DOCSLIB.ORG

Perspectives

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Perspectives Persp ectiveVol. 19, Nos. 2 2011 P e Review of International Affairs r s p e c t i v e Special Issue s s Identity and Solidarity in Foreign Policy: Investigating East Central e European Relations with the Eastern Neighbourhood v i t c e p V s o l . 1 9 r , N o . 2 e 2 0 1 1 P CALL FOR PAPERS/NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS ARTICLES, CHAPTERS FROM BOOKS AND INTERNET SOURCES: Author’s name, title of article or chapter within single inverted commas with principal words capitalised, name(s) of editors(s) if in a book, title of journal or book in italics, vol - ! Perspectives is a refereed journal published twice a year by the Institute of International Re - ume number, issue number in parentheses, page reference, place of publication and pub - ! lations, Prague, Czech Republic. At the present time, it is established as one of the leading lisher if in a book, url if an internet source: journals in Central and Eastern Europe, dealing with a range of issues from international re - Lisowski, Michael (2002) ‘Playing the Two-Level Game: US President Bush’s Decision lations theory to contemporary international politics and regional and global issues that af - to Repudiate the Kyoto Protocol’, Environmental Politics 11 (4): 101–119. fect international relations. Perspectives invites papers and enquiries from interested Aguilar Fernández, Susana (1997) ‘Abandoning a Laggard Role? New Strategies in scholars. Spanish Environmental Policy’, in D. Liefferink and M. S. Andersen (eds) The Innovation of EU Environmental Policy , pp. 156–172. Copenhagen: Scandinavian University Press. GUIDELINES FOR AUTHORS Yahuda, Michael (2004) ‘Europe and America in Asia: Different Beds, Same Dreams’. The aim of Perspectives is to produce an eclectic mix of articles dealing with various areas The Sigur Center Asia Papers No. 18. Online: http://cow2.la.psud.edu. of international relations and regional studies. These may include articles on recent history, specialised articles on some legal or political area which affects international affairs, or ar - QUOTATION MARKS: ticles that capture some issue which, while seen from a national perspective, is at the Single in text throughout; double within single; single within indented quotations. same time of importance at a regional or international level. While there will naturally be some bias towards the Central and East European region, the same principles will also HEADINGS: apply to articles from other parts of the world. Only main headings and subheadings (both non-numbered) should be used in the main The journal publishes three types of articles (Research Articles, Discussions, and Con - body of the text. ! sultations), Book Reviews and Review Essays. Research Articles are full-length papers (be - DATES AND NUMBERS: tween 6,000 and 10,000 words, including endnotes and references) that contain an original contribution to research. Discussions are topical commentaries or essays (be - 25 February 1999; February 1999; 25 February; the 1990s. tween 6,000 and 8,000 words, including endnotes and references) with the aim to pro - voke scholarly debates. Consultations are full-length papers (between 6,000 and 8,000 words, including endnotes and references) of a descriptive character that bring informa - • For submissions of Research Articles, Discussions and Consultations, or general corre - tion on topical international developments or present results of recent empirical research. spondence, please contact the Editors: Petr Kratochvíl at [email protected] or Mats Braun Each article should be accompanied by a one-paragraph abstract. Book Reviews should at [email protected] . not exceed 2,000 words, and Review Essays should be 3,500 words maximum, including • Articles will be reviewed by two anonymous referees. endnotes and references. All submissions should be made in electronic form, unless this • For matters related to book reviews, please contact the Book Review Editor Vít Střítecký is impossible for some practical reason. at [email protected] . • While we welcome reviews of English-language academic books, we encourage authors Notes should be numbered consecutively throughout the article with raised numerals to submit reviews of academic books published in other languages, including the lan - corresponding to the list of notes placed at the end. A list of References should appear guages of Central and East European countries. after the list of Notes containing all the works referred to, listed alphabetically by the au - • Following approval for publication, authors of all articles and reviews should send a short thor’s surname (or the name of the sponsoring body if there is no identifiable author). biographical note (80 words maximum) including their institutional affiliation and rele - References to literature in the text should be made by giving the author’s name and year vant experience to Petr Kratochvíl at [email protected] . of publication, both in parentheses, e.g. (Wendt, 1999). • Since we encourage authors whose first language is not English to submit writing, we as - BOOKS: sume that authors will accept language editing. • Authors of Research Articles, Discussions and Consultations will receive one compli - Author’s name as it appears on the title page, date of publication in parentheses, title in mentary copy of the journal and 10 photocopied prints of their article. ! Italics with capitals in principal words, place of publication, publisher: • The postal address of the journal is: Perspectives , Institute of International Relations, Liefferink, Duncan and Mikael Skou Andersen (eds) (1997) The Innovation of EU Envi - Nerudova 3, 118 50 Praha 1, Czech Republic. ronmental Policy . Copenhagen: Scandinavian University Press. [Continued on p. 3 cover] Perspectives02_11_vstup:PERSPECTIVES 16.12.2011 11:04 Page 1 (Black/Black plate) Perspectives Review of International Affairs Vol. 19, No. 2 2011 Perspectives02_11_vstup:PERSPECTIVES 16.12.2011 11:04 Page 2 (Black/Black plate) Editorial Board Petr Drulák (Chairman), Institute of International Relations, Czech Republic Regina Axelrod, Adelphi University, USA Francis Beer, University of Colorado, USA Dorothee Bohle, Central European University, Hungary Tanja Börzel, Freie Universität Berlin, Germany Vladimír Handl, Institute of International Relations, Czech Republic Karen Henderson, University of Leicester, United Kingdom Petr Jehlička, Open University, United Kingdom Vendulka Kubálková, University of Miami, USA Christian Lequesne, Sciences Po Paris, France Andrew Linklater, Aberystwyth University, United Kingdom Paul Luif, Austrian Institute for International Affairs, Austria Nicholas Onuf, Florida International University, USA V. Spike Peterson, University of Arizona, USA Mark A. Pollack, Temple University, USA Erik Ringmar, National Jiaotong University, Taiwan Jacques Rupnik, Sciences Po Paris, France Frank Schimmelfennig, ETH Zürich, Switzerland Jiří Šedivý, Assistant Secretary General for Defence Policy and Planning, NATO, Belgium Wolfgang Wessels, Universität zu Köln, Germany Andrei V. Zagorski, Institute for Applied International Research, Russia Jan Zielonka, University of Oxford, United Kingdom Editor-in-Chief Petr Kratochvíl, [email protected] Associate Editor Mats Braun, [email protected] Book Review Editor Vít Střítecký, [email protected] Opinions expressed are those of the individual authors and thus represent neither the views of the editors nor those of the Institute of International Relations. Articles appearing in this journal are abstracted or indexed in Scopus, Academic Search Premier (via EBSCO host), ABI/INFORM Global, Academic Research Library (via ProQuest), Columbia International Affairs Online (CIAO), International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS), World Affairs Online and Czech National Bibliography. Editorial and Institute of International Relations, Nerudova 3, 118 50 Prague 1, Czech Republic. Administrative Office Tel.: 00 420 / 251 108 101 (P. Kratochvíl), 00 420 / 251 108 363 (V. Střítecký). Fax: 00 420 / 251 108 222. www.iir.cz Subscriptions US$ 50, p. a. Single Issues US$ 30. Send orders to the Administrative Office. Layout Jakub Tayari Printed by Petr Dvořák – Tiskárna, Dobříš ISSN 1210-762X ČÍSLO REGISTRACE MK ČR 6554 Perspectives02_11_vstup:PERSPECTIVES 16.12.2011 11:04 Page 3 (Black/Black plate) Contents Introduction: Identity and Solidarity in the Foreign Policy of EU 5 Members: Renewing the Research Agenda • Elsa Tulmets Projecting the Re-Discovered: Czech Policy Towards Eastern 27 Europe • Tomáš Weiss Between a Romantic ‘Mission in the East’ and Minimalism: Polish 45 Policy Towards the Eastern Neighbourhood • Melchior Szczepanik Shining in Brussels? The Eastern Partnership in Estonia’s Foreign 67 Policy • Vahur Made Latvian and Lithuanian Policy in the Eastern Neighbourhood: 81 Between Solidarity and Self Promotion • Katerina Kesa Slovakia in the East: Pragmatic Follower, Occasional Leader 101 • Lucia Najšlova New Eastern Perspectives? A Critical Analysis of Romania’s 123 Relations with Moldova, Ukraine and the Black Sea Region • Irina Angelescu A Limited Priority: Hungary and the Eastern Neighbourhood 143 • András Rácz Slovenia and the Eastern Neighbourhood 165 • Polona Bunič and Zlatko Šabič ▲ Reviews 183 188 Clara Portela: European Union Sanctions and Foreign Policy. When and Why 183 Do they Work? – London / New York: Routledge, 2010, 206 pages, ISBN: 978-0-415-55216-5. • Elsa Tulmets Gérard Chaliand and Arnaud Blin (eds.): The History of Terrorism: From 185 Antiquity to Al Qaeda – Berkeley / Los Angeles, CA: University of California
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Winners of the Baltic Assembly Prizes 1994 – 2019 1994 1996 1998
    Baltic Assembly Prizes for Literature, the Arts and Science Baltic Innovation Prize Baltic Assembly Medals 6 November 2020 Address by the President of the Baltic Assembly Aadu Must This year the Baltic Assembly, as any contribute to the targeted cooperation of other organisation, has been significantly our states and prosperity of our Baltic affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. region that will be extremely important Despite the difficulties and restrictions to in the years to come. These people meet in person, the traditions of our promote the unity and cooperation of organisation continue but in slightly the Baltic states - we greatly appreciate different format this year. their work. We award the Baltic Assembly Prizes to Unity and cooperation of the Baltic states outstanding people, who have are extremely important for us. We are demonstrated excellence in literature, thankful to all people who feel the same the arts, science and innovation. This way and act in order to bring the countries year’s winners of the Baltic Assembly closer together. The awarding of the Baltic Prizes have used their talent and Assembly Prizes and Medals in Estonia, knowledge to encourage thinking, remind Lithuania and Latvia is our way of saying about the historical milestones of that even though times are tough people are those who hold our nations together Photo by Ieva Ābele (Administration of Parliament of the Republic of Latvia) the Baltic states and make our countries visible in the international arena. Awards and we are grateful for that. We are also have been won in strong competition, as very proud about their achievements.
    [Show full text]
  • UNU CRIS Working Papers
    1 | P a g e The author Andrea Cofelice served as Ph.D. Intern at UNU-CRIS in 2011. He is currently a Ph.D. candidate in Political Science – Comparative and European Politics at the University of Siena. He is also a junior researcher at the Interdepartmental Centre on Human Rights and the Rights of Peoples of the University of Padua. United Nations University Institute on Comparative Regional Integration Studies Potterierei 72, 8000 Brugge, BE-Belgium Tel.: +32 50 47 11 00 / Fax.: +32 50 47 13 09 www.cris.unu.edu 2 | P a g e Abstract This paper aims at exploring which factors may promote or inhibit the empowerment of international parliamentary institutions (IPIs). According to the literature (Cutler 2006), an IPI may be defined as an international institution that is a regular forum for multilateral deliberations on an established basis of an either legislative or consultative nature, either attached to an international organization or itself constituting one, in which at least three states or trans-governmental units are represented by parliamentarians, who are either selected by national legislatures in a self-determined manner or popularly elected by electorates of the member states. Their origin dates back to the creation of the Inter- Parliamentary Union (IPU) in 1889, but they mushroomed after the Second World War, especially after 1989-1991 (new regionalism, also known as open regionalism especially in literature on Latin America), and today their presence is established almost everywhere in the world. However, they display sensibly different features in terms of institutional and organizational patterns, rules and procedures, legal status, membership, resources, functions and powers.
    [Show full text]
  • The Day Holding Hands Changed History Occupation and Annexation of the Baltic States Was Illegal, and Against the Wish of the Respective Nations
    The day holding hands changed history occupation and annexation of the Baltic states was illegal, and against the wish of the respective nations. So at 19:00 on 23 August 1989, 50 years after the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was signed, church bells sounded in the Bal- tic states. Mourning ribbons decorated the national flags that had been banned a year before. The participants of the Bal- tic Way were addressed by the leaders of the respective national independence movements: the Estonian Rahvarinne, the Lithuanian Sajūdis, and the Popular Front of Latvia. The following words were chanted – ‘laisvė’, ‘svabadus, ‘brīvība’ (freedom). The symbols of Nazi Germany and the Communist regime of the USSR were burnt on large bonfires. The Baltic states demanded the cessation of the half-century long Soviet occupation, col- onisation, russification and communist genocide. The Baltic Way was a significant step to- wards regaining the national independ- ence of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, and a source of inspiration for other region- al independence movements. The live chain was also realised in Kishinev by Ro- manians of the Soviet-occupied Bessara- bia or Moldova, while in January 1990, Ukrainians joined hands on the road from Lviv to Kyiv. Just after the Baltic Way campaign, the Berlin Wall fell, the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia began, and the Ceausescu regime in Romania was overthrown. On 23 August 1989, approximately two doomed to be forcedly incorporated into million people stood hand in hand be- the Soviet Union until 1991. The Soviet Un- Recognising the documents of the Baltic tween Tallinn (Estonia), Rīga (Latvia) ion claimed that the Baltic states joined Way as items of documentary heritage of and Vilnius (Lithuania) in one of the voluntarily.
    [Show full text]
  • NATO, the Baltic States, and Russia a Framework for Enlargement
    NATO, the Baltic States, and Russia A Framework for Enlargement Mark Kramer Harvard University February 2002 In 2002, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) will be initiating its second round of enlargement since the end of the Cold War. In the late 1990s, three Central European countries—Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Poland—were admitted into the alliance. At a summit due to be held in Prague in November 2002, the NATO heads-of-state will likely invite at least two and possibly as many as six or seven additional countries to join. In total, nine former Communist countries have applied for membership. Six of the prospective new members—Slovakia, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania, Albania, and Macedonia—lie outside the former Soviet Union. Of these, only Slovakia and Slovenia are likely to receive invitations. The three other aspiring members of NATO—Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia— normally would stand a good chance of being admitted, but their status has been controversial because they were republics of the Soviet Union until August 1991. Until recently, the Russian government had vehemently objected to the proposed admission of the Baltic states into NATO, and many Western leaders were reluctant to antagonize Moscow. During the past year-and-a-half, however, the extension of NATO membership to the Baltic states in 2002 has become far more plausible. The various parties involved—NATO, the Baltic states, and Russia—have modified their policies in small but significant ways. Progress in forging a new security arrangement in Europe began before the September 2001 terrorist attacks, but the improved climate of U.S.-Russian relations since the attacks has clearly expedited matters.
    [Show full text]
  • Silke Berndsen Outlook on Baltic Cooperation 1945-2004 at the First
    Silke Berndsen Outlook on Baltic Cooperation 1945-2004 At the First Baltic Assembly the Estonian Mati Hint evoked the unity of the Baltic nations in his manifesto “the Baltic Way". The Baltic way soon after became known beyond the three Baltic states when approximately two million people joined their hands to form a human chain across the three Baltic states on 23 August 1989 during a a peaceful political demonstration that carried the same name. In the months that followed, the popular fronts made numerous joint appeals to international organizations and foreign governments. When they had declared independence from the Soviet Union, the governments of the Baltic States were quick to renew the suspended Baltic Treaty on Unity and Cooperation signed on 12 September 1934 with an explicit reference to the "historical experience of our trilateral cooperation" and with the aim to "continue and develop political and economic cooperation among our three states". Only a few years later, the Baltic States argued over border demarcations between their countries, fought "egg wars", "herring wars", "pork wars" and competed as to which of them would be the first to join the EU and NATO. Prominent politicians in Estonia and Lithuania no longer wanted their countries to be labelled as "Baltic", but as “Nordic“ (in case of Estonia) or Central European (in case of Lithuania). So, what had happened? Did Baltic ceased to serve as an identity anchor just within a few years? And what did this mean for cooperation among the Baltic states, which was initiated by the 1990 Treaty and further institutionalised in subsequent years? Based on constructivist approaches in cultural studies, my presentation assumes that territorial spaces are analytical categories with context-dependent attributions.
    [Show full text]
  • Collective Identities in Baltic and East Central Europe
    1. Introduction: Collective Identities in Baltic and East Central Europe Norbert Götz After a preoccupation with collective identities culminated in the mass destruction of the Second World War and the Holocaust, and after the post- war remapping and resettlement was enforced, ethnic identity was ‘out’ for many decades as a political vehicle or a proper topic of research.1 The ideas of the behaviour of the individual and his or her gentle civilisation in the spirit of enlightenment took its place. Personal affiliation with a group was regarded as a functional piece in a greater puzzle of general progress; stronger types of identification that did not harmonise with the rationality of light bonds were believed to be doomed to vanish. Such modernism existed in a capitalist and a communist variety, with greater emphasis on the individual and the universal dimension respectively (in its communist version the universalism was a class-based projection). The suggestion that Sweden represents a ‘third way’, with a political culture that has been lauded as ‘statist individualism’ (Trägårdh 1997; see also Berggren and Trägårdh 2006), highlights the country’s peculiar status at the time of the Cold War (see Bjereld, Johansson, and Molin 2008). The lack of independent societal forces has given rise to a conformist, single norm-oriented Nordic Sonderweg (Stenius 2013). During the Cold War, both historical materialism and modernisation theory gave meaning to a bipolar world with its two competing universa- lisms aiming at humankind at large.2 There was an intellectual distance, 1 As a research concept, ‘identity’ was not in use until after the Second World War.
    [Show full text]
  • Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
    GENERAL ELECTIONS IN ESTONIA 1st March 2015 European Elections monitor General Elections in Estonia: a more uncertain election than forecast Corinne Deloy Abstract : 979 910 Estonians are invited to vote on 1st March next to renew the 101 members of the Riigikogu, the only chamber in Parliament. These general elections are being held one year after the resignation of Andrus Ansip (Reform party, ER), who led Estonia for 9 years (2005-2014). Analysis Following the withdrawal of the head of government a new government coalition was formed. This combined the Reform Party and Sven Mikser’s Social Democratic Party (SDE) which is led by Taavi Roivas. 876 candidates from 10 parties i.e. +67 in comparison and almost all of the Russian-speakers (92%) do not with the last general elections on 6th March 2011, and believe there will be open conflict between Tallinn and 13 independents (-19) are running in this election. Moscow. Only six parties are presenting a list of 125 names: the Reform Party, the Centre Party (K), the Social On 5th September, two days after Barack Obama’s visit Democratic Party, Pro Patria and Res Publica Union to Tallinn, Russia’s domestic security services arrested (IRL), the People’s Conservative Party (EKRE) and the Eston Kohver. A member of the Estonian domestic Free Party of Estonia. security services and responsible for monitoring criminal groups suspected of smuggling on the Russian- 76,488 Estonians living abroad are allowed to vote in Estonian border, Mr Kohver is now in prison in Moscow these elections i.e.+26 838 than four years ago.
    [Show full text]
  • The Baltic Assembly
    Assembly of Western European Union DOCUMENT 1460 22nd May 1995 FORTIETH ORDINARY SESSION (Third Part) The Baltic Assembly REPORT submitted on behalf of the Committee for Parliamentary and Public Relations by Mr. Masseret, Chairman and Rapporteur ASSEMBLY OF WESTERN EUROPEAN UNION 43, avenue du President-Wilson, 75775 Paris Cedex 16-Tel. 53.67.22.00 Document 1460 22nd May 1995 The Baltic Assembly REPORT 1 submitted on behalf of the Committee for Parliamentary and Public Relations 2 by Mr. Masseret, Chairman and Rapporteur TABLE OF CONTENTS DRAFr0RDER on the Baltic Assembly EXPLANATORY MEMORANDUM submitted by Mr. Masseret, Chairman and Rapporteur I. Introduction II. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania: from political to parliamentary co-operation (a) Inter-state co-operation ( i) The Baltic Council (ii) Prospects for inter-state co-operation (b) Inter-regional co-operation (i) Nordic and Baltic co-operation (ii) European and transatlantic co-operation m. The Baltic Assembly: role and prospects (a) The political role of Baltic interparliamentary co-operation (i) co-operation between the Baltic Council and the Baltic Assembly (ii) The way the Assembly operates (b) The Baltic Assembly: regional and European political perspectives (i) Inter-state security and defence co-operation ( ii) Regional and European policy - Relations with the Russian Federation - European co-operation 1. Adopted unanimously by the committee. 2. M embers ofthe committee: Mr. Masseret (Chairman); Sir Russell J ohnston, Baroness Gould ofPotternewton (Vice-Chairmen); Mr. Amaral, Mrs. Beer, MM. Benvenuti, Birraux, Decagny, Dionisi, Sir Anthony Durant (Alternate: Baroness Hooper), Mr. Erler, Mrs. Err (Alternate: Mrs. Brasseur), Mr. Eversdijk, Mrs. Fernandez Sanz, MM.
    [Show full text]
  • Eu Baltic Sea Strategy
    EU BALTIC SEA STRATEGY REPORT FOR THE KONRAD-ADENAUER-STIFTUNG LONDON OFFICE www.kas.de This paper includes résumés and experts views from conferences and seminars facilitated and organised by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung London and Centrum Balticum. Impressum © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 2009 All rights reserved. No part of this report may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronical or mechanical, without permission in writing from Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, London office, 63D Eccleston Square, London SW1V 1PH. ABBREVIATIONS AC Arctic Council AEPS Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy ALDE Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe BaltMet Baltic Metropoles BCCA Baltic Sea Chambers of Commerce Association BDF Baltic Development Forum BEAC Barents Euro-Arctic Council BEAR Council of the Barents Euro-Arctic Region BENELUX Economic Union of Belgium, The Netherlands and Luxembourg BFTA The Baltic Free Trade Area BSCE Black Sea Economic Cooperation Pact BSPC The Baltic Sea Parliamentary Conference BSR Baltic Sea Region BSSSC Baltic Sea States Subregional Cooperation CBSS The Council for Baltic Sea States CFSP Common Foreign and Security Policy CEFTA Central European Free Trade Agreement CIS The Commonwealth of Independent States COMECON Council for Mutual Economic Assistance CPMR Conference of Peripheral Maritime Regions of Europe EBRD European Bank for Reconstruction and Development EEA European Economic Area EEC European Economic Community EFTA European Free Trade Agreement EGP European Green Party ENP European
    [Show full text]
  • Download [Pdf]
    European Research Centre for Anti-Corruption and State-Building Working Paper No. 32 The Long Transition to Good s Governance: the Case of Estonia Looking at the changes in the governance regime and anti- corruption policy Aare Kasemets (Paper presented at the XXII World Congress of International Political Science Association, Madrid, July 8-12 2012) ERCAS WorkingPaper July 2012 www.againstcorruption.eu Abstract: This paper deals with the post-communist positive outlier Estonia, which made according to international comparisons perhaps the most spectacular progress in the world, from a totalitarian regime to a quality democracy in less than twenty years. The country has seen improvement in all four dimensions of control of corruption described in the equilibrium model of Alina Mungiu-Pippidi (2011) since the restoration of its independence in 1991. The changes in the different dimensions happened almost simultaneously. During the first government of Mart Laar (1992-1995), policies that reduced material resources and strengthened legal constraints were implemented. Estonia pioneered important liberal reforms, for instance the adoption of a flat tax which then became very trendy in Eastern Europe and a very advanced e-government inspired from the neighbouring Finland. It also had the most radical policy towards Soviet time judiciary, replacing most of it and restarting practically all over with new magistrates. Normative constraints are also high, with a public opinion intolerant of particularism, an active civil society and a free press. The paper tries to explain why Estonian elites succeeded in promoting good governance and anti-corruption measures more than most other Central and Eastern European countries.
    [Show full text]
  • V Osrčju Evropskega Parlamenta: Članstvo Slovenskih Evroposlancev V Odborih Evropskega Parlamenta**
    Andreja PEGAN* V OSRČJU EVROPSKEGA PARLAMENTA: ČLANSTVO SLOVENSKIH EVROPOSLANCEV V ODBORIH EVROPSKEGA PARLAMENTA** Povzetek. Članek obravnava aktivnosti slovenskih evro- poslancev, ki jih avtorica povzema iz analize članstva v odborih Evropskega parlamenta (EP) med letoma 2004 in 2017. Članek izhaja iz domneve, da – glede na manj- še število evroparlamentarnih mandatov Slovenije v primerjavi z večino držav članic EU – slovenski evropo- slanci delujejo v različnih odborih, da bi tako povečali zastopanost slovenskih volivcev v odločevalnem procesu EP. Ugotovitve potrjujejo to domnevo. Politična (stran- karska) in nacionalna sestava plenuma ter ekspertna znanja slovenskih evroposlancev prispevajo k raznoli- kosti članstva slovenskih evroposlancev v odborih EP in zastopanosti volivcev v odborih EP. Članek prispeva k razširitvi znanja o EP in vlogi slovenskih evroposlancev 1077 ter postavlja temelje za nadaljnje proučevanje aktivno- stih slovenskih evroposlancev v odborih EP. Ključni pojmi: Evropski parlament, člani Evropskega parlamenta, evroposlanci, Evropska unija Uvod Od začetka evropskih integracij v petdesetih letih se je proučevanje Evropskega parlamenta (EP) močno razmahnilo (glej pregled literature v Hix in Høyland, 2014). V okviru študij parlamentov, EP in vpliva le-tega v Sloveniji se je slovenska politološka znanstvena skupnost osredotočila predvsem na proučevanje evropskih volitev (Fink-Hafner in Deželan, 2005, 2014; Krašovec, 2010; Kustec Lipicer, 2007, 2010) in vlogo Državnega zbora Republike Slovenije (DZ) v evropskih zadevah (Kocjančič, 2003; Zajc, 2006; Vehar, 2007; Lončar, 2009; Kajnč Lang, 2015). Raziskovalci so doslej izrazili manj zanimanja za aktivnosti članov Evropskega parlamenta (ČEP, tj. evro- poslanci) (glej izjeme Šnabl, 1998; Deželan, 2004a, 2004b). Zaradi pomanj- kanja študij o aktivnostih slovenskih evroposlancev znotraj EP prispevek širi vedenje o vlogi slovenskih evroposlancev ter postavlja temelje za nadaljnje * Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Three Phases of the Theatrical Public Sphere in Estonian Theatre
    NORDIC THEATRE STUDIES Vol. 31, No. 1. 2019, 73-91 Three Phases of the Theatrical Public Sphere in Estonian Theatre EVA-LIISA LINDER ABSTRACT The concept of the public sphere by Jürgen Habermas has inspired humanities and theatre studies. Estonia, as a small post-totalitarian nation state, proves the concept especially relevant as its recent history reveals three different phases of the theatrical public sphere. 1) Theatre as a secret forum. In Soviet times, theatre served as a political and ideological tool, providing a place for keeping the national memory and consolidating society. 2) The active and technical use of the public sphere by newly awakened political theatre NO99 since 2005. 3) The agonistic theatrical public sphere. During the past decade, a whole wave of projects have discussed national identity with concurrent antagonisms: globalization vs nationalism, civic vs ethnic nationalism, the Estonian vs Russian- speaking community. Theatre has commented on two concepts of national identity, e-Estonia and Organic Estonia, innovative digitalization and cultural traditions. The discursive public sphere has led to increased civic awareness and structural changes in the developing democracy, supported integration, and anti-xenophobia in Estonia. At the same time, two main characteristics of the theatrical public sphere have been highlighted: spatiality and political relevance. KEYWORDS public sphere, political theatre, critical theory, national identity, Estonian theatre ISSN 2002-3898 © Eva-Liisa Linder and Nordic Theatre Studies PEER REVIEWED ARTICLE Open access: https://tidsskrift.dk/nts/index Published with support from Nordic Board for Periodicals in the Humanities and Social Sciences (NOP-HS) DOI: 10.7146/nts.v31i1.113002 Three Phases of the Theatrical Public Sphere in Estonian Theatre Three Phases of the Theatrical Public Sphere in Estonian Theatre Revolutions in Eastern Europe have made the concept of the public sphere topical, declared Jürgen Habermas in his foreword to the Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere in 1990.
    [Show full text]