Russian Federation 2011

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Russian Federation 2011 RUSSIAN FEDERATION 2011 Short-term Prognosis RUSSIAN FEDERATION 2011 Short-term Prognosis Editor Karmo Tüür RSR artiklite kogumik Toimetajad Andres Kasekamp, Rein Toomla, Karmo Tüür 70. sünnipäeval Editor of “Politica” series: Rein Toomla Copyright: Individual authors, 2011 ISSN 1736–9312 ISBN 978–9949–19–576–3 Tartu University Press www.tyk.ee CONTENTS Introduction. Karmo Tüür ................................................................... 7 Russia 2007: Prognoses and Reality. Erik Terk. ................................... 9 INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS OF RUSSIAN FEDERATION Constitutional Law. Rein Lang ........................................................... 21 Political System. Viatcheslav Morozov ................................................. 25 The Political Role of the Russian Orthodox Church. Alar Kilp .......... 29 Civil Society. Anton Alekseyev ............................................................. 33 Russian Military. Kaarel Kaas ............................................................. 38 Centre vs. Regions. Aimar Ventsel ...................................................... 45 The Centre and the North Caucasus. Jaanus Piirsalu ........................ 49 FOREIGN RELATIONS OF RUSSIAN FEDERATION Russia and WTO. Kristjan Aruoja, Olga Kokoulina ............................ 57 Russia and NATO. Taavo Lumiste ..................................................... 62 Russia and EU. Ahto Lobjakas ............................................................ 69 Russia and OECD. Kairi Saar ........................................................... 73 Russia and Parliamentary Assemblies. Ivar Mölder ............................. 75 Russia and USA. Elvira Tulvik ........................................................... 79 Russia and China. Märt Läänemets ..................................................... 83 Russia and Japan. Akio Kawato .......................................................... 87 Russia and Nordic Countries. Madis Kanarbik ................................... 91 5 Russia and Arctic Region. Dmitri Lanko ............................................ 96 Russia and Germany. Kalvi Noormägi .............................................. 100 Russia and Italy. Villu Varjas ............................................................ 104 Russia and Spain. Hendrik Lõbu ....................................................... 108 Russia and the Balkans. Mart Nutt ................................................... 111 Russia and Middle East. Sven Mikser ................................................ 115 Russia and Kyrgyzstan. Klaus-Eduard Runnel ................................... 118 Russia and Kazakhstan. Raivo Hool .................................................. 123 Russia and Azerbaijan. Andres Herkel ............................................... 127 Russia and Belarus. Silver Meikar ..................................................... 132 Russia and Ukraine. Vahur Soosaar .................................................. 136 Russia and Latvia. Andis Kudors ....................................................... 141 Russia and Lithuania. Arūnas Gražulis ............................................. 146 Russia and Estonia. Karmo Tüür ...................................................... 151 Russia’s Roles in the Frozen Conflicts in the Near-Abroad. Eiki Berg ..................................................................................... 155 Foreign Economic Policy in the Russian Near-Abroad. Mihkel Uus ................................................................................. 159 MISCELLANEOUS Economic Developments. Raivo Vare ............................................... 167 Energy Industry. Andres Mäe ........................................................... 174 Compatriots. Tatyana Kiilo, Yelena Vladimirova .............................. 179 The Politics of Memory. Heiko Pääbo .............................................. 184 Foreign Policy Identity. Toomas Riim .............................................. 189 Disarmament. Matthieu Chillaud ..................................................... 193 Conclusion. Karmo Tüür ................................................................. 198 6 INTRODUCTION Dear colleague! This symposium is special in several ways First, it has a round number. The first symposium prepared by ABVKeskus1 was titled Russian Federation 2001 and the current symposium – Russian Federation 2011. Thus, we have already been into this for ten years and in the modern rapidly changing world it is quite an achievement in itself. Second, this symposium has a flavour of rebirth in it. For some time (2008–2009) the sequence of annual forecasts was dis- continued... due to objective as well as subjective reasons. We have all felt financial pressures and – there is no point to pretend otherwise – sometimes even gnawing doubts about the usefulness of the whole project. Third, the circumstances have changed again. In 2010 ABVKeskus was finally institutionalised and blessed with commen- dable sponsors – Open Estonia Foundation, the Estonian Foreign Policy Institute and the Institute of Government and Politics of the University of Tartu. It provided us with an opportunity to come up with another crucial initiative in addition to the website, mailing list and forecasts – the meetings of experts of ABVKeskus in Tartu (monthly meetings of local and foreign experts). Let’s hope that our joint efforts will be increasingly fruitful in future. And for that I have to thank all those great people who embody the flesh and blood of ABVKeskus – the members of 1 http://www.ut.ee/ABVKeskus 7 ABVKlist2. Some of you have been with ABVKeskus since its very beginning in autumn 1997 and some of you joined us later, but all of you are equally important. Without you, all of this would be pointless. My special thanks go to the co-authors who agreed to contribute their time and energy without remuneration of any kind (and no grumbling to speak of). I would also like to express my deep gratitude to Toomas Roolaid, who helped create a legal person for ABVKeskus, and Andrei Krashevsky, who translated the parts of the symposium that needed translation. And it goes without saying that I appreciate all those organisations whose financial support allowed you, my dear reader, to hold in your hands The Russian Federation 2011: A Short-Term Forecast. Karmo Tüür December 2010 Tartu 2 An electronic forum bringing together around 60 experts and interested non-professionals (as of the end of 2010). 8 RUSSIA 2007: PROGNOSES and REALITY Erik Terk Writing of this assessment not immediately after the end of the year set as the object of the forecasts but after a sufficient period of time, in 2010, allows one to judge the content of the forecast documents from a distance and make use of hindsight. It may well be somewhat unfair towards the authors in some cases. After all, their main task was to predict what would happen in 2007. Also, the issue of how much of the forecasts was realised in that particular year tends to become of secondary importance when viewed from a greater distance. Moreover, observing the forecasts for a year against the background of later and crucial events (e.g. the Russian-Georgian war of 2008) may lead to the judging of the texts not on how well the authors could predict the dynamics of 2007 with the entire spectrum of possibilities emerging at that time, but rather on the text’s apparent success in explaining the “inevitability” of the development alternative realised due to the coincidence of circum- stances and decisions made at a later period than the forecast year. At the same time an approach considering the later developments would certainly be of greater interest to the reader. Since a number of the authors of the forecasts did not limit themselves to merely attempting to predict the events of the coming year in their articles produced at the end of 2006, but attempted to analyse Russia’s development trends in a broader and longer perspective, I think 9 ERIK TERK some “Monday morning quarterbacking” type of arguments should be also permitted in this hindsight article. One can apparently argue that Russia’s current development model, which could be described as corporative capitalist and possesses a big share of great-power ambitions as an inseparable feature, had clearly formed well before 2006. The term liberal empire mentioned in some forecast texts had already become definitely outdated by the time of those forecasts and rather belonged to the ideas of the beginning of the decade. Effectively, all authors of the forecasts presumed that the established model would continue in 2007, which turned out to be correct. Accordingly, one has to admit that the forecasts in general were adequate, but they were not always able to foresee the modifications of the established basic model or its efficiency in all given spheres. 2007 had nothing surprising to offer as to the sphere of politics and ideology in comparison with the published forecasts ( E.Mikkel, V.Yushkin, A. Ventsel, M. Lotman). The centralised control system, which maintained its influence over the party political spectrum, the regional administrative level and key business activities, was operating practically without setbacks. In case of political parties the criterion was not ideological opposition but the parties’ distance from the Kremlin as the power centre (Mikkel). The political spectrum was manipulated by the power centre to such a degree that the outcome of the elections at the end of 2007 was clearly
Recommended publications
  • Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
    GENERAL ELECTIONS IN ESTONIA 1st March 2015 European Elections monitor General Elections in Estonia: a more uncertain election than forecast Corinne Deloy Abstract : 979 910 Estonians are invited to vote on 1st March next to renew the 101 members of the Riigikogu, the only chamber in Parliament. These general elections are being held one year after the resignation of Andrus Ansip (Reform party, ER), who led Estonia for 9 years (2005-2014). Analysis Following the withdrawal of the head of government a new government coalition was formed. This combined the Reform Party and Sven Mikser’s Social Democratic Party (SDE) which is led by Taavi Roivas. 876 candidates from 10 parties i.e. +67 in comparison and almost all of the Russian-speakers (92%) do not with the last general elections on 6th March 2011, and believe there will be open conflict between Tallinn and 13 independents (-19) are running in this election. Moscow. Only six parties are presenting a list of 125 names: the Reform Party, the Centre Party (K), the Social On 5th September, two days after Barack Obama’s visit Democratic Party, Pro Patria and Res Publica Union to Tallinn, Russia’s domestic security services arrested (IRL), the People’s Conservative Party (EKRE) and the Eston Kohver. A member of the Estonian domestic Free Party of Estonia. security services and responsible for monitoring criminal groups suspected of smuggling on the Russian- 76,488 Estonians living abroad are allowed to vote in Estonian border, Mr Kohver is now in prison in Moscow these elections i.e.+26 838 than four years ago.
    [Show full text]
  • Download [Pdf]
    European Research Centre for Anti-Corruption and State-Building Working Paper No. 32 The Long Transition to Good s Governance: the Case of Estonia Looking at the changes in the governance regime and anti- corruption policy Aare Kasemets (Paper presented at the XXII World Congress of International Political Science Association, Madrid, July 8-12 2012) ERCAS WorkingPaper July 2012 www.againstcorruption.eu Abstract: This paper deals with the post-communist positive outlier Estonia, which made according to international comparisons perhaps the most spectacular progress in the world, from a totalitarian regime to a quality democracy in less than twenty years. The country has seen improvement in all four dimensions of control of corruption described in the equilibrium model of Alina Mungiu-Pippidi (2011) since the restoration of its independence in 1991. The changes in the different dimensions happened almost simultaneously. During the first government of Mart Laar (1992-1995), policies that reduced material resources and strengthened legal constraints were implemented. Estonia pioneered important liberal reforms, for instance the adoption of a flat tax which then became very trendy in Eastern Europe and a very advanced e-government inspired from the neighbouring Finland. It also had the most radical policy towards Soviet time judiciary, replacing most of it and restarting practically all over with new magistrates. Normative constraints are also high, with a public opinion intolerant of particularism, an active civil society and a free press. The paper tries to explain why Estonian elites succeeded in promoting good governance and anti-corruption measures more than most other Central and Eastern European countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Three Phases of the Theatrical Public Sphere in Estonian Theatre
    NORDIC THEATRE STUDIES Vol. 31, No. 1. 2019, 73-91 Three Phases of the Theatrical Public Sphere in Estonian Theatre EVA-LIISA LINDER ABSTRACT The concept of the public sphere by Jürgen Habermas has inspired humanities and theatre studies. Estonia, as a small post-totalitarian nation state, proves the concept especially relevant as its recent history reveals three different phases of the theatrical public sphere. 1) Theatre as a secret forum. In Soviet times, theatre served as a political and ideological tool, providing a place for keeping the national memory and consolidating society. 2) The active and technical use of the public sphere by newly awakened political theatre NO99 since 2005. 3) The agonistic theatrical public sphere. During the past decade, a whole wave of projects have discussed national identity with concurrent antagonisms: globalization vs nationalism, civic vs ethnic nationalism, the Estonian vs Russian- speaking community. Theatre has commented on two concepts of national identity, e-Estonia and Organic Estonia, innovative digitalization and cultural traditions. The discursive public sphere has led to increased civic awareness and structural changes in the developing democracy, supported integration, and anti-xenophobia in Estonia. At the same time, two main characteristics of the theatrical public sphere have been highlighted: spatiality and political relevance. KEYWORDS public sphere, political theatre, critical theory, national identity, Estonian theatre ISSN 2002-3898 © Eva-Liisa Linder and Nordic Theatre Studies PEER REVIEWED ARTICLE Open access: https://tidsskrift.dk/nts/index Published with support from Nordic Board for Periodicals in the Humanities and Social Sciences (NOP-HS) DOI: 10.7146/nts.v31i1.113002 Three Phases of the Theatrical Public Sphere in Estonian Theatre Three Phases of the Theatrical Public Sphere in Estonian Theatre Revolutions in Eastern Europe have made the concept of the public sphere topical, declared Jürgen Habermas in his foreword to the Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere in 1990.
    [Show full text]
  • Participant Biographies
    Case Studies in E-Participation Co-hosted by the Oxford Internet Institute & the Berkman Center for Internet & Society, Harvard Law School Sponsored by the Omidyar Network Oxford, England, 7-8 December 2005 PARTICIPANT BIOS JOHN BRACKEN, MACARTHUR FOUNDATION, USA, is a Program Officer in the General Program. He works on the Foundation’s initiative on intellectual property and the public domain, on its media funding in documentary film and public broadcasting, as well as on other areas of special interest to the Foundation. He serves on the Foundation’s Technology Grants Committee. Previously, Bracken supported an Israeli-Arab peace project, Wahat al-Salam/Neve Shalom. Prior to that, he was a program associate in the Ford Foundation’s Media, Arts & Culture unit in the journalism and media policy portfolios. Bracken also worked for the Center for Bioethics at the University of Pennsylvania as director of a series of media content analyses. He has a Masters Degree from the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania and a Bachelors Degree in Political Science from Claremont Colleges' Pitzer College. He is a member of the board of Chicago Access Network Television. STEPHEN COLEMAN, OXFORD INTERNET INSTITUTE, UK, is the Cisco Visiting Professor in e-Democracy. He received his BA hons and PhD from London University. Formerly, he was Director of the Hansard e-democracy programme, which pioneered online consultations for the UK Parliament, and lecturer in Media & Communication at the London School of Economics and Political Science. Mr. Coleman chaired the Independent Commission on Alternative Voting Methods. His recent publications include Bowling Together (with John Gotze), Hansard Society, 2001; Realising Democracy Online: A Civic Commons in Cyberspace (with Jay G.
    [Show full text]
  • Selecting Candidates for the EP Elections
    DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT C: CITIZENS' RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS The Selection of Candidates for the European Parliament by National Parties and the Impact of European Political Parties STUDY Abstract This study compares the procedures applied by national political parties when they select their candidates for the European elections. It analyses the background in national law, the formal party statutes and the informal processes preparing the final selection. The report covers the calendar, selection criteria and structural characte- ristics of candidate nomination in the major political parties of the Member States, including the impact of European political parties. October 2009 PE 410.683 EN This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Constitutional Affairs. The paper is published in English. AUTHORS Jean-Benoît Pilet, Cevipol, Université Libre de Bruxelles Rumyana Kolarova, Vladimir Shopov, Bulgarian EC Studies Association (BECSA) Mats Braun, Vít Beneš, Jan Karlas , Institute of International Relations, Prague Mette Buskjær Christensen, Ian Manners, Danish Inst. for International Studies Mathias Jopp, Tobias Heller, Jeannette Pabst, IEP, Berlin Piret Ehin, Institute of Government and Politics, University of Tartu. Antonis Papayannidis, Nikos Frangakis, Anna Vallianatou, Greek Centre of European Studies and Research Ignacio Molina, Elcano Royal Institute of International Studies, Madrid Olivier Rozenberg, Centre de recherches politiques, Sciences Po, Paris Joseph Curtin, IIEA, Dublin Giulia Sandri, Cevipol, Université Libre de Bruxelles Achilles C. Emilianides, Christina Ioannou, Giorgos Kentas, Centre for Scientific Dialogue and Research, Cyprus Toms Rostoks, Veiko Spolītis, Latvian Institute of International Affairs Gabriella Ilonszki, Réka Várnagy, Corvinus University, Budapest Eva Huijbregts, Nel van Dijk, Institute for Political Participation, Amsterdam Nieves E.
    [Show full text]
  • Download [Pdf]
    This project is co-funded by the Seventh Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development of the European Union EU Grant Agreement number: 290529 Project acronym: ANTICORRP Project title: Anti-Corruption Policies Revisited Work Package: WP3, Corruption and governance improvement in global and continental perspectives Title of deliverable: D3.3.3 Process-tracing study report on Estonia Due date of deliverable: 31 May 2015 Actual submission date: 28 May 2015 Editor: Alina Mungiu-Pippidi Authors: Valts Kalniņš Organization name of lead beneficiary for this deliverable: Hertie School of Governance Project co-funded by the European Commission within the Seventh Framework Programme Dissemination Level PU Public X PP Restricted to other programme participants (including the Commission Services) RE Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission Services) Co Confidential, only for members of the consortium (including the Commission Services) Process-tracing study report on Estonia Valts Kalniņš, Centre for Public Policy PROVIDUS. [email protected] 28 May 2015 ABSTRACT In controlling corruption, Estonia is an obvious top-achiever in comparison with the rest of the post-socialist area countries. Some historical legacies apparently facilitated this state of affairs – Estonia was by and large the wealthiest republic of the Soviet Union with the most developed elements of autonomous civil society and considerable exposure to Western information. The strong anti-communist and nationalist mood of Estonians appear to be a key driving force behind the drastic replacement of the ruling elite, which culminated in the 1992 parliamentary elections. This report explores the replacement of the old Communist nomenclature, provides insights into some of the reforms undertaken and the roles of their proponents.
    [Show full text]
  • Estonian Human Rights Centre HUMAN RIGHTS in ESTONIA 2011 Annual Report of the Estonian Human Rights Centre HUMAN RIGHTS in ESTONIA 2011
    HUMAN RIGHTS IN ESTONIA 2011 Annual Report of the Estonian Human Rights Centre HUMAN RIGHTS IN ESTONIA 2011 Annual Report of the Estonian Human Rights Centre HUMAN RIGHTS IN ESTONIA 2011 HUMAN RIGHTS IN ESTONIA 2011 Annual Report of the Estonian Human Rights Centre Edited by: Kari Käsper, Marianne Meiorg Translated by: Grete Anton !anks to: Kristin Rammus, Egert Rünne Published by: Foundation Estonian Human Rights Centre. Copyright: Authors, Foundation Estonian Human Rights Centre, 2012 Designed by: Mihkel Ronk, koosolek.ee Authors of photos (creative commons license, "ickr.com): erix!, mknobil, sandman, daily sunny, M.Markus, Magic Madzik, dandeluca, Elsie esq., russelljsmith, takomabibelot, Yortw, dicktay2000, PinkMoose Printed by: Ecoprint ISSN 2228-1045 ISSN 2228-1053 Compiling and publishing of the report supported by Open Estonia Foundation and Estonian Ministry of Culture. Views expressed in the report may not represent those of the Open Estonia Foundation and the Estonian Ministry of Culture. 2 HUMAN RIGHTS IN ESTONIA 2011 Contents Dear Reader! ............................................................................................................4 Iivi Anna Masso Prohibition of torture, inhuman or degrading treatment and punishment ....7 Kristi Rekand Prohibition of slavery and forced labour ............................................................17 Merle Albrant Right to Personal Liberty ......................................................................................27 Marianne Meiorg Kristi Rekand Right to a fair
    [Show full text]
  • Perspectives
    Persp ectiveVol. 19, Nos. 2 2011 P e Review of International Affairs r s p e c t i v e Special Issue s s Identity and Solidarity in Foreign Policy: Investigating East Central e European Relations with the Eastern Neighbourhood v i t c e p V s o l . 1 9 r , N o . 2 e 2 0 1 1 P CALL FOR PAPERS/NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS ARTICLES, CHAPTERS FROM BOOKS AND INTERNET SOURCES: Author’s name, title of article or chapter within single inverted commas with principal words capitalised, name(s) of editors(s) if in a book, title of journal or book in italics, vol - ! Perspectives is a refereed journal published twice a year by the Institute of International Re - ume number, issue number in parentheses, page reference, place of publication and pub - ! lations, Prague, Czech Republic. At the present time, it is established as one of the leading lisher if in a book, url if an internet source: journals in Central and Eastern Europe, dealing with a range of issues from international re - Lisowski, Michael (2002) ‘Playing the Two-Level Game: US President Bush’s Decision lations theory to contemporary international politics and regional and global issues that af - to Repudiate the Kyoto Protocol’, Environmental Politics 11 (4): 101–119. fect international relations. Perspectives invites papers and enquiries from interested Aguilar Fernández, Susana (1997) ‘Abandoning a Laggard Role? New Strategies in scholars. Spanish Environmental Policy’, in D. Liefferink and M. S. Andersen (eds) The Innovation of EU Environmental Policy , pp. 156–172. Copenhagen: Scandinavian University Press.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly 2004, No.52
    www.ukrweekly.com Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXII HE No.KRAINIAN 52 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 26, 2004 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine Pro-democracyT “FriendshipU Train” PresidentialW contenders square off encounters antagonism, roadblocks in lively debate on national TV by Andrew Nynka Mr. Yanukovych. by Andrew Nynka of the debate. “You must not steal things. Kyiv Press Bureau “We wanted to help carry the demo- Kyiv Press Bureau You must not steal factories. You must not cratic spirit throughout Ukraine,” said steal votes. And when 3 million votes are KYIV – A procession of approximate- Mr. Khudariavets, 34, a native of Lviv. KYIV – Prime Minister Viktor stolen – and you know very well that in ly 50 cars – dubbed the “Friendship “This is not a political action. We found Yanukovych and Our Ukraine party Donetsk after 8 p.m., when the election fin- Train” – drove throughout Ukraine’s there were many other people who also leader Viktor Yushchenko squared off in ished half a million votes were stolen.” southern and eastern regions hoping to wanted to help us carry this spirit to a lively exchange on national television On the other hand, Mr. Yanukovych “spread a spirit of democracy and free- regions of Ukraine that we thought need- in what was widely hailed by members of asked his opponent repeatedly to join him dom” to places that their organizers said ed to know about this.” both camps as a landmark presidential in some form of political compromise have seen little of either, though the The procession, which left Kyiv on debate.
    [Show full text]
  • (2011) PV 05 Add / Minutes
    Declassified ( ∗∗∗) AS/Soc (2011) PV 05 add 2 September 2011 Asocpv05add_2011 Social, Health and Family Affairs Committee Minutes of the third meeting of contact parliamentarians to stop sexual violence against children held in Strasbourg on Wednesday 22 June 2011 from 2 to 3 pm on the subject of solicitation of children through the Internet for sexual purposes (“grooming”) Ms Maury Pasquier, Chairperson of the Social, Health and Family Affairs Committee , welcomed the various speakers and underlined the fact that the network had the support of the Deputy Secretary General of the Council of Europe. She informed them that, following its ratification by Finland, the Council of Europe Convention on the Protection of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse (“the Lanzarote Convention”) had been ratified by 13 member states. The parliamentary campaign had attained its cruising speed: there were 38 contact parliamentarians, the brochure had been translated into Russian, Italian and German, a new newsletter had been published and lapel pins had been designed especially for the campaign. She highlighted recent national activities such as the debate held in the National Assembly of Azerbaijan on 5 April 2011 with the backing of Ms Fataliyeva, Mr Katrinis’ participation in the conference held by the Greek Parliament on 9 June 2011 and the statement by Mr Connarty during a debate in the British parliament on 26 April 2011. Mr Baghdasaryan had also spoken at a parliamentary seminar held by the IPU and UNICEF on 15 June 2011 on the rights of vulnerable children. She herself had called on the Swiss Federal Council to ratify the Lanzarote Convention.
    [Show full text]
  • Representation of the Snowden Scandal in the Estonian Media: the Construction of Threats and Fear
    https://doi.org/10.7592/FEJF2017.69.madisson REPRESENTATION OF THE SNOWDEN SCANDAL IN THE ESTONIAN MEDIA: THE CONSTRUCTION OF THREATS AND FEAR Mari-Liis Madisson Institute of Philosophy and Semiotics Institute of Social Studies University of Tartu, Estonia e-mail: [email protected] Abstract: The aim of this paper is to explicate how the leakages concerning details of the top-secret mass surveillance program PRISM launched by the United States government were contextualized in the Estonian public informa- tion space. The Snowden scandal received strong public feedback because this topic addressed even people who had normally kept their distance from politics. It touched the cornerstone of contemporary identities – the right for free Internet. The Internet is frequently associated with the freedom of expression, horizontal relations between citizens and state authorities, transparent governing, etc., and those characteristics are often interpreted as signs of the progressive and democratic nature of the medium. This study tries to explain how such positive connotations start to resonate with cultural fears of unregulated surveillance and non-transparent control. Keywords: conspiracy theory, e-Estonia, identity creation, PRISM, semiotics of fear, technological determinism INTRODUCTION This article maps how different explanations of the Snowden scandal1 were con- structed in the Estonian media. I explain what kind of key signifiers and strate- gies of association were relied on in the case of interpreting the socio-cultural impacts of PRISM2. For theoretical purposes, I have mainly relied on cultural semiotics, which defines culture as the sphere of organization of information) in human society as opposed to disorganization (entropy) (Ivanov et al.
    [Show full text]
  • Estonian Review E E S T I R I N G V a a D E VOLUME 17 NO 15 APR 11- 17, 2007
    Estonian Review E E S T I R I N G V A A D E VOLUME 17 NO 15 APR 11- 17, 2007 FOREIGN NEWS Estonia Backs All-Around Strengthening of UN System Apr 17 - Estonia will remain an active member of the United Nations Organization and supports comprehensive strengthening of the UN system, Foreign Minister Urmas Paet told new leaders of the organization in New York. Paet met with Deputy Secretary-General Asha-Rose Migiro and Under-Secretary- General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Sir John Holmes. These were his first meetings with members of the new UN leadership. The President of Austria Dr. Heinz Fischer and the According to Paet, development President of Estonia Toomas Hendrik Ilves in Tallinn cooperation and humanitarian relief are the on 12 April. areas in which Estonia wishes to make the biggest contribution. FOREIGN NEWS "We also attach importance to human The President of Estonia and Austrian Head of rights, including the situation of indigenous peoples, gender equality, and women's and State Discussed the Future of Europe children's rights," he added. Apr 12 - At a meeting in Tallinn President Toomas The key topic discussed in both meetings Hendrik Ilves and Austrian Head of State Dr. Heinz was the situation in Sudan and what the UN Fischer focused on a discussion about the future of can do to solve the crisis. Speaking about Europe and the European Union’s neighborhood. alleviating the humanitarian crisis there, “Estonia is thankful that Austria, and especially the both Migiro and Holmes thanked Estonia for Federal President Dr.
    [Show full text]