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Armenophobia in Azerbaijan
Հարգելի՛ ընթերցող, Արցախի Երիտասարդ Գիտնականների և Մասնագետների Միավորման (ԱԵԳՄՄ) նախագիծ հանդիսացող Արցախի Էլեկտրոնային Գրադարանի կայքում տեղադրվում են Արցախի վերաբերյալ գիտավերլուծական, ճանաչողական և գեղարվեստական նյութեր` հայերեն, ռուսերեն և անգլերեն լեզուներով: Նյութերը կարող եք ներբեռնել ԱՆՎՃԱՐ: Էլեկտրոնային գրադարանի նյութերն այլ կայքերում տեղադրելու համար պետք է ստանալ ԱԵԳՄՄ-ի թույլտվությունը և նշել անհրաժեշտ տվյալները: Շնորհակալություն ենք հայտնում բոլոր հեղինակներին և հրատարակիչներին` աշխատանքների էլեկտրոնային տարբերակները կայքում տեղադրելու թույլտվության համար: Уважаемый читатель! На сайте Электронной библиотеки Арцаха, являющейся проектом Объединения Молодых Учёных и Специалистов Арцаха (ОМУСA), размещаются научно-аналитические, познавательные и художественные материалы об Арцахе на армянском, русском и английском языках. Материалы можете скачать БЕСПЛАТНО. Для того, чтобы размещать любой материал Электронной библиотеки на другом сайте, вы должны сначала получить разрешение ОМУСА и указать необходимые данные. Мы благодарим всех авторов и издателей за разрешение размещать электронные версии своих работ на этом сайте. Dear reader, The Union of Young Scientists and Specialists of Artsakh (UYSSA) presents its project - Artsakh E-Library website, where you can find and download for FREE scientific and research, cognitive and literary materials on Artsakh in Armenian, Russian and English languages. If re-using any material from our site you have first to get the UYSSA approval and specify the required data. We thank all the authors -
Azerbaijan | Freedom House
Azerbaijan | Freedom House http://freedomhouse.org/report/nations-transit/2014/azerbaijan About Us DONATE Blog Mobile App Contact Us Mexico Website (in Spanish) REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Subscribe Donate NATIONS IN TRANSIT - View another year - ShareShareShareShareShareMore 7 Azerbaijan Azerbaijan Nations in Transit 2014 DRAFT REPORT 2014 SCORES PDF version Capital: Baku 6.68 Population: 9.3 million REGIME CLASSIFICATION GNI/capita, PPP: US$9,410 Consolidated Source: The data above are drawn from The World Bank, Authoritarian World Development Indicators 2014. Regime 6.75 7.00 6.50 6.75 6.50 6.50 6.75 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: 1 of 23 6/25/2014 11:26 AM Azerbaijan | Freedom House http://freedomhouse.org/report/nations-transit/2014/azerbaijan Azerbaijan is ruled by an authoritarian regime characterized by intolerance for dissent and disregard for civil liberties and political rights. When President Heydar Aliyev came to power in 1993, he secured a ceasefire in Azerbaijan’s war with Armenia and established relative domestic stability, but he also instituted a Soviet-style, vertical power system, based on patronage and the suppression of political dissent. Ilham Aliyev succeeded his father in 2003, continuing and intensifying the most repressive aspects of his father’s rule. -
Synergetics of the Language, National Consciousness and Culture by Globalization
International Journal of English Linguistics; Vol. 5, No. 3; 2015 ISSN 1923-869X E-ISSN 1923-8703 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Synergetics of the Language, National Consciousness and Culture by Globalization Nigar Chingiz Veliyeva1 1 Azerbaijan University of Languages, Baku, Azerbaijan Correspondences: Nigar Chingiz Veliyeva, Azerbaijan University of Languages, Baku, Azerbaijan. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 15, 2015 Accepted: April 10, 2015 Online Published: May 30, 2015 doi:10.5539/ijel.v5n3p154 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v5n3p154 Abstract The main aim of the investigation is to learn out all positive and negative influences of the process of globalization on the formation and development of the national language, national consciousness and national culture in the modern world during the intercultural communication and to analyze the power and impact of the Modern English as a global language to our national Azerbaijani language. To study such a global problem from the different view points as of native, so foreign scientists is also one of the main aims. The process of globalization, covering various spheres of life, is universal, as for thousands of years separated, remote to some extent, differential events—national or regional peculiarities, habits, complexes strongly influenced by modern technologies, approaching each other with incredible speed and combine as a result of multifaceted economic, socio-political, moral and ideological ties, limiting the kind of peculiarities, lead to the events and processes happening in the world. It is obvious that there is a great influence on the language’s enrichment of the process of globalization, which had taken place in the world. -
The Two Faces of Azerbaijan's Mr. Aliyev
The Opinion Pages | EDITORIAL The Two Faces of Azerbaijan’s Mr. Aliyev By THE EDITORIAL BOARD JAN. 11, 2015 President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan does a masterful political Jekyll and Hyde. A cable from the American ambassador to Baku released on WikiLeaks described him as a Michael Corleone-Sonny Corleone figure — referring, respectively, to the coolly calculating and the impetuously violent brothers of the “Godfather” mafia family. Mr. Aliyev is “pro-Western” in many of the ways the West admires: He is suave, well dressed and well spoken in English; he is ready to send his country’s ample supplies of oil and gas to Europe and to Israel; his Islam is moderate and modern; and he hosts lavish international events like the Eurovision Song Contest in 2012 and the European Games to be held next June. He is also hugely corrupt, and his authoritarian regime has one of the world’s worst records on human rights. Last month, continuing a crackdown on independent media and nongovernmental organizations, police officers raided the offices of the United States-financed Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty in Baku — known locally as Radio Azadliq — taking away computers and documents and sealing the premises. A dozen R.F.E./R.L. employees were detained and questioned. A few weeks earlier, the government jailed a well-known investigative reporter, Khadija Ismayilova, who had worked for the broadcaster and had reported on the lucrative business dealings of Mr. Aliyev’s family. The government first tried to frighten and blackmail her, then hit her with the Orwellian charge that she had pushed a lover toward suicide. -
GORUS-2010 (ENG) .Indd
1 Ramiz Mehdiyev Academician National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan GORIS - 2010: SEASON OF THEATRE OF THE ABSURD THE HISTORY OF OCCUPIED NAGORNO-KARABAKH AND THE BATTLE FOR JUSTICE TBILISI - 2010 2 Ramiz Mehdiyev | THE HISTORY OF OCCUPIED NAGORNO-KARABAKH AND THE BATTLE FOR JUSTICE 3 ISBN: 978-9941-17-161-1 ISBN: 978-9941-17-162-8 Copyright © by Ramiz Mehdiyev All rights reserved Printed in Georgia First Edition No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system without the prior written permission of Universal Publishing House, or under terms agreed with the author. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the author. Publishing House “UNIVERSAL” Tel: 22 36 09 8(99) 17 22 30 E-mail: [email protected] Address: 19 Chavchavadze ave. 0179 Tbilisi Ramiz Mehdiyev | GORIS - 2010: SEASON OF THEATRE OF THE ABSURD Tbilisi, 2010, 88+1p.sh. maps. In his book, full member of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Science, outstanding philosopher and scientist, Ramiz Mehdiyev, uses scientifi c evidence to reveal the falsifi cation of history by Armenia’s leaders, who attempt to confuse the international public with new lies. He draws attention to the historical evidence that the Armenian state was established on territory which was formerly Azerbaijani land. The academician replies in his book to the new ‘research’ of Armenian idealogues with fi rm scientifi c evidence, and proves the fultility and baselessness of those ‘ideas’ and that ‘research’. -
Urgent Action
Further information on UA: 257/14 Index: EUR 55/023/2014 Azerbaijan Date: 15 December 2014 URGENT ACTION JOURNALIST HELD ON POLITICALLY MOTIVATED CHARGE Azerbaijani investigative journalist Khadija Ismayilova was placed under pre-trial detention on 5 December on a politically motivated charge. The authorities also suspended the licence of Khadija Ismayilova’s lawyer on 10 December. Khadija Ismayilova was detained on 5 December and ordered to spend two months in pre-trial detention by the Sabail District court in Baku, the capital. She is charged under Article 125 of the Criminal Code of Azerbaijan (incitement to suicide or to an attempt of suicide). The authorities have accused Khadija Ismayilova of inciting her former colleague and a reported close personal friend to an attempt of suicide. According to the Azerbaijani authorities, Khadija Ismayilova was arrested for “insulting” his “honour and dignity in social networks and among her friends due to breaking off their relations and his intention to marry another woman”. The authorities also claim that Khadija Ismayilova successfully lobbied for his dismissal from a media outlet, where both of them worked as reporters, and a broadcasting organization where he was subsequently employed as a journalist. Both media outlets refuted the claim that Khadija Ismayilova was involved in the dismissal of the person in question. The Azerbaijani authorities have failed to disclose any other evidence that would show that Khadija Ismayilova deliberately intended to incite him to an attempt of suicide. Amnesty International considers that the charge against Khadija Ismayilova is politically motivated and is the latest attempt to silence her journalistic work in a long history of her persecution. -
12 Azerbaijan: Going It Alone
12 Azerbaijan: Going It Alone Svante E. Cornell Over the past two decades, Azerbaijan has been among the countries most reti- cent to engage in integration projects among post-Soviet states. In fact, from the early 1990s onward, Azerbaijan resisted Russian efforts to integrate the country into various institutions. Since then, it has taken a position that can be generally described as being somewhat more accommodating than Georgia’s position toward Moscow, and somewhat more forward than those of Uzbeki- stan and Turkmenistan. In that context, it should come as no surprise that Azerbaijan has rejected offers to join the Customs Union or upcoming Eurasian Union, but it also has maintained a low profile on the matter. Economic Prospects Analysts have pointed to benefits as well as drawbacks that membership in the Customs Union and Eurasian Union would bring to Azerbaijan. These analyses are practically unanimous in noting that the negatives outweigh the positives. Even semi-official Russian analysts have acknowledged this, with one noting that “if Azerbaijan joins the Customs Union, that it is jointly with Turkey and this will not happen soon because of the nature of the Azerbaijani economy.”1 The benefits of Azerbaijan joining the Customs Union would essentially lie in greater access to the Russian market. Given that the Eurasian Union would bring free mobility of labor, it would, in theory, legalize the estimated up to two million Azerbaijani guest laborers in Russia, of which only a fraction have a legal presence—implying that Customs Union membership would remove one potential Russian instrument of pressure. -
In the Shadow of Revolution: a Decade of Authoritarian Hardening in Azerbaijan*
In the Shadow of Revolution: A Decade of Authoritarian Hardening in Azerbaijan* Cory Welt George Washington University [email protected] July 2014 WORKING PAPER * For citation as a working paper. 1 Over the last ten years, Azerbaijan’s ranking on the “democracy index” of the U.S.-based nongovernmental organization Freedom House has reflected the country’s slide from a “semi- consolidated” authoritarian regime to a “consolidated” authoritarian one.1 This change in regime type has not come suddenly. It has been the result of a gradual hardening of authoritarian governance since 2003, the year Ilham Aliyev became president. It might be difficult at first to grasp the significance of this shift in classification. Azerbaijan was hardly democratic under President Aliyev’s father, Heydar Aliyev, from 1993 to 2003. During the senior Aliyev’s rule, however, the regime allowed at least some freedom to civil society and media. Since then, the regime has become increasingly authoritarian across all indicators, but the collapse of space for nongovernmental forces to engage freely in the public sphere has been especially pronounced. Azerbaijan’s slide into consolidated authoritarianism has coincided with a decade of regime change from below in Azerbaijan’s two neighborhoods of post-Soviet Eurasia and the Middle East. From the color revolutions of 2003-2005 to the Arab Spring of 2010-2011 and Ukraine’s EuroMaidan of 2013-2014, the Azerbaijani government repeatedly has witnessed the fall of less consolidated authoritarian governments all around it. While it is difficult to determine precisely how much the power of these examples has contributed to Azerbaijan’s authoritarian hardening, a few connections are clear. -
Azerbaijan: Vulnerable Stability
AZERBAIJAN: VULNERABLE STABILITY Europe Report N°207 – 3 September 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. POLITICAL PORTRAIT OF THE REGIME ............................................................... 2 A. CONSOLIDATION OF ILHAM ALIYEV’S POWER ............................................................................. 2 1. Formation of a leader ................................................................................................................... 2 2. From clan politics to bureaucratic-oligarchy ............................................................................... 2 3. A one-man show .......................................................................................................................... 4 B. SEARCH FOR AN “AZERBAIJANI MODEL” ..................................................................................... 5 1. Cult of personality ........................................................................................................................ 5 2. Statist authoritarianism ................................................................................................................ 6 III. RELATIONS WITHIN THE RULING ELITE ............................................................. 7 A. POWER BALANCE WITHIN THE SYSTEM ...................................................................................... -
Statesmen and Public-Political Figures
Administrative Department of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan P R E S I D E N T I A L L I B R A R Y CONTENTS STATESMEN, PUBLIC AND POLITICAL FIGURES ........................................................... 4 ALIYEV HEYDAR ..................................................................................................................... 4 ALIYEV ILHAM ........................................................................................................................ 6 MEHRIBAN ALIYEVA ............................................................................................................. 8 ALIYEV AZIZ ............................................................................................................................ 9 AKHUNDOV VALI ................................................................................................................. 10 ELCHIBEY ABULFAZ ............................................................................................................ 11 HUSEINGULU KHAN KADJAR ............................................................................................ 12 IBRAHIM-KHALIL KHAN ..................................................................................................... 13 KHOYSKI FATALI KHAN ..................................................................................................... 14 KHIABANI MOHAMMAD ..................................................................................................... 15 MEHDİYEV RAMİZ ............................................................................................................... -
Political Economy of Energy Sector Restructuring in the Post-Soviet Space: Russia and Azerbaijan in Comparative Perspective
HASAN SELİM ÖZERTEM POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ENERGY SECTOR RESTRUCTURING IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE: RUSSIA AND AZERBAIJAN IN COMPARATIVE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ENERGY SECTOR RESTRUCTURING IN THE POST RESTRUCTURING SECTOR OF ENERGY POLITICAL ECONOMY PERSPECTIVE A Ph.D. DissertAtion by HASAN SELİM ÖZERTEM DepArtment of - SOVIET SOVIET SPACE PoliticAl Science And Public AdministrAtion İhsan DoğrAmAcı Bilkent University AnkArA June 2019 Bilkent University 2019 To My Family POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ENERGY SECTOR RESTRUCTURING IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE: RUSSIA AND AZERBAIJAN IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE The Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsAn DoğramAcı Bilkent University by HASAN SELİM ÖZERTEM In PArtiAl Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA June 2019 ABSTRACT POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ENERGY SECTOR RESTRUCTURING IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE: RUSSIA AND AZERBAIJAN IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE Özertem, HAsAn Selim Ph. D., Department of PoliticAl Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Dr. H. Tolga Bölükbaşı June 2019 This dissertAtion explores the politicAl economy of energy sector restructuring in the post-Soviet space with A particulAr focus on the role of elite structure therein. After remAining under the sAme Communist regime for seventy yeArs, ownership structures of energy sector in the post-Soviet countries diverged significAntly during the transition period. All countries in this space mAintAined their stAte monopolies in the sector. In RussiA, however, privately-owned national energy companies emerged to control the mAjority of the sector under Yeltsin’s rule. Using the comparative elite structure model, I Argue that during the transition period, elite structure, dimensions of which Are politicAl elite integration And elite cApacity, shaped the RussiAn And AzerbAijAni energy sector restructuring differently. -
A Conditional Theory of the 'Political Resource Curse:' Oil, Autocrats, and Strategic Contexts
A Conditional Theory of the ‘Political Resource Curse:’ Oil, Autocrats, and Strategic Contexts by Anar Kamil Ahmadov A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government in the DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT of the LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE London, United Kingdom September 2011 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 88,508 words. 2 Abstract A burgeoning literature argues that the abundance of oil in developing countries strengthens autocratic rule and erodes democracy. However, extant studies either show the average cross-national correlation between oil and political regime or develop particularistic accounts that do not easily lend themselves to theorizing. Consequently, we know little of the causal mechanisms that potentially link oil wealth to undemocratic outcomes and the conditions that would help explain the ultimate, not average, effect of oil on political regime. This study develops a conditional theory of the “political resource curse.” It does so by undertaking a statistical reassessment of the relationship between oil wealth and political regime and a nuanced qualitative examination of a set of carefully selected cases in order to contribute to developing an adequate account of causal mechanisms that transmit and conditions that shape the relationship between oil abundance and autocracy.