DOCSLIB.ORG

Crime in New York State 2019 Final Data

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

December 2020 New York State Crime Report Andrew M. Cuomo Michael C. Green Governor Executive Deputy Commissioner December 2020 Crime in New York State 2019 Final Data New York State and the FBI use seven Index crime categories as indicators of overall crime trends: murder, rape, robbery and aggravated assault, which are classified as violent crimes; and the property crimes of burglary, larceny and motor vehicle theft. The FBI created these categories to allow for uniform crime reporting across all 50 states. This report details 2019 Index crime in New York State, its 62 counties and two regions: New York City and the 57 counties outside of the five boroughs (Rest of State). Police departments and sheriffs’ offices report Index crime to the Division of Criminal Justice Services (DCJS) through the Uniform Crime Reporting and Incident-Based Reporting programs. This report also details Index crime rates per 100,000 population statewide and by county and region. DCJS uses county population data from the FBI, which is based on U.S. Census estimates, to calculate those crime rates. New York State implemented the FBI’s expanded Reported Index crime in New York State declined for the definition of rape in 2015; this resulted in an uptick seventh consecutive year in 2019, with 335,736 Index in violent crime and reported rapes in that year crimes reported. This is the fewest number of crimes when compared to prior years. As a result, caution reported since statewide reporting began in 1975. should be used when citing or interpreting any percentage changes between rapes reported in The historic low in reported Index crime has resulted in 2015 and any subsequent year, to those reported New York’s Index crime rate declining by 25.8 percent in 2014 and earlier. between 2010 and 2019. The FBI made the change to more accurately During that 10-year period, the violent crime rate reflect the scope and volume of sexual assaults decreased 8 percent and the property crime rate nationwide. Before the implementation, those declined 29 percent. Appendix 1 has additional details. offenses would have been classified by the FBI and state as Part II sex offenses. Percentage Change in Crime Rates 2010 vs. 2019 This report compares Index and violent crime over New York State the 10-year period from 2010 through 2019, but it 10% 1.2% does not include percentage change comparisons 0% between rape statistics reported in 2010 vs. 2019 NA because of the expanded definition. -10% -8.4% -20% -22.3% -30% -25.8% Index crimes reported by police departments and -29.3% -40% -35.8% -36.7% sheriffs’ offices to DCJS annually from 2015 to -38.3% 2019 are online: www.criminaljustice.ny.gov -50% (click the link to Statistics). -60% -57.7% -70% Office of Justice Research & Performance 1 New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services December 2020 Change in Crime Volume: 2010 vs. 2019 Between 2010 and 2019, Index crime declined, with 114,696 fewer crimes New York State Index Crime Counts reported statewide. 500,000 450,432 This represents a 25.5 percent reduction 400,000 in the volume of reported crime over that -25.5% 10-year period. 300,000 335,736 Reported Index crime has declined annually since 2012. 200,000 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 Regional Trends in Crime: 2010 to 2019 Index crimes in the state’s two regions — Regional Trends in Index Crime New York City (five counties, also referred 300,000 262,328 to as boroughs) and Rest of State (57 -36.9% 250,000 counties) — declined when comparing 2010 to 2019. The decline in the Rest of State 188,104 significantly outpaced the decrease in New 200,000 170,120 York City. Between 2010 and 2019, -9.6% 150,000 reported Index crime declined 36.9 percent 165,616 in the Rest of State as compared to 9.6 100,000 percent in New York City. 50,000 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 Index crime has decreased annually in the New York City Rest of State 57 counties outside of the five boroughs since 2010 and in 2019, crime volume in the Rest of State was lower than New York City for the first time since 1997. Regional Trends in Violent Crime The decrease in violent crime in the Rest of State also was significantly greater than in 48,489 50,000 New York City: 19.9 percent vs. 1.4 percent. -1.4% New York City has seen a significant 47,821 decrease in homicides during this 10-year period: 40.5 percent. See Appendix 2 for 30,000 more details. 27,348 -19.9% 21,917 As noted, the state’s implementation of the 10,000 FBI’s expanded definition of rape resulted in 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 an uptick in violent crime in both regions New York City Rest of State from 2014 to 2015. This change resulted in 3,817 additional crimes being classified as rape in 2019; prior to the change, those offenses would have been classified by the FBI and state as Part II sex offenses. Office of Justice Research & Performance 2 New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services December 2020 Statewide Crime Trends: 2018 vs. 2019 The number of Index crimes reported in New York State decreased 3.8 percent in 2019 as Percentage Change in Crime Volume compared to the previous year. 2018 vs. 2019 New York State Six of the seven Index crimes declined, with 10% the most significant reduction occurring in burglary (-11.5%). 5% 3.3% 1.7% 0% Violent crime increased by 1.7 percent, -0.8% driven by the increase in aggravated assaults -1.6% -1.6% -5% -3.8% -4.4% -3.5% (+3.3%). There were fewer murders, robberies -5.2% and rapes statewide and the total number of -10% -11.5% murders reported in 2019 (558) was the -15% second lowest number since reporting began in 1975. The previous all-time low was 550, -20% reported in 2017. Property crime decreased by 5.2 percent; all three property crime categories declined. Regional Crime Trends: 2018 vs. 2019 New York City New York City 10% Index crimes decreased (-2.3%) in 2019, 8.1% largely due to the decline in reported property 3.7% 4.3% 5% 3.3% crimes (-4.5%). 0% Violent crime increased (+3.7%), with -0.2% -2.3% -1.6% increases in murder (+8.1%), aggravated -5% -4.5% -4.3% assault (+4.3%) and robbery (+3.3%). There -10% -9.1% were fewer rapes (-1.6%) reported. -15% Burglary (-9.1%), larceny (-4.3%) and motor vehicle theft (-0.2%) all decreased. -20% Rest of State Rest of State Crime in the Rest of State declined 5.3 percent 10% when compared to 2018, driven by reductions in six of the seven Index crimes. Notably, 5% murders decreased 12.1 percent, burglaries 1.1% decreased 12.8 percent and robberies 0% decreased 11.1 percent. -1.6% -2.4% -5% -4.6% -5.3% -5.7% -5.9% Declines in motor vehicle theft (-5.9%), larceny -10% (-4.6%), rape (-1.6%) also were reported. -11.1% Aggravated assault increased (+1.1%). -15% -12.1% -12.8% -20% Appendix 3 lists crime rates by county for 2019 and Appendix 6 details crime counts by county for 2018 as compared to 2019. Office of Justice Research & Performance 3 New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services December 2020 Trends in Violent Crime by Firearm: 2015 vs. 2019 Police departments and sheriffs’ offices in New York State report to DCJS the number of violent crimes that involved the use of a firearm. In New York City, violent crime involving firearms increased slightly (+1.4%) between 2018 and 2019, but has decreased dramatically in the past five years: 34.5 percent when comparing 2015 to 2019. Violent crimes involving a firearm in the Rest of the State declined 2.1 percent from 2018 to 2019, and decreased by 19.3 percent when comparing 2015 to 2019. See Appendix 4 for more details. New York City Violent Crime by Firearm Rest of State Violent Crime by Firearm 8,000 6,000 6,577 4,638 4,437 6,000 5,393 4,066 4,000 4,747 3,658 3,582 4,245 4,305 4,000 2,000 2,000 0 0 New York City Rest of State 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 Regional Trends in Homicide: 2018 vs. 2019 In 2019, there were 558 reported homicides in New York State, the second fewest since statewide reporting began in 1975. There were nine fewer homicides reported in 2019 than 2018, a decrease of 1.6 percent. Homicides in the Rest of State decreased 12.1 percent (239 vs. 272), while homicides in New York City increased 8.1 percent (319 vs. 295). Homicides statewide have decreased 35.6 percent since 2010. Homicides involving a firearm showed a similar trend, declining 42.5 percent when comparing 2010 to 2019. The number of non-firearm related homicides also decreased (-25%) when comparing 2010 to 2019. New York State Homicides 2010 - 2019 % Change 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2018-19 2010-19 New York State Total Homicide 866 770 688 645 616 620 631 550 567 558 -1.6% -35.6% Non-Firearm Related 344 322 277 279 267 234 262 255 240 258 7.5% -25.0% Firearm Related 522 448 411 366 349 386 369 295 327 300 -8.3% -42.5% New York City Total Homicide 536 515 419 335 333 352 335 292 295 319 8.1% -40.5% Non-Firearm Related 213 200 178 141 145 117 132 139 134 156 16.4% -26.8% Firearm Related 323 315 241 194 188 235 203 153 161 163 1.2% -49.5% Rest of State Total Homicide 330 255 269 310 283 268 296 258 272 239 -12.1% -27.6% Non-Firearm Related 131 122 99 138 122 117 130 116 106 102 -3.8% -22.1% Firearm Related 199 133 170 172 161 151 166 142 166 137 -17.5% -31.2% Source: DCJS, Uniform Crime Reporting File.
Recommended publications
  • Lifetime Likelihood of Victimization

    Lifetime Likelihood of Victimization

    U. S. Department of Justice I Bureau of Justice Statistics I Lifetime Likelihood of Victimization by Herbert Koppel people's perception of the meaning of BJS Analyst March 1987 annual rates with respect to their own The Bureau of Justice Statistics lives. If the Earth revolved around the This report provides estimates of the National Crime Survey provides sun in 180 days, all of our annual crime likelihood that a person will become a annual victimization rates based rates would be halved, but we would not victim of crime during his or her life- on counts of the number of crimes be safer. time, or that a household will be vic- reported and not reported to timized during a 20-year period. This police in the United States. These Calculating lifetime victimization rates contrasts with the conventional use of a rates are based on interviews 1-year period in measuring crime and twice a year with about 101,000 For this report, lifetime likelihoods criminal victimization. Most promi- persons in approximately 49,000 of victimization were calculated from nently, the National Crime Survey nationally representative NCS annual victimization rates and life (NCS) surveys a sample of U.S. house- households. Those annual rates, tables published by the National Center holds and publishes annual victimization while of obvious utility to for Health statistics.% The probability rates, and the FBI's Uniform Crime policymakers, researchers, and that a person will be victimized at a Reports (UCR) provide annual rates of statisticians, do not convey to particular age basically depends upon crimes reported to the police.
  • Youth Crime Drop Youth DECEMBER 2000 URBAN INSTITUTE Justice Policy Center

    Youth Crime Drop Youth DECEMBER 2000 URBAN INSTITUTE Justice Policy Center

    R E P O R T December 2000 URBAN INSTITUTE Justice Policy Center Jeffrey A. Butts research for safer communities Youth Crime Drop DECEMBER 2000 URBAN INSTITUTE Justice Policy Center Youth Crime Drop Summary Researchers debate why violent crime in the United States suddenly dropped in the 1990s, but one fact all researchers endorse is that the overall decline in violent crime probably had much to do with falling rates of youth crime. This brief report from the Justice Policy Center examines the recent crime drop and asks how much of the decrease seen between 1995 and 1999 can be attributed to juveniles (under age 18) and older youth (ages 18 to 24). Using the most recent data from the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports, the analysis demonstrates that not only did America’s violent crime drop continue through 1999, falling youth crime accounted for most of the overall decline. The Author Jeffrey A. Butts (Ph.D., University of Michigan) is a senior research associate with the Urban Institute’s Justice Policy Center, where he is involved in research and evaluation projects on Published by policies and programs for youthful offenders, including federally funded evaluations of teen Justice Policy Center courts and juvenile drug courts. Prior to joining the Urban Institute in 1997, he was a senior URBAN INSTITUTE research associate at the National Center for Juvenile Justice. 2100 M Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20037 The Urban Institute Copyright Ó 2000 The Urban Institute is a nonprofit policy research organization established in Washington, D.C., in 1968. The Institute's goals are to sharpen thinking about society's problems and efforts to solve them, improve government decisions and their implementation, and increase citizens' Any opinions expressed are awareness about important public choices.
  • Police Crime Statistics 2019

    Police Crime Statistics 2019

    1 The number of the following offences increased: I. General information on police crime statistics II. Crime trends in 2019 – sexual abuse of children by 10.9 % to 13,670 cases (PCS) 1. In general (2018: 12,321 cases) 1. Importance The total number of recorded criminal offences decreased by – computer fraud (sect. 263a PC) by 12.1 % to 100,814 cases Police crime statistics serve to 2.1 % compared to the previous year (2019: 5.436m cases, 2018: (2018: 89,901 cases) 5.556m cases). The total number of recorded criminal offences – dissemination of writings depicting pornography by 51.6 % to – monitor crime and individual types of offences, the size and excluding offences against foreigners’ law decreased by 2.3 % 17,336 cases (2018: 11,435 cases) composition of the circle of suspects and fluctuations in crime compared to the previous year (2019: 5.271m cases, 2018: 5.392m 6. Offences by type as % of total offences (5,436,401 cases) rates, cases). – gather information for law enforcement purposes, for organisa- 2. Clear-up rate (CR) tional planning and decision-making and to The total clear-up rate is 57.5 %/56.2 % (2018: 57.7 %/56.5 %). The offences against theft without – carry out socio-criminological research, criminal police and other offences life aggravating CR for murder and manslaughter is particularly high at 94.0 %, as 19.7% preventive measures. 0.1% circumstances is the case with regard to crimes related to services, especially fare 18.9% 2. Content evasion 98.9 % and social benefits fraud 99.2 %.
  • Violent Crime in the United States

    Violent Crime in the United States

    U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs Bureau of Justice Statistics Violent Crime in the United States ent victimization, 1973-89 'sons age 12 and older _~_ Assault Robbery Rape 1981 1985 0' 1977 1989 -- & a Itin" Criminal Victimization 1989, October 1990. - Bureau of Justice Statistics Female victims of violent crime, Law enforcement management Drugs & crime data: NCJ-127187,1/91 reports State drug resources: A national directory, Redesign of the National Crime Survey, BJS bulletins and special reports: Police departments In large cities, 1987, NCJ·122582,5/90 (Revised January 19~1) NCJ·111457,3/89 Federal drug data for national policy, NCJ· Th'il seasonality 01 crime vlcllmizallon, NCJ-119220, 8/89 Profile of state and local law enforcement 122715,4/90 Call toll·free 800·732·3277 (local 301- N CJ·l11 033, 6/88 agencies, NCJ·113949, 3/89 Drugs and crime facts, 1989, NCJ·121022, 251-5500) to order BJS reports, to be Crime and older Americans Information package, NCJ-l04569, $10, 5/87 1/90 added to one of the BJS mailing lists, Expenditure and employment or to speak to a reference specialist In Teenage victims, NCJ.l03138, 12186 Victimization and fear of crime: World Computer crime statistics at the Justice Statistics BJS bulletins: perspectives, NCJ·93872, 1/85, $9.15 Justice expenditure and employment: BJS special reports: Clearinghouse, National Criminal The Nallonal Crime Survey: Working papers, 19B8, NCJ-123132, 7190 Electronic fund transfer fraud, NCJ·96666, Justice Reference Service, Box 6000, vol. I: Current and historical perspectives, 1985, NCJ·104460, 3/87 3/85 Rockville, MD 20850.
  • Police Crime Statistics 2019

    Police Crime Statistics 2019

    1 The number of the following offences increased: I. General information on police crime statistics II. Crime trends in 2018 – offences against the Weapons Act by 5.5 % to 40,104 cases (PCS) 1. In general (2017: 38,001 cases) 1. Importance The total number of recorded criminal offences decreased by – drug offences by 6.1 % to 350,662 cases Police crime statistics serve to 3.6 % compared to the previous year (2018: 5.556m cases, 2017: (2017: 330,580 cases) 5.762m cases). The total number of recorded criminal offences – dissemination of writings depicting pornography by 13.6 % to – monitor crime and individual types of offences, the size and excluding offences against foreigners law decreased by 3.4 % 11,435 cases (2017: 10,066 cases) composition of the circle of suspects and fluctuations in crime compared to the previous year (2018: 5.392m cases, 2017: 5.582m 6. Offences by type as % of total offences (5,555,520 cases) rates, cases). – gather information for law enforcement purposes, for organisa- 2. Clear-up rate (CR) tional planning and decision-making and to theft without offences against other offences aggravating life 0.1% 19.5% circumstances – carry out socio-criminological research, criminal police and The total clear-up rate is 57.7 %/56.5 % (2017: 57.1 %/55.7 %). The 19.5% preventive measures. CR for murder and manslaughter is particularly high at 96.1 %, as is the case with regard to crimes related to services, especially fare offences against 2. Content evasion 99.1 % and social benefits fraud 99.2 %.
  • Investigating Violent Crime: the Prosecuter's Role

    Investigating Violent Crime: the Prosecuter's Role

    Investigating Violent Crime: The Prosecuter’s Role Lessons Learned From the Field June 2018 This publication is funded through a cooperative agreement with the Bureau of Justice Assistance, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. Neither the U.S. Department of Justice nor any of its components operate, control, are responsible for, or necessarily endorse, this publication (including, without limitation, its content, and policies, and any services or tools provided). This project was supported by Grant No. 2016-MU-BX-K005 awarded by the Bureau of Justice Assistance. The Bureau of Justice Assistance is a component of the Department of Justice’s Office of Justice Programs, which also includes the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the National Institute of Justice, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, the Office for Victims of Crime, and the SMART Office. Points of view or opinions in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Table of Contents Acknowledgments 1 Introduction 2 Initial Investigation 3 Absolute vs. Qualified Immunity 3 Vertical Prosecution 3 General 3 Examples 3 Prosecutors and the Crime Scene 4 General 4 Prosecutor Crime Scene Training for Police 6 General 6 Examples 6 Legal Advice During the Investigative Stage 6 General 6 Examples 6 Statements From Suspects – Prosecutor Involvement 6 General 6 Examples 7 Witness Cooperation and Intimidation 7 General 7 Examples 8 Confidential Informants 10 Examples
  • Violent Crimes in Aid of Racketeering 18 U.S.C. § 1959 a Manual for Federal Prosecutors

    Violent Crimes in Aid of Racketeering 18 U.S.C. § 1959 a Manual for Federal Prosecutors

    Violent Crimes in Aid of Racketeering 18 U.S.C. § 1959 A Manual for Federal Prosecutors December 2006 Prepared by the Staff of the Organized Crime and Racketeering Section U.S. Department of Justice, Washington, DC 20005 (202) 514-3594 Frank J. Marine, Consultant Douglas E. Crow, Principal Deputy Chief Amy Chang Lee, Assistant Chief Robert C. Dalton Merv Hamburg Gregory C.J. Lisa Melissa Marquez-Oliver David J. Stander Catherine M. Weinstock Cover Design by Linda M. Baer PREFACE This manual is intended to assist federal prosecutors in the preparation and litigation of cases involving the Violent Crimes in Aid of Racketeering Statute, 18 U.S.C. § 1959. Prosecutors are encouraged to contact the Organized Crime and Racketeering Section (OCRS) early in the preparation of their case for advice and assistance. All pleadings alleging a violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1959 including any indictment, information, or criminal complaint, and a prosecution memorandum must be submitted to OCRS for review and approval before being filed with the court. The submission should be approved by the prosecutor’s office before being submitted to OCRS. Due to the volume of submissions received by OCRS, prosecutors should submit the proposal three weeks prior to the date final approval is needed. Prosecutors should contact OCRS regarding the status of the proposed submission before finally scheduling arrests or other time-sensitive actions relating to the submission. Moreover, prosecutors should refrain from finalizing any guilty plea agreement containing a Section 1959 charge until final approval has been obtained from OCRS. The policies and procedures set forth in this manual and elsewhere relating to 18 U.S.C.
  • Examining Crime Hotspots in Chicago Using Bayesian Statistics

    Examining Crime Hotspots in Chicago Using Bayesian Statistics

    Examining Crime Hotspots in Chicago Using Bayesian Statistics Abstract Chicago currently leads the United States with the greatest number of homicides and violent crimes in recent years. Using police data from the City of Chicago’s Data Portal, we examined crime hot spots in Chicago and whether crime rates differ by geographic and demographic information. In general, we found that crime rate in Chicago has decreased between 2010 and 2015, though the rates differed between violent and non-violent crimes. Change in crime rate also varied geographically. We found that for areas with lower white populations, crime decreased as income rose. For areas with larger non-white populations, crime rate increased as income increased 1 1 Introduction Chicago currently leads the United States with the greatest number of homicides and violent crimes in recent years. In 2016, the number of homicides in Chicago increased 58% from the year before (Ford, 2017). Using police data from the City of Chicago’s Data Portal, we examined crime hot spots in Chicago and whether crime rates differ by geographic and demographic information. In this report, we defined hot spots as zipcodes with greater increases, or smaller decreases, in crime rates over time relative to other zipcodes in Chicago. In addition, we examined hot spots for both violent and non-violent crimes. Understanding crime hot spots can prove advantageous to law enforcement as they can better understand crime trends and create crime management strategies accordingly (Law, et al. 2014). A common approach to defining crime hot spots uses crime density. Thus, hot spots by this definition are areas with high crime rates that are also surrounded by other high-crime areas for one time period.
  • GUN VIOLENCE in CHICAGO, 2016 GUN VIOLENCE in CHICAGO, 2016 January 2017 University of Chicago Crime Lab1

    GUN VIOLENCE in CHICAGO, 2016 GUN VIOLENCE in CHICAGO, 2016 January 2017 University of Chicago Crime Lab1

    GUN VIOLENCE IN CHICAGO, 2016 GUN VIOLENCE IN CHICAGO, 2016 January 2017 University of Chicago Crime Lab1 Acknowledgments: The University of Chicago Crime Lab is a privately-funded, independent, non-partisan academic research center founded in 2008 to help cities identify the most effective and humane ways to control crime and violence, and reduce the harms associated with the administration of criminal justice. We are grateful to the Chicago Police Department for making available the data upon which this report is based, to Ben Hansen for help assembling data on Chicago weather patterns, and to Aaron Chalfin, Philip Cook, Aurélie Ouss, Harold Pollack, and Shari Runner for valuable comments. We thank the Joyce Foundation, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the McCormick Foundation, and the Pritzker Foundation for support of the University of Chicago Crime Lab and Urban Labs, as well as Susan and Tom Dunn, and Ira Handler. All opinions and any errors are our own and do not necessarily reflect those of our funders or of any government agencies. 1 This report was produced by Max Kapustin, Jens Ludwig, Marc Punkay, Kimberley Smith, Lauren Speigel, and David Welgus, with the invaluable assistance of Roseanna Ander, Nathan Hess, and Julia Quinn. Please direct any comments and questions to [email protected]. 2 INTRODUCTION A total of 764 people were murdered in Chicago in 2016. They were sons, brothers, and fathers; sisters, daughters, and mothers; they were, as the title of The New York Times reporter Fox Butterfield’s book on urban violence noted,All God’s Children.
  • Talking Helps: Information for Victims of Sexual Assault

    Talking Helps: Information for Victims of Sexual Assault

    Talking Helps: Information for Victims of Sexual Assault Sexual assaults are serious, violent and frightening crimes directed against women, men and children. According to Montana Law, sexual assault occurs when a person knowingly subjects another person to any sexual contact without consent. Sexual assaults disrupt the lives of many people, not only victims but also those who fear becoming victims. Sexual assault creates psychological trauma for victims and those around them, and often limits women's mobility and therefore their freedom. All must share the concern for this crime and efforts to eliminate it. FACTS ABOUT SEXUAL ASSAULT Facts about sexual assault often have not been accurately reported in our society. Most people have grown up with a variety of false beliefs about sexual assault. These beliefs have been handed down from generation to generation through individual interaction, media (movies, TV, magazines and books), religious beliefs and through a lack of education on the subject. It has only been in the last ten years that people started studying sexual assault and finding that most ideas about sexual assault that have existed for centuries are wrong. These false beliefs have many negative effects on the victim in particular. Many sexual assault victims feel shame and guilt because of society's false beliefs and, as a result, only 1/5 to 1/10 seek the help they need or tell anyone what has happened. These false beliefs also result in low conviction rates of offenders. And finally, these false ideas contribute to sexual assault in our society by not recognizing the offender as responsible for his or her behavior.
  • Protesters, Extortion, and Coercion: Preventing RICO from Chilling First Amendment Freedoms Brian J

    Protesters, Extortion, and Coercion: Preventing RICO from Chilling First Amendment Freedoms Brian J

    Notre Dame Law Review Volume 75 | Issue 2 Article 6 12-1-1999 Protesters, Extortion, and Coercion: Preventing RICO from Chilling First Amendment Freedoms Brian J. Murray Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Recommended Citation Brian J. Murray, Protesters, Extortion, and Coercion: Preventing RICO from Chilling First Amendment Freedoms, 75 Notre Dame L. Rev. 691 (1999). Available at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr/vol75/iss2/6 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized administrator of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOTE PROTESTERS, EXTORTION, AND COERCION: PREVENTING RICO FROM CHILLING FIRST AMENDMENT FREEDOMS Brian j Murray* The claim that the expressions were intended to exercise a coercive im- pact... does not remove them from the reach of the First Amendment.1 [N]o one really knows a law thoroughly unless he knows what the courts 2 have made of it. I. INTRODUCTION In the tradition of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Americans who disagree with the practices of others have a Constitutional right to protest. Through such protest they can attempt, with zeal, to per- suade those who engage in such practices to change their ways. Under the jurisprudence of the United States Supreme Court such protest activity does not fall outside of the protection of the First Amendment "simply because it may embarrass others or coerce them into action."3 * Candidate forJuris Doctor, Notre Dame Law School, 2000; B.S., University of Notre Dame, 1997.
  • German and American Prosecutions: an Approach to Statistical Comparison

    German and American Prosecutions: an Approach to Statistical Comparison

    U.S. Department of Justice Revised Table 15. Office of Justice Programs 9/25/98 RCK Bureau of Justice Statistics German and American Prosecutions: An Approach to Statistical Comparison A BJS Discussion Paper German and American Prosecutions: An Approach to Statistical Comparison Floyd Feeney University of California at Davis School of Law Davis, California February 1998, NCJ-166610 German and American Prosecutions German and American Prosecutions: An Approach to Statistical Comparison Much that we know about crime and criminal justice has come from comparisons between different countries and systems. Particularly fruitful have been comparisons be- tween the world's two great legal families the Anglo- American common law system and the continental civil law system. Over hundreds of years, comparisons between these two great systems have led to many major, and countless smaller, improvements in both systems and many coun- tries. American criminal justice has benefitted immensely from this interchange. Penal codes, codes of criminal pro- cedure, minimum and maximum sentences, and organized police forces are just a few of the ideas that have come from the continent. Even the concept of a public prosecutor may be a product of this interchange. England had no public prosecutor in colonial times. It made its first small beginning in 1869 and did not fully adopt the idea until 1985. There have been public prosecutors in the United States, however, German and American Prosecutions 1 since early colonial days. While the evidence is far from conclusive, the first American public prosecutor was probably Dutch. Having long had a public prosecutor in their home country, it was natural that the Dutch should bring this institution with them to the New World.