a The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that revival of the arts in Sparta b.c. was during the 3rd century owed mainly to royal patronage, and that it was inspired by Alexander s successors, the Seleukids and the in particular. The tumultuous transition from the traditional Spartan dyarchy to a and to its dominance Hellenistic-style , Sparta's attempts regain in the P?loponn?se (lost since the battle of Leuktra in 371 b.c.), are reflected in the of the hero Herakles as a role model promotion pan-Peloponnesian at for the single king the expense of the Dioskouroi, who symbolized dual a kingship and had limited, regional appeal.


was Spartan influence in the P?loponn?se dramatically reduced after the battle of Leuktra in 371 b.c.1 The history of Sparta in the 3rd century b.c. to ismarked by intermittent efforts reassert Lakedaimonian .2 A as a means to tendency toward absolutism that end intensified the latent power struggle between the Agiad and Eurypontid royal houses, leading to the virtual abolition of the traditional dyarchy in the reign of the Agiad Kleomenes III (ca. 235-222 b.c.), who appointed his brother Eukleides

1. For the battle of Leuktra and its am to and Ellen Millen 2005.1 grateful Graham Shipley and see me to am consequences, Cartledge 2002, and Ellen Millender for inviting der for historical advice. I also 251-259. in pp. participate their Spartan colloquium indebted to Charles Watkinson for his were at Early versions of this paper the AIA meeting; Andrew Meadows encouragement, and to the two anony at the mous reviewers presented the 106th Annual Meeting of British Museum Room for Hesperia for their access to of the Archaeological Institute of the discussed in this constructive criticism. America held in Boston in January article and for numismatic advice; The coins illustrated in this article with Catherine Lorber for her views are not to 2005 (under the title "KeepingUp sharing reproduced scale. the Seleucids and the and on a of III on 2. On the in Ptolemies") possible portrait history of Sparta the at the international conference coins of Stella see "Sparta Abdera; Raftopoulou for 3rd century b.c., Oliva 1971, to on and from Prehistory Pre information the heads of Herakles pp. 201-318; Shimron 1972; Cartledge held in inMarch in modern," Sparta and Ptolemy III the SpartaMuseum; and Spawforth 2002, pp. 28-79.

? The American School of Classical Studies at 2o6 OLGA PALAGIA

as co-king, thus dislodging the Eurypontid line, at least temporarily.3 This an on art struggle had impact the and coinage of Sparta, which is particu larly noticeable in the reigns of Areus I (309-265 b.c.), Kleomenes III, and (207-194 b.c.).


The dominance of individual Spartan kings, following the model of other Hellenistic monarchs, is reflected in the messages imparted by their coinage. The drive to reclaim their lost influence in the P?loponn?se led the kings of Sparta to issue coins in order to finance their armies. The very first coins of the Lakedaimonians were the struck b.c.: were by Areus I in 267-265 the intended recipients his as during the .4 The legend, naming King Areus the s issuing authority (basileosAreos), clearly imitated the coinage of Alexander successors, with the title carrying dynastic connotations beyond the was local significance of Spartan kingship. Not only this coinage issued s exclusively in Areus name, ignoring the other king of Sparta, the Eury pontid Eudamidas II (ca. 275-244 b.c.), it also pressed home its message a a by adopting coin type used by , with youthful head of Herakles on the obverse and a seated on the reverse.5 Alexander's were most at posthumous silver tetradrachms the reliable legal tender the were mercenar time and their intended recipients more often than not to an to ies.6 The Chremonidean War thus prompted Areus put end the on at same traditional Spartan ban coinage and the time overlook the no Lakedaimonian aversion toward Alexander. This presented problem, since the recipients of the coins would have been foreign mercenaries. a Herakles and his symbols would henceforth become fixture of Spar turn tan coinage until the reign of Nabis at the of the 2nd century b.c.7 It are is remarkable that the coins of 3rd-century Sparta either anonymous or name a (bearing the legend AA or AAKE) issued in the of single king, and few of the Hellenistic kings of Sparta minted them. An anonymous group of obols with a head of Herakles in a lionskin cap on the a on reverse obverse and club flanked by the stars of the Dioskouroi the was b.c. or (e.g., Fig. 1) minted either by Areus around 265 by his immedi ate successors in the decade 260-250.8 The bronze coins of Kleomenes III a a adopted similar type, but with youthful Herakles.9 His club remained on the reverse of another series of issued by Kleomenes, which stars on introduced the piloi and of the Dioskouroi the obverse.10

Hoerschelmann 8. Grunauer-von 3. Plut. Cleom. 11.3. The dyarchy 5. Gr?nauer-von Hoerschelmann, came to an I. On the officially end under the 1978, pl. 1, group significance 1978, pi. 1, group II;Morkholm 1991, in 217 b.c.: of Areus sAlexandrine see 149-150. Eurypontid coinage, pp. Cartledge and Spawforth 2002, p. 64. Cartledge and Spawforth 2002, p. 35. 9. Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann see 4. On the coinage of Sparta, 6.Morkholm 1991, p. 36; Price 1978, pi. 4, group VI. Gr?nauer-von Hoerschelmann 1978; 1991, pp. 155-166 (Peloponnesian 10. Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann Morkholm 1991, pp. 149-150, Alexanders); Meadows 2001, p. 56. 1978, pi. 4, group VII. pis. 24,25. 7.Huttnerl997,pp.51-52. ART AND ROYALTY IN SPARTA 207

1. Bronze . Figure Sparta. Ca. 265 or 260-250 b.c. London,

British Museum. Photo O. Palagia

2. Bronze triobol. Figure Sparta. 219-196 b.c. London, British Museum. Photo O. Palagia

The Dioskouroi had been the traditional symbol of the Eurypontid Agiad dyarchy since the Archaic and Classical periods.11 Even though on were their presence 6th-century Lakonian is uncertain,12 they on at nevertheless represented the throne of Amyklai13 and in the bronze reliefs in the temple of Chalkioikos.14 In addition, the was near tomb of Castor shown to visitors the of Sparta.15 As for a official art, we need look no further than Lysanders dedication of bronze set statuary group of his naval commanders, up at after his victory at Aigospotamoi in 405.16 It is significant that his image stood alongside were those of the Dioskouroi, which decorated with gold stars. The disap pearance of these stars before the battle of Leuktra in 371 was taken as an omen of Spartan defeat.17 as By the 3rd century B.c., however, the potency of the Dioskouroi the on model for Spartan royalty par excellence had weakened: their symbols the bronzes of Kleomenes III and his successors, and later those of Nabis and were to his predecessors (Fig. 2),18 always complementary those of Herakles. as was Both royal houses of Sparta claimed Herakles ancestor.19 He promi nent in the Archaic art of Lakonia, primarily in depictions of his labors.20 On the basis of a Lakonian bronze statuette of Herakles in armor and some

depictions of the armored hero in Lakonian pottery, John Boardman has as a argued that Herakles in Sparta served paradigm of the warrior hero

Paus. and X. 11. Cartledge and Spawforth 2002, 397F; 10.9.7-8; Sylt3115.Jac VIII, pi. 7, group no. 322. 19. Huttner 43-64. The p. 63. quemin 1999, p. 338, 1997, pp. earliest source is Pind. 10.1-4. 12. Pipili 1987, pp. 54-58. On the naval battle of Aigospotamoi, Pyth. see On Herakles as role model for 13. Paus. 3.18.14. Cartledge 2002, p. 225. royalty, 17. Mor. 397F. see Huttner 221-323. 14. Paus. 3.17.3. Plut. Lys. 18.1; 1997, pp. 15. Paus. 3.13.1. 18. Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann 20. Cf. Pipili 1987, pp. 1-13. 16. Mor. Plut. Lys. 18.1; 395B, 1978, pl. 4, group VIII, pl. 5, group 2o8 OLGA PALAGIA

saw a and king.21 (3.15.3) temple of Herakles adjacent to the city wall of Sparta, not far from the sanctuary of Helen.22 He remarks wore armor on that the cult statue of Herakles account of his fight against sons. Hippokoon and his That the kings took their Heraklean ancestry seriously is indicated by {Cleom. 13.2,16.4), who reports that Kleo was as III perceived by Aratos and other visitors to his court the only descendant of Herakles. This remark is best interpreted in the domestic context of Kleomenes' struggle with the other royal house of Sparta, which a also claimed Heraklean ancestry, rather than in broader context involving rival Hellenistic monarchs: of Kleomenes' contemporaries only his ally Ptolemy III Euergetes claimed to be the progeny of Herakles.23 It is inter was esting that Kleomenes' noble conduct attributed by his contemporaries to his Heraklean blood.24 on The persistent appearance of Heraklean imagery the coins of Hel came lenistic Lakedaimon suggests that the hero to be preferred to the as a Dioskouroi symbol of Spartan royalty, not only in conscious emula tion of Alexander the Great, who also claimed Herakles as an ancestor,25 but also because the hero conveniently symbolized monarchy rather than was as dyarchy. The fact that Herakles the hero of the philosophers well26 to was a may have particularly appealed Kleomenes III, who pupil of the Stoic philosopher Sphairos.27

STATUES ERECTED FOR AND BY AREUS I 21. Kassel, Staatliche Museen Br. 17: Boardman 1992.1 am grate to b.c. seem ful to Boardman for In addition introducing coinage, 3rd-century Spartan kings John drawing my own attention to this to have encouraged the erection of statuary, primarily their portraits, publication. 22. The location of this is at home and abroad. In this were victor temple they anticipated by , unknown. of the who set bronze with the of , up groups spoils 23.Theoc.i?? 17.26; OGIS 54; his at in the sanctuaries of at and victory Aigospotamoi Apollo Delphi28 Huttner 1997, pp. 124-129. The At in addition to the bronze that formed assumed a Heraklean Amyklai.29 Delphi, portrait part Antigonids only a under V of the naval victory monument, second portrait of Lysander in marble, persona Philip (221-179 b.c.): Huttner 1997, pp. 166-174. with long hair and , stood within the Treasury of the Akanthians, 24. Plut. Cleom. 13.2,16.4; Huttner together with spoils taken from the Athenians during the Peloponnesian 1997, p. 54. War in the Chalkidike.30 There were two statues of Areus I at portrait 25. Palagia 1986, pp. 138-142; the first the the second his Olympia, presented by Eleans, by Ptolemy II, Huttner 1997, pp. 86-123. was 26. Laert. 6.2. ally in the Chremonidean War. The latter probably set up in 266 b.c., Diog. was 27. Plut. Cleom. 11.2; Shimron and strategically positioned not far from portraits of Ptolemy I, 1972, p. 33. On Kleomenes III and Antigonos the One-Eyed, and his son, Demetrios Poliorketes.31 Areus Stoic see Erskine 1990, was also active at where he received and other honors philosophy, Delphi, promanteia pp. 123-149. in 267 b.c.32 28. See n. 16, above. a During the reign of Areus I bronze statue of the River by 29. Paus. 3.18.8. was set 30. Plut. 1.1; Mor. 397F. Eutychides, the pupil of Lysippos, up in Sparta.33 Eutychides' fame Lys. 31. Paus. 433. on 6.12.5,15.8; Sylt.3 rested his statue of the Tyche of , commissioned by mainly 32. 430. Seleukos I around 300 b.c. for the founded Local Sylt.3 newly city.34 personifica 33. Plin.//iV34.78. tions as of cities became common in the Hellenistic symbols Early period, 34. Overbeck 1868, nos. 1530-1531; we attribute the bronze Eurotas to the initia and may tentatively personal Meyer 2000; Andreae 2001, pp. 67-68; 2002. tive of Areus I, as part of his program of civic renewal. Schmalz ART AND ROYALTY IN SPARTA 209

3. Silver Figure . Sparta. 227-222 b.c. Portrait of Kleomenes

III. London, British Museum. Photo O. Palagia

4. Silver Figure tetradrachm. Phokaia. Antiochos II, 261-246 b.c. Portrait of Antiochos I. London,

British Museum. Photo O. Palagia


were not The services of Eutychides the only feature of Hellenistic Sparta borrowed from the Seleukids. In addition to introducing sweeping social force reforms and extending his influence throughout the P?loponn?se by to of arms, Kleomenes III was also the first Lakedaimonian king place his on himself in own portrait his coins, although he refrained from naming to he wears the legend (Fig. 3).35 In the portrait, contrary Spartan custom, an that forms a con the royal diadem of the Successors, element sharp to trast with the austere lifestyle attributed him by Plutarch (Cleom. 13). was I The coin portrait very likely inspired by that of Antiochos (281 261 b.c.) (Fig. 4).36 The influence of the Seleukids upon Kleomenes is readily explained. at Kleomenes, Not only did Seleukid coins circulate in Sparta the time,37 but

see mann no. 17. 35. On the reign of Kleomenes, 1978, pl. 6, group IX, 49 36. As shown on his own coins and Cartledge and Spawforth 2002, pp. 58. For anonymous silver tetradrachms those of Antiochos II (261-246 b.c.): a to Kleo and Lorber 18 with royal portrait attributed Houghton 2002, pis. overtones menes III and dated to the years of his 20,22,23. On the Seleukid in of Kleomenes' coin see campaigns the P?lopon portrait, n?se (227-222 b.c.), see Grunauer-von Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann 1978, and Hoerschelmann 1978, pp. 7-16, pi. 2, p. 8;Cardedge Spawforth 2002, group III;Morkholm 1991, p. 149, p. 55. no. had issued coins 37. Tetradrachm of Antiochos II pi. 34, 505. Areus in buried ca. in his name but they did not feature his found Sparta (hoard was the of 222 portrait. Nabis only king b.c.): Thompson, Morkholm, to do both: see and no. 181. Sparta who dared below, Kraay 1973, Hoerschel Fig. 10, and Grunauer-von 2IO OLGA PALAGIA

5. Bronze. 226 Figure Sparta. 223 b.c. London, British Museum. Photo O. Palagia

father, Le?nidas II, spent many years prior to his accession at the Seleukid as a strove to court, presumably high-ranking mercenary, and imitate the at lifestyle of the eastern monarchs, thus making himself unpopular home.38 His son obviously learned his lesson well, but retained such aspects of as were to regal pomp useful for conveying his message the outside world, especially to his mercenaries.39 From 226/5 to 223/2 b.c. Kleomenes, mercenary army was subsidized a on by Ptolemy III.40This relationship had direct impact the bronze coin to an on a age issued by Kleomenes from 226 223, which showed eagle thun on a on reverse derbolt the obverse and winged thunderbolt the (Fig. 5): as were on reverse the eagle and thunderbolt used the of Ptolemaic coins, as a to the design of Kleomenes, bronzes may be taken tribute his patrons coin types.41 In addition, Ptolemy demanded Kleomenes, children and their as grandmother hostages, with fatal consequences for the dynasty.42


A slightly under-life-size portrait head of Ptolemy III in Parian marble must same (Fig. 6) date from the period (226/5-223/2 B.c.).43 This is the first sculpture in Parian marble found in Lakonia that postdates the was Late Archaic period.44 The figure probably completed in wood and a plaster according to well-known technique employed in Ptolemaic ruler statues were portraiture.45 Such usually produced inAlexandria and often to exported various destinations in the Ptolemaic Aegean. The head is a crowned by royal diadem; wings grow from the hair, indicating assimila tion to Hermes.46 The representation of Ptolemaic rulers with divine at tributes may indicate ruler cult, as attested not only in itself but also in Egyptian dependencies.47

38. 39. 44. On Late Archaic Flut. Ages. 3.6,10.2. Cartledge Gr?nauer-von Hoerschelmann sculpture n. 10. in marble from see and Spawforth 2002, p. 238, 1978, p. 11; Cartledge and Spawforth Parian Lakonia, The date of his exile is uncertain. 2002, p. 55. Palagia 1993. Plutarch says that he lived in the court 40. Cartledge and Spawforth 2002, 45. Kyrieleis 1975, pp. 130-136; of Seleukos I (312-281 b.c.) but p. 54; H?lbl 2001, pp. 52-53. Laronde and Queyrel 2001, pp. 757 Antiochos I (281-261 b.c.) is more 41. Gr?nauer-von Hoerschelmann 759. 46. were likely. Kleonymos, the father of Le? 1978, pl. 3, groups IV and V; Bring The wings mistaken for as to mann was nidas II, had acted regent Areus I: and Noeske 2000, pp. 238-240. 's horns and Ptolemy inter as a new Paus. 3.6.2; Cartledge and Spawforth 42. Plut. Cleom. 22.4-10,38.2-6. preted Dionysos by Rumpf 30. His to 43. 2002, p. defection Pyrrhos Sparta, Archaeological Museum (1963), followed by Kyrieleis (1975, in sons 272 may have precipitated his 5366. Rumpf 1963; Kyrieleis 1975, p. 169). exile: Plut. Mor. no. 24:1. Pyrrh. 26.9; 219F. pp. 34,145,169, C 8, pl. 47. H?lbl 2001, p. 96. ART AND ROYALTY IN SPARTA 211

Figure 6.Marble portrait of Ptol III Archae emy Euergetes. Sparta, Museum 5366. Photo ological courtesy Deutsches Arch?ologisches Institut, Athens, no. neg. Sparta 326

to assume The Ptolemies began the symbols of Hermes probably in the some reign of Ptolemy III: bronze coins of Abdera may depict his winged on as a head the obverse.48 The symbolism of Hermes patron of mer as as a chants and communications, well harbinger of peace, is obvious.49 The association of the Ptolemaic rulers withThoth, the Egyptian Hermes, b.c. is documented by the priests' decree of 196 honoring Ptolemy V, inscribed on the .50 In this decree Hermes-Thoth is the over dispenser of justice who triumphs his enemies. The Seleukids may in to fact have anticipated the Ptolemies in assimilating the ruler Hermes. over a on A portrait of Antiochos II with wings diadem appeared coins a issued by his Hellespontine mints.51 Antiochos Hierax (242?-227 B.c.), a contemporary of Ptolemy III, placed posthumous portrait of Antiochos I on with similar attributes his coins issued in theTroad (Fig. 7).52 to on a Ptolemy III may also be assimilated Hermes-Thoth clay sealing from , where he holds a caduceus and wears a lotus leaf.53He also holds

48.1 am to Catherine to nos. 23. grateful 1998. On Ptolemy III assimilated p. 177, 490-492, pl. On Seleu her reasons see see Lorber for explaining for Hermes, Svoronos 1904, p. acjy'; kid coin portraits with wings, also on identifying the ruler the Abdera Kyrieleis 1973. Fleischer 1991, pp. 21-22. as coins Ptolemy III. He had previ 49. Cf. Laubscher 1992, p. 320. 52. Houghton and Lorber 2002, as see nos. ously been identified Ptolemy II: 50. OGIS 90; Kyrieleis 1973, p. 143; pp. 306-309, 871, 872, 874-877, no. n. Svoronos 1904, p. gigt', 929, with H?lbl 2001, p. 165, 38. pl. 41. to the in ton no. arguments contrary Ashton 51. Hough and Lorber 2002, 53. Milne 1916, p. 91, 68, pl. 4. 212 OLGA PALAGIA

7. Silver tetradrachm. Troad. Figure Antiochos Hierax, 242P-227 b.c. Portrait of Antiochos I. London,

British Museum. Photo O. Palagia

8. Bronze. Phoeni Figure Marathos, b.c. cia. 246-222 Portrait of Ptolemy III. London, British Museum. Photo O. Palagia

a caduceus on coins of Marathos in Phoenicia (Fig. 8).54 It is interesting that these coins were minted by the city, not the king; it is therefore prob to for able that the Ptolemies chose to emphasize the assimilation Hermes in the the purpose of foreign relations. A small bronze group of wrestlers a lotus leaf on his Istanbul Museum, depicting the winner with wings and as III over a barbarian head, has been interpreted the triumph of Ptolemy an enemy; variants of the group show the winner with Egyptian head a in with on his dress.55 A bronze figurine of seated Hermes , wings a as III.56 head and wearing lotus leaf, has also been interpreted Ptolemy a The head of Ptolemy III in Sparta (Fig. 6) is usually considered not an But what constitutes an official private dedication, official portrait. of the divine attributes unless the portrait? And what is the significance to a financial came head belonged cult statue? Ptolemy's support usually a as Kleomenes show. In 224/3 at price, the hostages demanded from b.c., about two years after he struck his financial bargain with Kleomenes, was an Athens and received cult in Ptolemy made eponymous hero of threat of Doson.57 exchange for his support against the looming Antigonos as an of were erected both Statues of Ptolemy III eponymous hero Athens at of the in the Athenian Agora and Delphi.58 On the evidence Spartan of a cult of Ptol portrait statue with divine attributes, the establishment is a distinct emy III in Sparta, following the example of Athens, possibility. one a It may have been founded by of his officials: parallel is offered by set on Artemidoros the cult of Ptolemy III and Berenike II up Thera by


54. Svoronos 1904, p. cfyf', 57. Habicht 1997, p. 182;H?lbl nos. 52. 1073-1088, pl. 31. 2001, p. 58. Paus. 1.5.5 and 10.10.2. 55. Istanbul, Archaeological 190. 1973. 59. Hiller von Museum Kyrieleis Gaertringen 1899, 56. Paris, Louvre Br 4305. Laub p. 172; 1904, pp. 100-101; Bagnall n. 5. scher 1992. 1976, p. 134; Palagia 1992, p. 171, ART AND ROYALTY IN SPARTA 213


was a The acrolithic technique of Ptolemy's portrait employed in nearly a contemporary colossal bearded head of Herakles, about half meter high now and also in Parian marble, in the Sparta Museum (Fig. 9).60 In light a of Herakles' political significance for the Hellenistic kings of Sparta, can a colossal statue of the hero from this period only be product of royal as was museum patronage. Its findspot is uncertain, it donated to the in the 19th century by the Manousakis , which owned land in various parts of Sparta and its suburbs.61 The size suggests that the hero was seated. His neck is contoured for rear a on insertion. The is flat, rough picked, and forms jagged edge top wear a for the application of plaster (Fig. 9, right). He did not lionskin cap, however, as his curly hair ismodeled at the top and sides. The bottom of now was a on. his beard, lost, made of separate piece of marble and pinned a The marble piecing may have been due to flaw in the stone; on the other a hand, it may be evidence that larger piece ismissing, perhaps including on the hand of Herakles resting his chin. His upward gaze indicates that was the head tilted toward the sky.The torso would have been completed in plaster and wood, only his head and limbs being made of marble. a rear Colossal acrolithic heads with stepped surface for the applica are b.c. tion of plaster found mainly in the 3rd and 2nd centuries Two examples, also in Parian marble, may be associated with Ptolemaic ruler portraits and dated to the reign of Ptolemy III: a posthumous head of now a , in Copenhagen,62 and head, probably of Bere nike II, from the Athenian Agora.63 The style of the Herakles head in a Sparta points to date in the second half of the 3rd century b.c., but is to more on hard pin down closely. It draws Lysippan prototypes, especially the seated types of Herakles Epitrapezios64 and Herakles Resting after Cleaning the Augean Stables (in ).65 The latter supported his head on as his hand and gazed up, does the Herakles in Sparta.66 This type is now mainly known from miniature copies inwhich Herakles rests his right on a on a cheek his hand, but there is variant reproduced bronze statuette in a Paris and on gold quarter- of Herakleia in Lucania, dated ca. 281 on 278 b.c.,67 inwhich Herakles' hand is placed directly his chin in a gesture to one similar the suggested for the Spartan head.

is Damaskos 60. Sparta, Archaeological Museum Sparta proposed by (2002, gia); Moreno 1995, pp. 281-288, 374 no. was to 52. LIMCW, 1988, p. 790, 1312, p. 117), whereas Kourinou (2000, 379. The original taken Rome s.v. Herakles n. the in b.c.: (O. Palagia); Damaskos p. 205, 695) tentatively suggests 209 LIMC IV, p. 773. was area 2002. The head damaged by fire. of Psychiko. 66. The head of Herakles in Sparta The acrolithic was also em 62. 2300. is considered a variant of the technique Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Taranto in statues no. A 5. ployed colossal of the Roman Kyrieleis 1975, p. 165, 3, pis. 4, type byMoreno (1995, p. 286). from 63. Museum S 551. 67. Bronze statuette: period Lakonia: examples include Athens, Agora Paris, Cabinet a in Stewart head of Helen Taygetos marble 1998; Palagia, forthcoming. desM?dailles 558. LIMCW, 1988, no. s.v. (Sparta, Archaeological Museum 571: 64. LIMCIV, 1988, pp. 774-775, p. 774, 938, Herakles (O. Pala nos. s.v. Herakles Pala Palagia 2001, pp. 291-295, fig. 5) and 957-979, (O. gia). Gold quarter-stater: LIMCW, a no. s.v. head of Dionysos (Sparta, Archaeo gia);Moreno 1995, pp. 140-147, 347 1988, p. 773, 930, Herakles 351. Van logicalMuseum 728: Damaskos 2002, (O. Palagia); Keuren 1994, pp. 38 no. p. 118, figs. 3-5). 65. LIMC IV, 1988, pp. 773-774, 39, 88, pi. 22, 124; Moreno 1995, 61. A on the of nos. s.v. Herakles Pala findspot 927-940, (O. p. 284, fig. 4.41.2. 214 OLGA PALAGIA

The Herakles in sat on a 9.Marble head of Herakles. Sparta, then, probably rock, looking up, chin Figure on Museum 52. resting his hand. The Lysippan connection does not necessarily mean Sparta, Archaeological Photos H. R. Goette, Deutsches Arch?olo that the was a close follower of since the masters Her sculptor Lysippos, gisches Institut, Athens, neg. nos. 2000/12, akles were over types popular all the Greek world. The acrolithic technique, 2000/15 stone mixing with plaster and wood, indicates that the statue stood in a sheltered position, and the colossal size suggests a cult statue. The fact that were stone was only the head and limbs of equally suggests that his torso not naked. He well armor may be associated with the Herakles in seen by near Pausanias (3.15.3) in his temple the city wall. was to Because Nabis thought be the first Spartan ruler to reproduce a on seated Herakles coinage (Fig. 10),68 the head in the Sparta Museum has been to his statue was assigned reign. The tentatively reconstructed 68. Gr?nauer-von Hoerschelmann the coin with the seated on a hand no. 17. A following type, figure rock, right resting 1978, pl. 6, group IX, portrait on on of Nabis is on the his name on club, left placed the rock.69We have seen, however, that the head obverse, of Herakles in the reverse. the Sparta Museum probably followed the iconographie 69. Damaskos 2002, pp. 119-120. scheme of the Herakles in Taranto, chin on Lysippan gazing up, resting 70. Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann was not to hand. Moreover, Nabis the first mint coins of the seated Herakles nos. 1978, pl. 6, group IX, 1-16; M0rk A of tetradrachms with a seated Herakles on the reverse and the type. group holml991,p. 150. head of on not 71. Gold issued the mints Athena the obverse (e.g., Fig. 11), carrying Nabis's name, by is now to of Antiochos II at Sardis and Tarsos: attributed his predecessors, Lykourgos and (219 was a Houghton and Lorber 2002, p. 184, 207 b.c.).70 The Athena head inspired by gold stater of Alexander with no. 517, nos. Nike on the it an pl. 25; p. 198, 559-560, reverse; may, in fact, have reached Sparta via imitation pl. 26. Alexander's Athena type: M?rk coin issued Antiochos IL71A similar coin with the head of nos. type by type holm 1991, p. 50, pl. 3, 38,47; Athena on the obverse and Nike on the reverse was minted in Price 1-4. by Side the 1991, pis. 10. Figure Silver tetradrachm. 207-194 b.c. Sparta. Nabis, Portrait of Nabis. London, British Museum. Photo O. Palagia

11. Figure Silver tetradrachm. 219-207 b.c. Brit Sparta. London, ish Museum. Photo O. Palagia

Figure 12. Silver tetradrachm. Side. 200-175 b.c. London, British

Museum. Photo O. Palagia

early 2nd century (Fig. 12).72More to the point, the seated Herakles on the not a Spartan coins is statuary type. It was copied after a coin type used in at the mints of Antiochos I Sardis (or Smyrna) and Magnesia ad Sipylum, and in the mints of Antiochos II atTemnos(P), Myrina, Kyme, and Phokaia (Fig. 4).73 It is interesting that the coin type of seated Herakles issued by was as Antiochos II adapted by Euthydemos of well (Fig. 13), pos same as sibly around the time the Spartan coins (ca. 208-206 b.c.).74 72. and Franke, Leschhorn, M?ller, The dissociation of the Herakles head in Sparta (Fig. 9) from the coin Nolle 1988, pp. 24-31, pi. 1;Morkholm as type of Nabis (Fig. 10) allows fresh speculation to possible patronage. 1991, 143, 33, no. 481. p. pi. Given the insistence of Kleomenes III that he was the of 73. Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann only progeny and his interest in art indicated the 1978, p. 27; Houghton and Lorber Herakles, un-Spartan (as by plundering nos. of the statues and of com 2002, pp. 122-123, 313,318, paintings Megalopolis),75 he might well have nos. 503 a statue as a pp. 178-182, 497,500-501, missioned cult of Herakles paradigm of the soldier king. The 505,509-512, 17-18,23-25. pis. fact that he took the unprecedented step of introducing royal portraits to 74. Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann Spartan coinage signifies that he understood well the value of propaganda 1978, p. 27;Morkholm 1991, p. 121, nos. abroad, while the dedication in itself of a colossal cult statue of pi. 25, 383-386; Holt 1999, p. 131, Sparta Herakles as his ancestor to a of the pis. 24-25. royal points systematic manipulation 75. Plut. Cleom. 25.1. arts to as convey domestic political messages well. OLGA PALAGIA

Figure 13. Silver tetradrachm. Bactria. I. Euthydemos Ca. 208 206 b.c. Portrait of I. Euthydemos London, British Museum. Photo O. Palagia


an sover The preceding survey has made clear that, in effort to reclaim over a B.c. eignty the P?loponn?se, handful of 3rd-century Spartan kings current adopted un-Spartan policies aimed at the outside world, following political and artistic trends in other Hellenistic kingdoms. Some of these policies had been anticipated by Lysander, victor of the Peloponnesian War. s successors The Hellenistic kings of Sparta imitated Alexander in their arts on patronage of the and in the dissemination of royal portraits, both coins and in statuary erected in Panhellenic sanctuaries. Sculpture from 3rd-century Sparta provides evidence of ruler cult (albeit imported) and as the promotion of Herakles the divine ancestor of the royal line.


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Olga Palagia

University of Athens

department of and art history

ATHENS 157-84

[email protected]