Philopoemen: a Study in Hellenistic History
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Polybius on Rome Ἀ Reexamination of the Evidence
POLYBIUS ON ROME Ἀ REEXAMINATION OF THE EVIDENCE What did Polybius think of the Roman rule? Were his opinions of the imperial power that had subdued Greece and destroyed her liberty always the same or did they change with the times and the cir cumstances of his life and work? The answers to these questions will determine, to a great degree, our final judgement of the historian of Roman imperialism and of his work. The problem has recently been studied repeatedly by Walbank and by others; we hope to add something to its solution.1 Ate has turned what was intended as a tribute into a memorial. We who had the good fortune to be the friends, the colleagues and the pupils of Alexander Fuks, will always remember his tact, his goodness and helpfulness and above all his scholarship. As Polybius’ opinions on Rome must be deduced from his work we are confronted with difficulties: we are not always on safe ground in distinguishing earlier or later parts of a given context; the main texts relevant to our problem are fragmented and it can hardly be assumed that by chance everything relevant to it has been preserved.2 There will always remain an element of uncertainty in any conclusions. We shall therefore first try to sketch the background against which Polybius 1 F.W. Walbank, Polybius (Sather Lectures 42) (Berkeley-London 1972); “Polybius between Greece and Rome” in Polybe, Entretiens sur L’Antiquité Classique XX (Vandoeuvres-Geneve 1974)’; Polybius’Last Ten Books” in Historiographia Antiqua, Comm, in honorem W. Peremans (Leuven 1977). -
N U Mis Mat Ik
ZEITSCHEIFT FUR N U M I S M A T I K REDIGIRT VON Vrof. DR. ALFRED VON SALLET, OUDKh-TMCUEM MITOUB^D DES KAISERLICH OEUTSCllEN ARCHAEOLOOISCHEX IN'STlTCTc; Kltni:SMITGLIKD DER KUMISMATISCIIEN GKSELLSCHAFTEK IN BERLIN UND LONDON NEUNTER BAND. BERLIN WEIDMANNSCHE BUGH IIA N OLUNO 1882. Arkadische Miinzen. (Uierzu Tafel II,) 1. Das alt-arkadisclie Gromcinwesen. ^ertheiltin kleine, von einander unabhangij^e Cantonc crsclieint Arkadien wlihrend der BliUliezeil Grieciionlaiids, and d(!r in Kpa- minondas' Zeit j^emaclite, spater wiedGrholt erncuortc Versticli, dio Landschaft zn ciulgen, hat erst reclit den Gcj^cnsatz der einnndor wiederstrebeiiden Elemente hcrvorgerufen, we]die zu versnlmon, nicht vor dem Eintritt der Arkader in den aciiaisclien I^und ^e- lungen ist. Gleichwolil ist die Tradition beniulit, den einbeitliehon Cliarakter der Landsehaft zn \valiren; sie Aveiss von eincni Koiiig- tlium, dessen leteter Vertreter ini Beginu des zweiten inesseiiiychen Krieges Aristokrates war, des Hiketas Solin, von Tiapozus, Bei dem Hiiigen der Spartauer um die Hegemonie im Peloponne.s ist iminer nur die Kede davon, dass sie einzelnen Cantonen oder einer Reihe verbiindeter gegeniiberstelien, niemals aber der ganzen Lund- scbaft, und wenn bei Platiui die Tegeaten mit den Atiiencrn urn den E]irenplatz auf dem rechten Ileeresfliiijel liadei'n, ist a,ii( li dies nur ein Ansi)racb, welchen die einzebie Stadt eriiobL ITier- nach konote es in der That scheinen, als ob die Landscliaft von der Zeit an, wo das JConigthum authcirte, i)is zur Oriinduiig von Megalopolis, jedes pobtischen Zusammeuhangs entbohrt hiiUe. Allein die arkadischen Miinzen, / welche dieser PeriodeO anGfohdren,* lehren, dass eine solche Aunahme nicht stichhaltig ist. -
The First Illyrian War: a Study in Roman Imperialism
The First Illyrian War: A Study in Roman Imperialism Catherine A. McPherson Department of History and Classical Studies McGill University, Montreal February, 2012 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts ©Catherine A. McPherson, 2012. Table of Contents Abstract ……………………………………………….……………............2 Abrégé……………………………………...………….……………………3 Acknowledgements………………………………….……………………...4 Introduction…………………………………………………………………5 Chapter One Sources and Approaches………………………………….………………...9 Chapter Two Illyria and the Illyrians ……………………………………………………25 Chapter Three North-Western Greece in the Later Third Century………………………..41 Chapter Four Rome and the Outbreak of War…………………………………..……….51 Chapter Five The Conclusion of the First Illyrian War……………….…………………77 Conclusion …………………………………………………...…….……102 Bibliography……………………………………………………………..104 2 Abstract This paper presents a detailed case study in early Roman imperialism in the Greek East: the First Illyrian War (229/8 B.C.), Rome’s first military engagement across the Adriatic. It places Roman decision-making and action within its proper context by emphasizing the role that Greek polities and Illyrian tribes played in both the outbreak and conclusion of the war. It argues that the primary motivation behind the Roman decision to declare war against the Ardiaei in 229 was to secure the very profitable trade routes linking Brundisium to the eastern shore of the Adriatic. It was in fact the failure of the major Greek powers to limit Ardiaean piracy that led directly to Roman intervention. In the earliest phase of trans-Adriatic engagement Rome was essentially uninterested in expansion or establishing a formal hegemony in the Greek East and maintained only very loose ties to the polities of the eastern Adriatic coast. -
Kretan Cult and Customs, Especially in the Classical and Hellenistic Periods: a Religious, Social, and Political Study
i Kretan cult and customs, especially in the Classical and Hellenistic periods: a religious, social, and political study Thesis submitted for degree of MPhil Carolyn Schofield University College London ii Declaration I, Carolyn Schofield, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been acknowledged in the thesis. iii Abstract Ancient Krete perceived itself, and was perceived from outside, as rather different from the rest of Greece, particularly with respect to religion, social structure, and laws. The purpose of the thesis is to explore the bases for these perceptions and their accuracy. Krete’s self-perception is examined in the light of the account of Diodoros Siculus (Book 5, 64-80, allegedly based on Kretan sources), backed up by inscriptions and archaeology, while outside perceptions are derived mainly from other literary sources, including, inter alia, Homer, Strabo, Plato and Aristotle, Herodotos and Polybios; in both cases making reference also to the fragments and testimonia of ancient historians of Krete. While the main cult-epithets of Zeus on Krete – Diktaios, associated with pre-Greek inhabitants of eastern Krete, Idatas, associated with Dorian settlers, and Kretagenes, the symbol of the Hellenistic koinon - are almost unique to the island, those of Apollo are not, but there is good reason to believe that both Delphinios and Pythios originated on Krete, and evidence too that the Eleusinian Mysteries and Orphic and Dionysiac rites had much in common with early Kretan practice. The early institutionalization of pederasty, and the abduction of boys described by Ephoros, are unique to Krete, but the latter is distinct from rites of initiation to manhood, which continued later on Krete than elsewhere, and were associated with different gods. -
Demetrius Poliorcetes and the Hellenic League
DEMETRIUSPOLIORCETES AND THE HELLENIC LEAGUE (PLATE 33) 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND D JURING the six years, 307/6-302/1 B.C., issues were raised and settled which shaped the course of western history for a long time to come. The epoch was alike critical for Athens, Hellas, and the Macedonians. The Macedonians faced squarely during this period the decision whether their world was to be one world or an aggregate of separate kingdoms with conflicting interests, and ill-defined boundaries, preserved by a precarious balance of power and incapable of common action against uprisings of Greek and oriental subjects and the plundering appetites of surrounding barbarians. The champion of unity was King Antigonus the One- Eyed, and his chief lieutenant his brilliant but unstatesmanlike son, King Demetrius the Taker of Cities, a master of siege operations and of naval construction and tactics, more skilled in organizing the land-instruments of warfare than in using them on the battle field. The final campaign between the champions of Macedonian unity and disunity opened in 307 with the liberation of Athens by Demetrius and ended in 301 B.C. with the Battle of the Kings, when Antigonus died in a hail of javelins and Demetrius' cavalry failed to penetrate a corps of 500 Indian elephants in a vain effort to rescue hinm. Of his four adversaries King Lysimachus and King Kassander left no successors; the other two, Kings Ptolemy of Egypt and Seleucus of Syria, were more fortunate, and they and Demetrius' able son, Antigonus Gonatas, planted the three dynasties with whom the Romans dealt and whom they successively destroyed in wars spread over 44 years. -
The Herodotos Project (OSU-Ugent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography
Faculty of Literature and Philosophy Julie Boeten The Herodotos Project (OSU-UGent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography Barbarians in Strabo’s ‘Geography’ (Abii-Ionians) With a case-study: the Cappadocians Master thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Linguistics and Literature, Greek and Latin. 2015 Promotor: Prof. Dr. Mark Janse UGent Department of Greek Linguistics Co-Promotores: Prof. Brian Joseph Ohio State University Dr. Christopher Brown Ohio State University ACKNOWLEDGMENT In this acknowledgment I would like to thank everybody who has in some way been a part of this master thesis. First and foremost I want to thank my promotor Prof. Janse for giving me the opportunity to write my thesis in the context of the Herodotos Project, and for giving me suggestions and answering my questions. I am also grateful to Prof. Joseph and Dr. Brown, who have given Anke and me the chance to be a part of the Herodotos Project and who have consented into being our co- promotores. On a whole other level I wish to express my thanks to my parents, without whom I would not have been able to study at all. They have also supported me throughout the writing process and have read parts of the draft. Finally, I would also like to thank Kenneth, for being there for me and for correcting some passages of the thesis. Julie Boeten NEDERLANDSE SAMENVATTING Deze scriptie is geschreven in het kader van het Herodotos Project, een onderneming van de Ohio State University in samenwerking met UGent. De doelstelling van het project is het aanleggen van een databank met alle volkeren die gekend waren in de oudheid. -
The How Behind the Roman Pax
The How Behind Roman Pax: Selected Roman Operations Aimed at Establishing Peace and their Lessons for Modern Peace Operations Brian E Frydenborg 7/1/2011 Rev. November 2011 July 2011- Independent Study GMU Dr. Bonnie Stabile 1 1 Scene from the film “Agora,” dir. Alejandro Amenábar, 2009. Readers are simultaneously entertained and educated by an account of causes and by seeing people choose the better course in any given situation -Polybius, The Histories 6.2 Lucullus now turned his attention to the cities in Asia in order that, while he was at leisure from military enterprises, he might do something for the furtherance of justice and law. -Plutarch, Parallel Lives, The Life of Lucullus 20 Let us see if by moderation we can win all hearts and secure a lasting victory, since by cruelty others have been unable to escape from hatred and to maintain their victory for any length of time…This is a new way of conquering, to strengthen one’s position by kindness and generosity. As to how this can be done, some ideas have occurred to me and many more can be found. I should like you to turn some attention to the matter. -Caesar, Caesar to Oppius and Cornelius, Greeting 1 Preface a.) Why I Chose This Topic For much of American history until relatively recently, the educated elites of America, from the colonial era until into the 20th century, were steeped in an education that emphasized the Greco-Roman classics, learning Greek and Latin, and reading the authors of antiquity. Such trends were especially exemplified by the Founding Fathers. -
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11Th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA an Ancient City in Greece, the Capital of Laconia and the Most Powerful State of the Peloponnese
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA AN ancient city in Greece, the capital of Laconia and the most powerful state of the Peloponnese. The city lay at the northern end of the central Laconian plain, on the right bank of the river Eurotas, a little south of the point where it is joined by its largest tributary, the Oenus (mount Kelefina). The site is admirably fitted by nature to guard the only routes by which an army can penetrate Laconia from the land side, the Oenus and Eurotas valleys leading from Arcadia, its northern neighbour, and the Langada Pass over Mt Taygetus connecting Laconia and Messenia. At the same time its distance from the sea-Sparta is 27 m. from its seaport, Gythium, made it invulnerable to a maritime attack. I.-HISTORY Prehistoric Period.-Tradition relates that Sparta was founded by Lacedaemon, son of Zeus and Taygete, who called the city after the name of his wife, the daughter of Eurotas. But Amyclae and Therapne (Therapnae) seem to have been in early times of greater importance than Sparta, the former a Minyan foundation a few miles to the south of Sparta, the latter probably the Achaean capital of Laconia and the seat of Menelaus, Agamemnon's younger brother. Eighty years after the Trojan War, according to the traditional chronology, the Dorian migration took place. A band of Dorians united with a body of Aetolians to cross the Corinthian Gulf and invade the Peloponnese from the northwest. The Aetolians settled in Elis, the Dorians pushed up to the headwaters of the Alpheus, where they divided into two forces, one of which under Cresphontes invaded and later subdued Messenia, while the other, led by Aristodemus or, according to another version, by his twin sons Eurysthenes and Procles, made its way down the Eurotas were new settlements were formed and gained Sparta, which became the Dorian capital of Laconia. -
Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) P.213
ECKSTEIN, A. M., Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) p.213 Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. A. M. Eckstein N THE SUMMER of 19 5 a. c. T. Quinctius Flamininus and the Greek I allies of Rome went to war against N abis of Sparta. The official cause of the war was Nabis' continued occupation of Argos, the great city of the northeastern Peloponnese. 1 A strong case can be made that the liberation of Argos was indeed the crucial and sincere goal of the war,2 although the reasons for demanding Nabis' with drawal from Argos may have been somewhat more complex.3 Nabis was soon blockaded in Sparta itself and decided to open negotiations for peace. Livy 34.3lfprovides us with a detailed account of the sub sequent encounter between N abis and Flamininus in the form of a debate over the justice of the war, characterized by contradictory assertions about the history of Sparta's relations with Rome and the recent history of Argos. Despite the acrimony, a preliminary peace agreement was reached but was soon overturned by popular resis tance to it in Sparta. So the war continued, with an eventual Roman 1 Cf. esp. Liv. 34.22.10-12, 24.4, 32.4f. 2 See now E. S. GRUEN, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome II (Berkeley/Los Angeles [hereafter 'Gruen']) 450-55, who finds the propaganda of this war, with its consistent emphasis on the liberation of Argos as a matter of honor both for Rome and for Flamininus, likely to have some basis in fact. -
Art and Royalty in Sparta of the 3Rd Century B.C
HESPERIA 75 (2006) ART AND ROYALTY Pages 203?217 IN SPARTA OF THE 3RD CENTURY B.C. ABSTRACT a The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that revival of the arts in Sparta b.c. was during the 3rd century owed mainly to royal patronage, and that it was inspired by Alexander s successors, the Seleukids and the Ptolemies in particular. The tumultuous transition from the traditional Spartan dyarchy to a and to its dominance Hellenistic-style monarchy, Sparta's attempts regain in the P?loponn?se (lost since the battle of Leuktra in 371 b.c.), are reflected in the of the hero Herakles as a role model promotion pan-Peloponnesian at for the single king the expense of the Dioskouroi, who symbolized dual a kingship and had limited, regional appeal. INTRODUCTION was Spartan influence in the P?loponn?se dramatically reduced after the battle of Leuktra in 371 b.c.1 The history of Sparta in the 3rd century b.c. to ismarked by intermittent efforts reassert Lakedaimonian hegemony.2 A as a means to tendency toward absolutism that end intensified the latent power struggle between the Agiad and Eurypontid royal houses, leading to the virtual abolition of the traditional dyarchy in the reign of the Agiad Kleomenes III (ca. 235-222 b.c.), who appointed his brother Eukleides 1. For the battle of Leuktra and its am to and Ellen Millen 2005.1 grateful Graham Shipley Paul Cartledge and see me to am consequences, Cartledge 2002, and Ellen Millender for inviting der for historical advice. I also 251-259. -
Kleonai, the Corinth-Argos Road, And
HESPERIA 78 (2OO9) KLEONAI, THE CORINTH- Pages ioj-163 ARGOS ROAD, AND THE "AXIS OF HISTORY" ABSTRACT The ancient roadfrom Corinth to Argos via the Longopotamos passwas one of the most important and longest-used natural routes through the north- eastern Peloponnese. The author proposes to identity the exact route of the road as it passed through Kleonaian territoryby combining the evidence of ancient testimonia, the identification of ancient roadside features, the ac- counts of early travelers,and autopsy.The act of tracing the road serves to emphasizethe prominentposition of the city Kleonaion this interstateroute, which had significant consequences both for its own history and for that of neighboring states. INTRODUCTION Much of the historyof the polis of Kleonaiwas shapedby its location on a numberof majorroutes from the Isthmus and Corinth into the Peloponnese.1The most importantof thesewas a majorartery for north- south travel;from the city of Kleonai,the immediatedestinations of this roadwere Corinthto the north and Argos to the south.It is in connec- tion with its roadsthat Kleonaiis most often mentionedin the ancient sources,and likewise,modern topographical studies of the areahave fo- cusedon definingthe coursesof these routes,particularly that of the main 1. The initial fieldworkfor this Culturefor grantingit. In particular, anonymousreaders and the editors studywas primarilyconducted as I thank prior ephors Elisavet Spathari of Hesperia,were of invaluableassis- part of a one-person surveyof visible and AlexanderMantis for their in- tance. I owe particulargratitude to remainsin Kleonaianterritory under terest in the projectat Kleonai,and Bruce Stiver and John Luchin for their the auspicesof the American School the guardsand residentsof Archaia assistancewith the illustrations. -
Wonder, Space, and Place in Pausanias' Periegesis
Axion Theas: Wonder, Space, and Place in Pausanias’ Periegesis Hellados by Jody Ellyn Cundy A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Classics University of Toronto © Copyright by Jody Ellyn Cundy 2016 Axion Theas: Wonder, Space, and Place in Pausanias’ Periegesis Hellados Jody Ellyn Cundy Doctor of Philosophy Department of Classics University of Toronto 2016 Abstract The Periegesis Hellados presents a description of the sites and sights of Roman Greece in ten carefully constructed books. These books present the fruits of author’s extensive travels and careful textual research over the course of several decades (between the 130’s and ca. AD 175-80) and compiled into a unified composite itinerary. There is no doubt that Pausanias travels through an “already written landscape,” and his travel experience is necessarily informed by and sometimes clearly motivated by his literary encounters. This project investigates Pausanias’ engagement with literary antecedents, with a particular focus on the antiquarian impulse to excerpt and compile anecdotes in thematic catalogues, which broadly resemble wonder-texts (paradoxographies). The organizing principle of these thematic catalogues contrasts with the topographical (spatial) structure of the frame narrative of the Periegesis. In part, this study aims to resolve the perceived tension between the travel account and the antiquarian mode in Pausanias’ project in order to show that they serve complementary rather than competing ends. Resolution of these competing paradigms allows in turn for a more coherent understanding of the Periegesis as unified subject. This study argues that wonder (thauma) is a unifying theme ii of Periegesis Hellados.