. In Yogyakarta, Central over by pro-Republic supporters (Harnoko, et. , the existing European housing complex al.: 2003, 19). of Loji Kecil was no longer sufficient to house This Indonesian victory over the Japanese these new Europeans, a place named Kotabaru shortly after the Pacific War had ended was was becoming the new alternative for housing. one of the starting points of decolonization Located east of the Code River, a main in Indonesia. Generally, post-independence river of Yogyakarta whose water originates decolonization refers to efforts to remove any from Mount Merapi (9,610 ft), Kotabaru was colonial identity and replace it with a new geographically beneficial for Europeans looking identity in order to reflect Indonesianness for a new housing complex. Kotabaru was very (Kurniawati & Nurhajarini, 2005: 6-7). Practi- close to Tugu Station, Yogyakarta’s main train cally, that means the production of new symbols station that was opened in 1887 and connected by changing existing urban identities and the the city with Java’s other cities (Hudiyanto, function of urban spaces, to make a completely 1997). Kotabaru’s design was radial, emulating new identity. Dutch cities and contrasting to the native In Kotabaru, such image change was kampungs. Other characteristics of Kotabaru started by the act of pro-Republic supporters in included big trees, wide main roads, and the Yogyakarta to preserve the story of Indonesian presence of various modern public facilities nationalism by using the names of Indonesian (Utomo: 2007; Fakih: 2005). Soon after it was victims of the battle of Kotabaru as the names opened, Kotabaru was inhabited by Whites of Kotabaru’s streets. Moreover, the abandoned along with a few Dutch-educated Indonesians houses were subsequently filled by Indonesians, (Suratmin: 2001, 11). In 1920, Kotabaru became including Indonesian Muslims, who would later the most concentrated European housing became a significant factor in the establish- complex in Yogyakarta (Hudiyanto: 1997: 63). ment of Syuhada Mosque (Suratmin, 2001: 16 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES (JISSH)

11). The process of Indonesicizing Kotabaru A committee, led by the former Acting rapidly continued when the Indonesan capital President of the Republic of Indonesia, Assaat— was moved from Jakarta to Yogyakarta in early two previous committees had failed for various 1946. A number of buildings in Kotabaru were reasons—was formed to establish the mosque. utilized for the Republic’s interests, including as Assaat organized a group which adopted a government offices and houses for Republican rational and professional organization of the officials (Kurniawati dan Nurhajarini, 2005, 25). construction process reflective of the Dutch In short, Kotabaru was now becoming a symbol era. Some new members joined the commit- of Republican triumph over Dutch colonialism tee, including Lieutenant Colonel Suharto, and Japanese Occupation. Commander of Diponegoro Division of (later becoming Indonesian president) SYUHADA MOSQUE: IDEA AND (Suratmin, 2001: 26; Kenang2an, 1952: 6). This IMPLEMENTATION meant that the Army became a significant part of the establishment of the mosque. Meanwhile, Through the Round Table Conference, on 27 the advisory board was led by the minister of December, 1949, the Dutch transferred sover- religious affairs (Keterlibatan Ulama, 2000). eignty to the Republic of the United States of In- But what about the name of the mosque? donesia, in which the Republic of Indonesia was After a series of discussions, one committee one of its parts. As a consequence, the Republic member, Haji Benjamin, proposed ‘Masjid of Indonesia’s capital was returned to Jakarta. Syuhada’ or Syuhada Mosque, which was soon Before leaving Yogyakarta, a number of central approved by the rest of the committee members. Republican leaders held a talk with nationalist The location for the mosque was settled in and Muslim leaders of Yogyakarta. This meeting consultation with the Sultan whilst the mosque consisted of three parties with considerable was designed by R. Feenstra, a well-known sociopolitical power at that time: the Yogyakarta architect from Jakarta. Financial support for the Sultanate (represented by Sri Sultan Hamengku mosque was collectively provided by the Sultan- Buwono IX and GBPH Prabuningrat), the ate, central government, generous contributors, central Republican government (represented and the public at large. by Assaat and Prawoto Mangunkusumo) and Islamic leaders (represented by Haji Benjamin, The mosque was built within two years Haji M.J. Prawirojuwono, Jatim Mansjur, Abdul and was officially opened on 20 September, Madjid and Kahar Muzakkir). 1952. Those attending the opening ceremony represented local and national political powers, They all agreed that Yogyakarta greatly indicating the importance of the mosque and contributed to the independence struggle and the significance behind it. They were, among national revolution to maintain Indonesian others, President Soekarno, a few of his independence (Suratmin, 2001, 17). Therefore, ministers, Paku Alam VIII, Major of Yogyakarta before leaving Yogyakarta for Jakarta, it was S. Poerwokoesoemo, Governor of Central Java expected that a souvenir was left in Yogyakarta, Budiono, Commander of Diponegoro Division a souvenir that should strongly reflect the re- Col. Moch. Bachrun, and Major of Solo Muham- sistance against colonialism. They decided to mad Saleh. Syuhada Mosque was therefore the choose a mosque for several reasons. Firstly, as first mosque to be formally launched by local a city populous with Muslims, Yogyakarta only and national politicians in post-independence had two major mosques, Great Mosque Indonesia, thus reflecting a relative unity of and Pura Pakualaman Mosque. Secondly, most Indonesian leaders in commemorating the end of Kotabaru inhabitants were now Muslims, and of Dutch and Japanese occupation through the they were in need of a proper place to carry out combined symbols of Indonesia (‘syuhada’ or prayer together, especially Friday prayer. They martyr) and Islam (a mosque) in a previously usually performed Friday prayer at houses, grass exclusive white enclave that symbolized fields or even borrowing a room from the nearby colonalism. Protestant church (Kenang2an, 1952: 18-19). SYUHADA MOSQUE AND ITS COMMUNITY... 17

INNOVATIONS AT SYUHADA opened. Some came just to watch it. Muslims MOSQUE were especially proud to have such mosque (Muqaddimah, personal interview, February Compared to other mosques in Indonesia in 14, 2007). the 1950s, the Syuhada Mosque was perhaps In order to attract more Muslims, Syuhada the most modern in terms of facilities. In Mosque used the most modern communication addition to a partition of prayer halls between media available at that time: radio. (Muqad- men and women, a special room was allocated dimah, personal interview, February 14, 2007). for women on the ground floor as a changing/ There was a small room behind the mihrab makeup room. This was a breakthrough, given where a device was placed to broadcast the that the majority of Muslims saw the mosque as sermons via Radio Republik Indonesia (RRI) a male territory,interpeting one of the Prophet (Suratmin, 2001: 49; Masyhuri, personal com- Muhammad’s words which state that women municayion, January 12, 2007). are better performing prayer at home. Syuhada, Taking the process of modernization of therefore, asserted that it welcomed women Islam in Indonesia into consideration, the use and recognized one of women’s major needs: of radio was a breakthrough. It cut through makeup. Indeed, it was partly for this reason the distrust held by some Muslims (during the that some Muslim women came to Syuhada. colonial era) to elements of modernity, such as Meanwhile, the toilet and bathroom were made the use of horn (loud speaker) and Western-style of good quality materials and were carefully clothing like trousers and suits by Islamic maintained. Sandals were no longer spread in teachers. In other words, the use of radio for the frontyard, but were put on racks (Suratmin, proselytizing Islam shows that the process of 2001: 49). There was also a hall which was used Islamic modernization continued and even as a lecture room; at that time, Syuhada Mosque thrived. was famous because of this room (Mesjid-mesjid Bersejarah, n.d.: 10). Of no less importance, Syuhada had a library. Other facilities were a A CONVENIENT AND COMPLETE loud speaker and a telephone. A small studio MOSQUE was built inside the mosque, through which According to historian Kuntowijoyo, a mosque sermons were broadcast by radio all over the city is similar to a bus station. Once a person (Masyhuri, personal communication, January comes to the station, he considers that he has 12, 2007). The mosque also had an electronic reached his aim. Kuntowijoyo equates this device to record the sermons (Suratmin, 2001: with a Muslim going to a mosque. A Muslim 38). When it was officially opened, Syuhada’s usually comes there to pray, sit for a moment, floor was covered by a beautiful and expensive and then returns home, without ever talking to, carpet, which was donated by the Pakistani let alone getting to know, those sitting next to Embassy in Jakarta (Kenang2an, 1952: 30). him (Kuntowijoyo, 1994: 132). The Syuhada Mosque added to the number Kuntowijoyo, therefore, criticizes Muslims of jami’ (grand) mosques in Yogyakarta. The who see the mosque as only a place for worship. Kauman and Pakualaman Mosques symbolized Syuhada Mosque was completely different from the Sultanate’s acceptance of Islam amidst this general picture of mosques in the Islamic Javanese culture. They were both deemed world. A few years before the establishment of special because of their historical and cultural Syuhada, a group from the muslim community values. However, Syuhada was given consider- was present in Kotabaru. This group later became able attention mostly because of its emphasis the pioneers of Islamic activities at Syuhada. on modernity, rather than traditionality. Around 1943, some women in Kotabaru created Muqaddimah, one of my sources, stated that a womens club (arisan) and formed a Koran the mosque: recital group named the Association of Koran The most modern. The biggest one. So many Recital for Women (Perhimpunan Pengajian people came to see it once it was officially Puteri Kotabaru, PPPK) (Suratmin, 2001: 78). 18 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES (JISSH)

In its early years, its members reached 400, established and named Children Education’s consisting not just of those living in Kotabaru, of Syuhada Mosque (Pendidikan Anak-Anak but also from other parts of Yogyakarta. The Masjid Syuhada, PAMS) (Suratmin, 2001). In members from other parts of Yogyakarta were addition to providing religious education to expected to, after getting knowledge and children, the aim of the PAMS was to attract experience from the PPPK, initiate their own children’s enthusiasm to come to the mosque. recital groups in their area (Suratmin, 2001: Given these goals, the education for children 78). The activities of the PPPK soon broadened was concentrated on Syuhada Mosque. Every and included education and financial matters. afternoon, or after school hours, children, who Its name was then changed into the Women’s mostly lived in Kotabaru, came to the mosque Koran Recital of Yogyakarta (Pengajian Puteri (Muqaddimah, personal communication, Yogyakarta, PPY). PPY members were active February 14, 2007). in collecting money during the foundation of According to an interviewee, at that time Syuhada (Suratmin, 2001: 79). Once Syuhada Syuhada was the only mosque in Yogakarta was in operation, PPY members asked for a which offered an education program for child- special room for women. This proposal was ren, now widely known as Taman Pendidikan accepted. Subsequently, the activities of PPY Al-Qur’an (Koranic Kindergaten, TPA) (R. Lubis, expanded into recital groups for children and personal communication, February 21, 2007). girls and such activities as money saving, a The children participating in it originated library and other social matters. These activities both from Kotabaru and outside. They were were so popular that many women throughout taught, inter alia, reading Koran and performing Yogyakarta participated in them. prayer. The curriculum resembled that of the It should be noted that, unlike most Department of Religious Affairs. Indonesian mosques, whose earliest religious After several years, the children’s education activities were almost always fully organized program improved and encouraged Syuhada by men and primus inter pares, the seeds of management to create a more comprehensive religious efforts in Syuhada were initiated by and well-planned school for kids. That meant women. These women played an important role teaching a combination of religious studies and in creating the basis for the subsequent activities general knowledge. The management opted to once Syuhada was ready to use. establish a kindergaten, Taman Kanak-Kanak In addition to Koran recital for women, (TK) Masjid Syuhada (Syuhada Kindergarten), another striking program of Syuhada in its for- which opened on 16 August, 1960 (Suratmin, mative years was a great emphasis on children’s 2001; 67). This enhanced the image of Syuhada education. A new generation of Muslims was as a mosque for modern Muslims, a mosque that being prepared to replace their parents as a part prepared young Muslims to not just become of the Syuhada community of the future, as well knowledgeable in religious matters but also as making them ready as new cadres for Islamic in skills that would allow them to enter the proselytizing. Practically speaking, children larger world that was often characterized by were nominally one of the largest groups that systematic knowledge, science, and profes- came to the Mosque (Muqaddimah, personal sionalism rather than piety. Now Syuhada was communication, February 14, 2007). Usually no longer only focussed on religious practices, they were taken there by their mothers who but was also a playground for children. One came for Koran recital. From here, an awareness of the graduates of the TK Syuhada was Anies grew among the mothers to provide religous Baswedan, former minister of the Ministry of education for their children. Education and (Husnil, Therefore, on 20 October, 1953, under the 2014: 13). Foundation for Dormitory and Mosque (Yayasan The number of enrollments to the TK Asrama dan Masjid, YASMA) as the umbrella Syuhada grew annually. Management, curricu- organization, an eduational institution was lum, teachers, and facilities were all improved. SYUHADA MOSQUE AND ITS COMMUNITY... 19

The TK soon became a trendsetter, not just in the rise of young, Indonesian muslim intellectu- Yogyakarta, but also across Indonesia. This TK, als educated on secular campuses rather than for instance, was an example for later modern in religious schools. Islamic TK, such as the famous TK Al Azhar Sociologically speaking, since the early in the national capital, Jakarta (Muqaddimah, 1970s, there was a major change in the composi- personal communication, February 14, 2007). tion of the inhabitants of Kotabaru. Some of the During Ramadhan (fasting month), stu- government officials who lived there since the dents who stayed at the male dormitory, in revolution era passed away. The houses were cooperation with Syuhada management and the inherited by their children (Masyhuri, personal Syuhada community, held a number of events communication, January 12, 2007). Unlike their to celebrate it. Tarawih prayers at night during parents, this new generation was not very active Ramadhan and Koran recital were the two main in Syuhada and some of them sold their parents’ ritual practices. Unlike the majority of Indone- houses, which were then used for office or busi- sian mosques at that time who presented an ness facilities. Thus, the function of Kotabaru Islamic teacher as the preacher before Tarawih, as a public settlement decreased. it was not uncommon for Syuhada to allow This situation definitely influenced the graduates from secular universities to deliver composition of the religious community of religious sermons from the podium. Indeed, Syuhada. The mosque lost many of its main this sort of speaker soon became one of the supporters in Kotabaru, which was a critical is- most important drawcards that attracted people sue for both the short and long term. In dealing to come and pray at Syuhada (A.A. Darban, with this, a number of efforts were conducted personal communication, September 17, 2007). to attract these new inhabitants to the mosque. This trend continued to grow, and played a role Representatives of Syuhada frequently sent in making Syuhada a mosque not just for devout invitations for every event that was going to be Muslims, but also for intellectual and rational held to them. Yet, even though most of them Muslims. were Muslims, they showed little interest in participating in mosque-held activities. ISLAM AS IDEOLOGY, MOVEMENT, Afterwards, the mosque targeted a broader AND IMAGE audience, namely wider Yogyakarta, especially In the beginning, Syuhada Mosque’s activities the newly rising Indonesian muslim middle mainly focused on maintaining and improving class, which at that time was emerging as a the religious devotion of its community. Later, major part within Indonesian Muslimsociety. Syuhada began to assume a new role, namely as By the late 1960s a new generation of Muslims an agent of social change at the city and national appeared with a modern education, which level. Below I will explain various sociopolitical soon formed the Indonesian middle class. In changes in Yogakarta and Indonesia from 1960s Indonesian social sciences, they were labeled onwards, their influences on Syuhada, and how - (Mahasin in Tanter and Young Syuhada responded to them. These include [eds.], 1993: 153-4). In the Syuhada context, they the changing composition of the inhabitants were university students, lecturers, bureaucrats of Kotabaru, the strengthening of the the so- and young Muslim entrepreneurs whose num- called politik aliran (division of political groups bers steadily increased. Their great attention to based on ideology, religion, and social lines), Islam, both the more superficial aspects of Islam which was partly marked by NU’s decision to and the more stricter application of Islamic leave , thus sustaining friction principles broke the myth that their occupations between traditionalist muslims represented were far from Islam. by NU and modernist muslims represented According to Latif (2012: 583), the 1970s by , the rise of the Indonesian was the period of ‘Islamic turn’.This took place Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia, in many of Indonesia’s secular unversities, PKI) and its youth wings, christianization, and largely marked by the proliferation of remaja 20 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES (JISSH)

masjid (youth mosque groups) and was directed Agama Islam Negeri, IAIN) and mainly by student activists with an HMI (Islamic Islamic (Universitas Student Association)/PII (Indonesian Muslim Islam Indonesia, UII). Most of the students who Students) background. Students’ dissatisfaction took part in PKMS’ cadre training were senior in regards to restrictions on publicly expressing high school students in Yogyakarta (Sopyan, political aspirations were channeled through 2014: 71). the so-called ‘Back to the Mosque’ movement. Interestingly, the image of Syuhada did not Syuhada Mosque was among the mosques in just draw people to come, pray or enroll their Indonesia’s major cities, along with Al Azhar children in Syuhada’s schools, but also gave rise (Jakarta), Istiqomah (), and Al Falah to a new way to celebrate its respected position (), whose remaja masjid were very active among Muslim communities in Yogyakarta. in proselytizing Islam through methods and This came in a form that the founders of Syu- programs borrowed from Islamic movements hada would not have imagined. In the 1970s, as in the campus mosques. a sign of the popularity of Syuhada in Central Later, there was another ‘turn’ in the Java: the picture of Syuhada Mosque was used dakwah movement in the Syuhada Mosque, as a backdrop in photo studios. There were which was introduced by national-level Islamic only two mosques that were commonly used activists in Syuhada. Sopyan (2014: 32) mentions as backdrops in photo studios at that time in two influential names: Habib Chirzin, an the region: Syuhada and Kauman Mosque. In activist closely linked with numerous Islamic Eid al-Fitr or , Muslim families in the student organizations such as HMI, PII, IMM, region gathered themselves, and in order to and Jamaah Shalahuddin, and Chumaidy Syarif celebrate the joyful day and as a memory of the Romas, chair of HMI (1976-78). They gradually family gathering, they went to a photo studio modified Syuhada’s main dakwah method from for a picture. Strassler (2010: 93) stated that bil lisaan (through verbal communication) into these backdrops ‘depicted particular mosques bil haal (enabling Muslim preachers to help that were as much symbols of locality as they solve actual problems faced by the Islamic com- were signs of religious identity.’ However, after munity), or what was later known as dakwah 1980s, Strassler continues, photo backdrops transformatif (transformative proselytizing). in studios in Central Java preferred mosques Chirzin believed that Syuhada’s dakwah was too with archictetural styles that resembled to that normative, that it faced difficulties in keeping of South Asia and the Middle East, reflecting pace with the modern world and introduced Indonesian Muslims’ growing association with the use of social science methods in solving larger Islamic world. the problems of the Muslim society (Sopyan, 2014: 79). SYUHADA, NU AND One of the backbones of Syuhada’s dakwah MUHAMMADIYAH activities was Cadre Training of Syuhada Differences in understanding the secondary Mosque (Pendidikan Kader Masjid Syuhada, principles of Islam (khilafiyah) split Indonesian PKMS), established soon after the opening of muslims into two groups, modernists and the mosque. Those youths trained in this or- traditionalists. The former was represented by ganization were expected to be good preachers, Muhammadiyah and the latter was represented who were not just able to effectively disseminate by (NU) (Noer, 1973). It is religious messages, but also to connect with therefore relevant to relate the establishment the needy population. In order to bridge the of Syuhada with such dualism. The question is: gap between such spiritual and concrete tasks, On which side did Syuhada stand? Posing this the PKMS recruited university students from question to a member of the YAMSA manage- different academic backgrounds as its teachers, ment, B. Mukri, he replied that Syuhada was especially from Gadjah Mada University (UGM), ‘neutral’ (B. Mukri, personal communication, State Institute of Islamic Studies (Institut February 20, 2007). Meanwhile, the grand imam SYUHADA MOSQUE AND ITS COMMUNITY... 21 of Syuhada, Masyhuri, acknowledged that when is better than sleep’. It reflects the importance Syuhada was used as a place for worship, the of waking up early and starting daily activities community tended to use Muhammadiyah with prayer. At Syuhada, the situation regarding interpretations for khilafiyah matters. This was Subuh prayer was very complex . In the first due to the fact that most of those who were years after its official opening, performing Subuh involved in the establishment of the mosque prayer at Syuhada was not an easy task. All parts originated from Muhammadiyah, with only of Kotabaru were covered by big trees, which a handful of NU representatives (Masyhuri, were useful for people during the day to provide personal communication, January 12, 2007). protection from the harsh sun. But they were a This inclination can be seen during the two problem during the nightand at dawn. Before prayers that are often under dispute between Syuhada was built, some parts of Kotabaru were traditionalist and modern groups: Subuh (early considered unsafe, especially those located next morning prayer) and Tarawih (night time prayer). to or around the native kampung of Kali Code. At Syuhada, in every Subuh prayer the imam did So, attracting people to Subuh prayer was not recite qunut (a prayer recited in the second a challenging job. A strategy was needed. The rakaat of Subuh prayer) while during Tarawih management of Syuhada held the so-called the imam performed 11 rakaat (motions and kuliah subuh (Masyhuri, personal commu- prayers in a prayer). These were widely practiced nication, January 12, 2007). This was a short among Muhammadiyah followers. In the NU, teaching of Islamic principles by using brief however, in every Subuh prayer the imam read and undemanding content. The name of the qunut and he performs 23 rakaat during Tarawih program itself, ‘kuliah’ (lit. lecture), represents prayer. But, Syuhada management believed that the aspirations of the management to apply such matters were not principle ones and were a modern approach to Islamic teaching since convinced that the Muslims performing prayers the term was more commonly used in secular at the Syuhada were wise enough to not let the universities. The teachers of kuliah subuh khilafiyah disputes become a major issue. encompassed Islamic teachers, such as Ideologically speaking, in terms of new from Krapyak, a well-known Islamic enclave trends and debates in Islamic thought, activists in Yogyakarta, but also university lecturers, at Syuhada Mosque were quite knowledgeable, confirming the idea of kuliah and showing the yet they tended to avoid taking part in such close relationship between Syuhada’s modern disputes, let alone adopting a firm stance. One Islam and secular institutions like universities example of this is the notion of the renewal (B. Mukri, personal communication, February of Islamic thought through secularisation, 20, 2007; R. Lubis, personal communication, which was then opposed by many critics, but February 21, 2007). mushroomed in 1970s within Muslim students The presence of popular figures during in Indonesia. Syuhada activists maintained kuliah subuh impressed many members of at least two attitudes, namely keeping good Syuhada’s religious community. At that time, relationships with activists from both groups only Syuhada in Yogyakarta had such a kuliah and stressing that Syuhada was open for any subuh program (B. Mukri, personal communica- development in Islamic thought without limit- tion, February 20, 2007). Word of the program ing or associating itself with a specific school of was extensively spread all over Yogyakarta and thought or religious trend (Sopyan, 2014: 79-80). drew more people to Syuhada at dawn, both to perform Subuh prayer and to listen to the FROM KULIAH SUBUH TO DAKWAH kuliah subuh. Later, in order to accommodate a UNIVERSITY broader audience, kuliah subuh teachings were relayed through the state-owned radio, RRI. For In Islam, Subuh prayer occupies a special posi- Muslims in Yogyakarta living in the mid-1950s, tion. The phrase ‘Assholatu khairun minannaum’, kuliah subuh at Syuhada was very popular. And in Subuh Adhan or call for prayer means ‘Prayer it can be argued that the kuliah subuh was then 22 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES (JISSH)

the icon of Syuhada. This gradually changed were often seen as the one that differentiated and crumbled as Kotabaru’s image became Islam from other ideologies, namely tawhid or increasingly dark and unsafe. the idea about the oneness of God. When kuliah subuh was deemed insuf- SYUHADA VIS A VIS COMMUNIST ficient to counter the spread of communism, another idea came into view, namely improving In the mid-1950s, two national organizations the Islamic teaching program (Suratmin, 2001: with widespread local branches, the Indonesian 57). A meeting was held among members of Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia, Syuhada management and a decision was PKI) and Masyumi Party competed for support- taken to establish a university. The name of the ers. They both had similar numbers of support- university, the People’s University of Higher ers, and during the first national election in 1955 Education of Syuhada Mosque (Universitas they managed to reach the big five. The PKI Rakyat Pendidikan Tinggi Masjid Syuhada, branch in Yogyakarta was very active in agitating UNRA PTMS), would immediately attract atten- the public and one of its most active wings was tion and remind people of the university built the Mataram People’s University (Universitas by the PKI. It was established on 10 November, Rakyat Mataram, UNRA Mataram) (Suratmin, 1961. The choice of this date was not without 2001: 56). Located next to what is now known reasons. 10 November was Heroes Day, a as Pasar Ngasem, Yogyakarta, this university nationally commemorated day in Indonesia. taught its students communism and prepared Given this, the founders of UNRA PTMS wanted them as new communist cadres. Students of the students educated at the university to follow the university mainly moved through a student the path of heroes who fought for Indonesian organisation named the Indonesian Student independence as well as defending the existence Movement Center (Central Gerakan Mahasiswa of Islam (Suratmin, 2001: 57). Indonesia, CGMI). They often held actions which attracted public attention, in particular Despite the fact that the university was a a series of mass demonstrations. higher education institution, the key programs at UNRA PTMS inclined toward ideology The growing influence of the communist rather than the production of knowledge. The university was seen as threat by muslims in university’s main aims were to strengthen the Yogyakarta. Indeed, at that time higher educa- basis of Islam among Muslims and to oppose tion in Yogyakarta, just like at the national level, communist propaganda. It is then understand- was divided based on ideology. According to a able that a series of requirements of modern source, in Yogyakarta, the Islamic university was higher educational institution such as structure, represented by UII, established in 1945, whilst curriculum and formality were put aside. the nationalist university was represented by Accentuation was given to the recruitment of Janabadra University (Universitas Janabadra, the masses. Normally, when one wants to enroll established in 1958), and the communist at a university, he/she needs to have a Senior university, as noted above, was represented by High School degree. But this did not apply at UNRA Mataram (Sejarah Universitas Atma Jaya, UNRA PTMS. The most important thing was, 1990). In order to respond to the spread of com- according to an interviewee, ‘spirit to commit munism via various communist-operated media jihad [struggle], to defend Islam’ (Masyhuri, outlets, Syuhada management initially used personal communication, January 12, 2007). kuliah subuh to disseminate anti-communist ideas. According to one interviewee, during The founders of the university, Drs. the early 1960s, the Islamic teachers who Widjisaksono, Drs. Shalahuddin Sanusi, and delivered sermons and teachings at Syuhada Drs. Rusdi Ahmad Syuhada, represented general were the most ‘rigorous’ (A.A. Darban, personal knowledge, were given the doctorandus title communication, September 17, 2007). They to their name. The combination of general mainly provided teachings that strengthened knowledge and Islamic theology was a new the most fundamental aspects of Islam, which trend, if not a breakthrough in Indonesian SYUHADA MOSQUE AND ITS COMMUNITY... 23 higher education. The history of Indonesian the use of a new church in an area which had Islamic universities was arguably rooted in no Christian inhabitants. The most important Syuhada. The earliest Islamic university in concern of Indonesian Muslim leaders was Indonesia (which bear the name ’university’, the expansive and aggresive efforts of the thus resembled to university in the sense of evangelists (Azra, 2002, 320). Western university) was UII, which had four This was the background to one important faculties (Law, Religious Studies, Education event in Kali Code, a native kampung next to and Economics). It is important to note that Kotabaru and very close to Syuhada Mosque. in its formative years, UII seriously lacked In the beginning of the 1970s, Kotabaru was of campus facilities. They often used rooms arguably a slum area of Yogyakarta. Many of the located on the lower grounds of the Syuhada inhabitans worked as trishaw drivers, porters, Mosque for teaching and studying. Moreover, small mechanics, and scavengers. These were muslim youngsters who enrolled in UNRA ‘clean’ jobs. Many others were pickpockets and PTMS originated from Yogyakarta and outside, drunkards. Impressions that one gets when such as . Within two years, UNRA talking about Kali Code from that time are of PTMS attracted so many people that the study a dirty, chaotic, vile, and crime ridden place room was no longer enough. Indeed, those who (Pour, 1995, 115-116). A Catholic architect, Y.B. wanted to attend the college, could only do it Mangunwijaya, widely kown as Romo Mangun, by standing at the back of the room. (Suratmin, came and changed the face of Kali Code. 2001: 57). Subsequently, Syuhada’s increasing Inappropriate houses which did not meet health role in Islamic higher education, especially with standards were removed and rebuilt. Indirectly regards to UII and UNRA PTMS, gave Islamic this and other related actions improved the Kali leaders the reason to eastablish state-operated Code inhabitants’ economic state. Islamic higher education institutions that are Despite his success, the issue of Chris- now known as IAIN (Suratmin, 2001: 57; Asari, tianization emerged. His background as 2001, 235). an ecclesiastic graduating from College for Philosophy and Theology (Perguruan Tinggi REACTING TO CHRISTIANIZATION Filsafat dan Theologia) St. Pauli, Yogyakarta, The relationship between the adherents of made his true intention questionable. He did Islam and Christianity in Indonesia can be not establish any church, but Muslims saw a traced back to the coming of Europeans, who massive conversion among inhabitants of Kali came here to trade, but also brought mis- Code. The numbers of Muslims decreased while sionnaries to evangelize the native population. the numbers of Christians sharply increased. This relationship was primarily reduced to the A question arose among Yogyakarta issue of religious conversion, or to be exact, Muslims: why did Syuhada Mosque fail to take Christianization. Catholics (missie in Dutch) care of the inhabitants of Kali Code, which in and Protestants (zending in Dutch) were known terms of both religion and geography were far to be very active in proselytizing to the native closer to the mosque than any other religious population, both to those who already embraced community? One of the pretexts was that Kali a world religion like Islam or ethnic groups in Code was not among on the top priority of remote areas who still practiced animism and Syuhada’s dakwah (proselytizing) movement; politheism. Syuhada’s dakwah, as mentioned previously, Around the late 1960s, the issue of Chris- mostly focused on attracting well-to-do tianization causing the relationship between inhanbitants of Kotabaru as well as educated Muslims and Christians to deteriorate (Azra, and established groups in Yogyakarta. 2002: 320). In 1967, a Christian leader was Yet, under the criticism of the Syuhada’s viewed harassing Prophet Muhammad. As a ignorance to Kali Code, Syuhada’s management result, a church was burned down. In , and community began to address the issue. Muslims challenged the establishment and Information about the rapid conversion of Kali 24 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES (JISSH)

Code was the catalyst for Syuhada to give more NEW ORDER AND THE RISE OF attention to Kali Code. Syuhada management MUSLIM YOUTH decided to inspect directly what was happening In the 1980s, after several decades building an in Kali Code. After the issue was confirmed, they image of a modern, middle class mosque that took measures to counter this Christianization played a significant role in the development (Masyhuri, personal communication, January of Muslims life in Yogyakarta, the Syuhada 12, 2007). A youth named Hasnawi Harahap was Mosque attracted a new group of members tasked by Syuhada management to deal with who energetically participated in its activities: Christianization in Kali Code. His mission was students from secular campuses all over the to defend the aqidah (creed) of Muslims living city, but primarily from UGM. The most well in Kali Code. Afterwards, he and other Islamic known university in the city, UGM, was located teachers from Syuhada frequently held Koran only a few kilometres from the mosque. Before recital groups there. we go deeper to understand the students’ role It was also reported that a hall owned by at Syuhada, it is necessary to understand the a Neighborhood Association (Rukun Tetangga, situation of Indonesia’s campus life around RT) in Kali Code was frequently used for reli- that time. Since the 1970s, a new school of gious services (kebaktian) (Masyhuri, personal thought in Islamic studies appeared and was communication, January 12, 2007). A cross was constantly endorsed by such figures as Djohan seen hanging on the wall. An Islamic teacher Effendi, , and from Syuhada was surprised once he saw it. Abdurahman Wahid (Barton, 1999, 515). They He then held a meeting with members of the introduced a novel approach to Islamic thought, Syuhada community, a meeting which decided namely Neo-Modernism, which emphasized to improve the quality and quantity of Islamic a committment to pluralism and democratic activities in Kali Code. With persuasive efforts, values. the cross was finally removed by the inhabitants In response to that liberal thinking, as well of Kali Code, and the RT hall was re-used as a as an endorsement of the Islamic Revolution in center for Islamic activities there. Iran, discussions centering on Islamic revivalism In addition to Kali Code, Syuhada’s were blossoming on many secular campuses in attention to the Christianization issue was Indonesia, especially between the mid-1980s also found in Gunung Kidul, where Christian and the beginning of the 1990s. One important missionaries were also active. There, Syuhada Islamic leader who initiated the proliferation had a desa binaan (village under care) which was of Islamic teaching on secular campuses was handled by activists from Corps Dakwah Masjid , a notable leader from the Syuhada (CDMS), a youth wing of Syuhada. Masyumi Party and former Indonesian prime Besides, some Islamic teachers from the PAMS minister. In order to enhance Islamic activities often came to the elementary schools to counter on campus, he proposed the establishment of Christianization. Students from the Institute mosques in universities and dormitories for of Islamic Studies of Syuhada Mosque (Sekolah students who would then become the active Tinggi Agama Islam Masjid Syuhada, STAIMS) agents of change. A number of campus mosques were also especially energetic in responding to were established in the 1970s. Islamic activities this matter. soon emerged on campuses in such cities as The issue of Christianization in Kali Code, Jakarta, Bandung, Bogor and Yogyakarta. The and also in some places of Gunung Kidul, both most active mosque community was at Salman poor areas of Yogyakarta, became a national po- Mosque at the Bandung Institute Technology lemic. Many criticized the Christian evangelists, (Institut Teknologi Bandung, ITTB) in Bandung, but some others demanded Muslims to perform which strongly influenced Islamic activists on self-introspection in order to find out why this other campuses, including in Yogyakarta. happened (Taha [ed.], 1997, 127-128). At UGM, there was a mushrooming of student discussion groups concentrating on Islamic matters and often started with an SYUHADA MOSQUE AND ITS COMMUNITY... 25 informal course on the interpretation of the community (UGM). These three groups were Koran, taught by UGM lecturers. This course supported by students from various state and was very popular among students, and it was private universities in Yogyakarta, reflecting attended by both UGM and non-UGM students their wide basis of supporters. (Juliantara, 1995, 223). At the height of the New Order regime, Meanwhile, a number of UGM students Syuhada and its intellectual and religious stayed in Syuhada’s student dormitory and were network took part in the criticism against the very keen on participating in Syuhada-held regime, although not as overtly and sharply as events. Subsequently, these students played other mosques, especially the Salman Mosque an important role in applying the models of in Bandung. After the peak of student political Syuhada’s Islamic activities into the Muslim activism in the mid-1960s, student political students’ association at their campus, the activities in 1970s sharply declined because Shalahuddin group of UGM. For instance, of the New Order’s suppression of such mo- discussions about the contextualization of vements. Intra-campus organizations were Islam in the modern world and in an Indonesian banned through the infamous Normalization of nation-state conducted by Shalahuddin was Campus Life (Normalisasi Kehidupan Kampus, strongly influenced by Effectice Study of Islam NKK) in 1978. But, Islamic activists continued to (Study Islam Efektif, SIE), a course on Islam struggle, and they thrived. Networks of Islamic held by Syuhada since the beginning of the activists in Java’s major campuses brought an 1980s. This SIE was a specific discussion forum Islamic activist named M. Imaduddin Abdul- made up of 20 people, mostly UGM students. rahim to Syuhada. Also known as Bang Imad, For several months, the members were given he was a Muslim activist well known for his lectures on the main Islamic principles, such efforts in the Islamization of Indonesian secular as the oneness of God and proper behavior in campuses through his role in founding the Islam. More importantly, this discussion group Salman Mosque at ITB and his subsequent role also talked about current political matters, thus spreading stricter Islamic principles through stimulating the students to feel responsible for Java’s main universities. Once he delivered a the declining position of Muslims in the New sermon at Syuhada. He believed he was under Order regime. This combination of religious surveillance by a government intelligence agent and political teaching appeared to encourage who lived close to the mosque. During his UGM students who followed the course to speech, he noticed the surveillance, openly implement it during the formative years of revealed the name of the agent and asked him Shalahuddin group. to write down his speech about Muslim revival. The birth and rise of Shalahuddin did This story was spread among Muslim activists not put an end to the SIE. They both helped as an effort to ensure that Bang Imad—and each other, informing one another if one of undoubtedly also Syuhada Mosque—was a them invited famous speakers from Jakarta, strong symbol for Muslim activists fighting for example from the Indonesian Association against the New Order’s repression of Muslims of Muslim Intellectuals (Ikatan Cendekiawan (Asshidiqqie [ed], 2002: 201). Muslim se-Indonesia, ICMI) (R. Lubis, personal Nevertheless, despite the above mentioned communication, February 21, 2007). story of anti-regime resistance, as far as avai- As previously stated, the Salman group of lable sources are concerned, Syuhada Mosque ITB was essential in the development of Islamic generally remained passive, in a political sense, activities on Java’s main campuses. According towards several political changes at a national to Rahmat (2008: 29), before the Salman level that affected Muslim organizations during community’s influence came to Yogyakarta, the 1970s and 1980s. These changes included there were already three dakwah movements the fusion of Islamic parties in 1973 and the in Yogyakarta: the Mardhiyyah group (State application of (five principles) as Institute of Teacher Training, IKIP Yogyakarta), the so-called asas tunggal (sole basis) of any the Syuhada Mosque group and the Salahuddin organization in the 1980s. In other words, 26 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES (JISSH)

these two changes had no substantial impact on different regimes and after being dominated Syuhada. The fusion primarily had an damaging by two foreign powers it was eventually taken effect to Indonesian Muslims’ political channels, over by Indonesians, which is commemorated especially the Islamic party PPP, whereas by the establishment of the mosque. questions about asas tunggal were mostly This study finds that the Syuhada Mosque debated among national-level sociopolitical did not just play a role in enhancing an indi- Islamic organizations such as Muhammadiyah vidual’s devotion to God, but was also a center and NU (see for instance Assyaukanie, 2009) of social, even political discourses at a city and rather than socioeducational institiutions like national level. This finding is consistent with Syuhada. Another explanation for this comes studies of the social and educational functions from internal sources. One of Syuhada’s most of a mosque in Muslim society, in which the influential activists, Habib Chirzin, stressed role played by the mosque management and the that unlike other mosques, such as the Salman active participation of the mosque’s community Mosque in Bandung, which was very critical are essential in widening the functions of the to the New Order regime, Syuhada Mosque mosque (Imamuddin, 1984; Prasetya, 2014). was in fact a ‘government’s mosque’, given the In its formative years, Syuhada faced a diffi- fact that its opening ceremony was attended cult problem. It was not built within a kampung by numerous local and national government where the inhabitants were naturally embedded officials and its leadership was managed by to the mosque, Syuhada had to creatively attract representatives of the . people’s attention and involvement. Syuhada Therefore, instead of paying much attention to management did many things to attract people politics, Syuhada focussed heavily on improving from both the Kotabaru area and beyond. As the spirituality, culture and social welfare of the such, Syuhada was designated to be ideo- Muslim community in Yogyakarta. In Chirzin’s logically open, socially sensitive, technologically words, Syuhada launched ‘social and cultural responsive and politically active. Even though resistance’ instead of ‘political resistance’. As a Syuhada was inclined to Muhammadiyah, there consequence, the Syuhada Mosque managed were no striking problems concerning disputed to avoid the cruel treatment of the New Order matters in Islamic teaching. It allowed Muslim regime, although in some instances the public communities from different groups and schools activities of social activists associated with of thought, and every dispute about differences Syuhada were surreptitiously supervised by the among Muslims seemed to be deliberately put New Order apparatus (Sopyan, 2014: 68-73). aside. Its social functions, however, rapidly changed over time. While in the beginning its CONCLUSION main community were those Muslims living Established in the early 1950s, Syuhada Mosque in the Kotabaru area, it later had to expand was more than a simple mosque. Despite its its scope because of declining support from main function as a place for worship, it was to this immediate neighborhood. Thus, Syuhada a large extent also an historical monument built management constructed diverse agendas to to commemorate Indonesia’s victory against attract a new community beyond Kotabaru, Dutch colonialism and Japanese Occupation. namely educated and well-to-do Muslims of This was indicated by the name of the mosque, the city of Yogyakarta. But this was challenged the location where it was built, the variety of by criticism of Syuhada’s failure in maintaining sociopolitical backgrounds of its founders and the Islamic identity of its close neighborhood in numerous other symbols associated with it. Kali Code, a criticism which was soon rectified This study traces the history of Syuhada not by Syuhada’s dedication to the Kali Code. just from the day its first stone was laid, but During the four decades of its presence, the from the origins of the the area where it was activities of management and the community of built, Kotabaru, from the late 19th century to Syuhada represented efforts to draw the involve- the peak of the mosque’s activities in the 1980s. ment of Yogyakarta’s middle class Muslims into This shows that, from an historical point of events held by the mosque. This study includes view, Kotabaru was a contested area during several cases of modern approachs to proselytiz- SYUHADA MOSQUE AND ITS COMMUNITY... 27 ing Islam used by Syuhada, such as the founding De Graaf, H.J. (1963). The Origin of the Javanese of the up-to-date education systems (TK and Mosque. Journal of Southeast Asian History, university) and the constant use of radio. In Vol. 4, No. 1 pp. 1-5. the 1950s, the core membership of the Syuhada Departemen Pendidikan Nasional. (2000). Ket­ community encompassed government officials erlibatan Ulama di DIY pada Masa Perang Kemerdekaan 1945-1949. Jakarta: Departemen living in Kotabaru, while in 1970s and 1980s it Pendidikan Nasional. was comprised of university lecturers, doctors Erlangga (no year). Mesjid-mesjid Bersejarah di Jakarta. and other professionals. University students Jakarta: Erlangga. were also essential in forming the Syuhada Harnoko, Darto, et. al. (2003). Demokrasi dalam community, especially in the 1960s during the Perjalanan Sejarah: Studi Kasus di Daerah anti-communist struggle and in the 1980s when Istimewa Yogyakarta 1945-Awal Reformasi. they started student-based Koran recital groups, Yogyakarta: Balai Kajian Sejarah dan Nilai which were subsequently opposed by the New Tradisional Yogyakarta. Order for fear of its ideological nuance and Husnil, Muhammad. (2014). 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