DOCSLIB.ORG

Predestination in Aquinas and Calvin

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Predestination in Aquinas and Calvin Predestination in Aquinas and Calvin CHARLES PARTEE Until modern times the most influe ntial systematic theologians in the Roman Catholic and Protestant traditions re spectively were Thomas Aquinas and John Cal­ vin . Because each was syste matic, it is possible to evalua te hi s thought in terms of the context which he provides, and because each was influe ntial , it is worthwhil e not only to examine hi s thought in its own context, but also in relation to the other. Regarding the doctrine of predestination the relationshi p between Aquinas and Calvin e vokes sharply differing evaluations: On the one hand , Reginald Garrigou­ Lagrange sees a substantial dichotomy , 1 while J. B. Mozley recogni zes no real differ­ e nce between Thomas and Calvin. 2 A more extended and helpful treatme nt of both similarities and differe nces is found in Caspar Fri ethoffs, " Di e Pradestinationslehre bei T homas von Aquin and Calvin". 3 Ac cording to F ri ethoff there is significant agreement between Thomas and Calvin concerning the sovereignty of God and there­ fore that God's foreknowledge of the good works of man is not the cause of salvation, but rather that salvation is the cause of good work s. However, T homas believes God to have a rranged that those predestined to glory should receive salvation in connec­ tion with the good works attendant upon the predestination to grace, thereby affi rm­ ing the meritori ous nature of good works in a sense to which Calvin is irreconcilably opposed. The purpose of this essay, then, is to consider the doctrine of predestination in Thomas and Calvin , not so. much with the expectation of solving the proble ms, but with the hope of understanding the issues better. Therefore we will ( I) outline certain essential differences between the intellectual positions from which T homas and Cal­ vin approach the doctrine of predestination in general, a nd (II), delineate in particular the significance of the differing contexts in which the doctrine is discussed in the 5 11111111<1 Theologica a nd the /11stit11tes of th e Christian R eligion. 4 Indeed, these points may be regarded as of more crucial and determinative importa nce than those aspects of their doctrine of predestination which can be isolated a nd compared as Friethoff does. I. Philosophy and Theology While both Thomas and Calvin desire to be, and are, Christian theologians, they obviously approach the doctrine of predestination from different perspectives. Al­ though not polar opposites, Thomas and Calvin defend considerably different posi­ tions on philosophy and theology, specifically in regard to (I) Aristotle and Plato, (2) Reason a nd Revelation, (3) Being and Knowing, and (4) Intellect and Wi ll. (I) -Thomas' careful synthesis of philosophy and theology , nature and grace, reason and revelation, termed by G il son " the very essence of Thomism," 5 has no 14 exact counterpart in Calvin 's thought. Thomas calls his work a " theological synop­ sis" and Calvin call s hi s "Christian philosophy," but Thomas' exposition is more explicitly related to the philosophic tradition than Calvin's. Thomas may be called an Ari stoteli an in the sense that he considers Artistotle to be " th e Philosopher" and constantly uses Aristotle's thought as an in strume nt of analy sis and synthesis, while Calvin refers to Ari stotle only ten times in the /11stit11t es. On the other hand , Calvin may be related to the Platonic tradition by way of opposition to the Aristotelian, but thi s di stincti on is scarcely helpful in the re lati on of Calvin to Thomas since Thomas cites Plato by name in the Summa some one hundred times and Calvin in the lnsti- 111/es only twenty. Basically Calvin cites the philosophers, not as a source of insight, but as confirmation that God was not without witness even a mong the heathe n.6 Calvin's closest hi storical affinity is with theological, rather than philosophical, Au­ gustinianism. (2) According to Thomas , " Grace does not destroy nature, but perfects it " (ST. I . I. 8.). Thomas' view of the compleme ntary relation between the natural and the supernatural allows him to give a more positive evaluation of human reason that Calvin 's does. Man, as created in the image of God, is a rational being (ST. I. 93. 6) . The fa ll removes the supernatural gifts, but the natural gifts, while affected, are not totally impaired. Therefore, Thomas thinks that " ma n may progress in the knowl­ edge.of God by beginning wi th lower things and gradually ascending" (SCG. IV. I. I). Thus grace restores the natural function of reason and will which then co-operate with grace. Calvin is not so clear on this point. Reason and revelati on are not always con­ tradi ctory for him , and he can praise the human reason, but he also criticizes "carnal reason." Still , Thomas emphasizes the continuity of reason and re velati on; Calvin emphasizes the inadequacy of reason fo r knowing God. Calvi n, like Bonaventure , seems to think that any philosophy whic h is presented indepe nde ntly of Christian fa ith , while interesting and perh aps helpful in some particul ars, is bound to be, not merely inadequate as a whole, but viti ated in the parts . Calvin welcomes philosophi c in sights because he, li ke Thomas, regards all truth as belonging to God, but he does not beli eve that a philosoph y can de velop a true, even though limited, system without the aid of God's revelation. Calvin occasionall y speaks of what can be naturall y kno wn, but hi s chi ef concern is the revealed Word of God. T hu s he comes close to a kind of positivism of Christi an revelation. Calvin' s view is that " the Scriptures should be read with the aim of fi nding Christ in them. Wh oever turns aside from this object , even though he wears himself out a ll hi s li fe in learning, will ne ver reach the kno wledge of the truth" (Comm. Jn . 5. 39). (3) In ge neral Thomas' theology is more ontological and Calvin ' s in contrast more epi stemological. T hat is 'to say, that while for Thomas "first philosophy is wholly orde red to the knowing of God, as its ultimate end" (SCG. III. 25. 9), he begins with the being of God. Calvin begi ns with the knoll'ledge of God as the fi rst sentence of the /nstit11t es indi cates: " Nearly all the wisdom we possess, that is to say, true and sound wi sdom , consists of two parts: The knowledge of God and of 15 ourse lves" (Inst . I. I. I) . Thus Thomas de votes a good deal of attention to the existence and nat ure of God and then to the divine persons, while Calvin assumes the doctrine of the Trinity. without much di scussion and has comparatively little to say about the being a nd attributes of God. However, even within the framework of this generali zation , one finds more e pi ste mological considerations (e.g., human knowl­ edge as derived from the senses, etc.) in Thomas than in Calvin. Thomas' ontological interest involves the vi ew of the universe as a hierarchy of beings. The metaphysical doctrine of grades of being is utilized by Thomas in the analogy of being and to explain the bein g of ange ls. Calvin's angelology does not focus on the be ing but the activity of the a ngels. Another aspect of the scale of being, the principle of plenitude, allows Thomas to account for evil as a reality , though in a privative sense, while Calvin sees evil in a direct re lation to the will of God. Perhaps Calvin's most explicit stateme nt of God as the author of our affli cti ons (though he deni es that God is the author of evil) is this: All the servants of God in this world [are represented] as wrestlers ... Moreover, it is not said that Satan, o r a ny mortal ma n, wrestled with Jacob, but God himself; to teach us that our fa ith is tried by him ; a nd whene ver we are te mpted, our business is truly with him, not only be­ cause we fi ght under hi s a uspi ces, but because he, as an antagoni st, descends into the arena to try our strength. This, though at first sight it seems a bsurd, experience and reason teaches us to be true. For as all prosperity flow s from hi s goodness, so adversity is e ithe r the rod with which he corrects our sins, or the test of our fa ith and patience. [God] both fights again st us and./(J r us. In short, suc h is hi s apportioning of this conflict , that, while he assail s us with one hand , he defends us with the other ... we may truly and properly say, that he fights again st us with hi s le.Ii hand , and.f(1 r us with hi s righl (Comm. Gen. 32. 34). T homas' theology is an explication of the structure of being, of God as infinite being and man as created being. Calvin's theology revolves around the knowledge of God as Creator-Savior and man as creature-sinner. T hu s Calvin uses personal and noetic rather than rati onal and ontological categori es. (4) Concerning the primacy of the will or of the intellect, Thomas fo llowed Aristotle' s psychology whi ch ho ld s that the reason is the best thing in man and aki n to the gods.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Antoine De Chandieu (1534-1591): One of the Fathers Of
    CALVIN THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY ANTOINE DE CHANDIEU (1534-1591): ONE OF THE FATHERS OF REFORMED SCHOLASTICISM? A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF CALVIN THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY THEODORE GERARD VAN RAALTE GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN MAY 2013 CALVIN THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 3233 Burton SE • Grand Rapids, Michigan • 49546-4301 800388-6034 fax: 616 957-8621 [email protected] www. calvinseminary. edu. This dissertation entitled ANTOINE DE CHANDIEU (1534-1591): L'UN DES PERES DE LA SCHOLASTIQUE REFORMEE? written by THEODORE GERARD VAN RAALTE and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy has been accepted by the faculty of Calvin Theological Seminary upon the recommendation of the undersigned readers: Richard A. Muller, Ph.D. I Date ~ 4 ,,?tJ/3 Dean of Academic Programs Copyright © 2013 by Theodore G. (Ted) Van Raalte All rights reserved For Christine CONTENTS Preface .................................................................................................................. viii Abstract ................................................................................................................... xii Chapter 1 Introduction: Historiography and Scholastic Method Introduction .............................................................................................................1 State of Research on Chandieu ...............................................................................6 Published Research on Chandieu’s Contemporary
    [Show full text]
  • Protestant Experience and Continuity of Political Thought in Early America, 1630-1789
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School July 2020 Protestant Experience and Continuity of Political Thought in Early America, 1630-1789 Stephen Michael Wolfe Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the Political History Commons, Political Theory Commons, Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Wolfe, Stephen Michael, "Protestant Experience and Continuity of Political Thought in Early America, 1630-1789" (2020). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 5344. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/5344 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. PROTESTANT EXPERIENCE AND CONTINUITY OF POLITICAL THOUGHT IN EARLY AMERICA, 1630-1789 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of Political Science by Stephen Michael Wolfe B.S., United States Military Academy (West Point), 2008 M.A., Louisiana State University, 2016, 2018 August 2020 Acknowledgements I owe my interest in politics to my father, who over the years, beginning when I was young, talked with me for countless hours about American politics, usually while driving to one of our outdoor adventures. He has relentlessly inspired, encouraged, and supported me in my various endeavors, from attending West Point to completing graduate school.
    [Show full text]
  • Justifying Religious Freedom: the Western Tradition
    Justifying Religious Freedom: The Western Tradition E. Gregory Wallace* Table of Contents I. THESIS: REDISCOVERING THE RELIGIOUS JUSTIFICATIONS FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.......................................................... 488 II. THE ORIGINS OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT ................................................................................... 495 A. Early Christian Views on Religious Toleration and Freedom.............................................................................. 495 1. Early Christian Teaching on Church and State............. 496 2. Persecution in the Early Roman Empire....................... 499 3. Tertullian’s Call for Religious Freedom ....................... 502 B. Christianity and Religious Freedom in the Constantinian Empire ................................................................................ 504 C. The Rise of Intolerance in Christendom ............................. 510 1. The Beginnings of Christian Intolerance ...................... 510 2. The Causes of Christian Intolerance ............................. 512 D. Opposition to State Persecution in Early Christendom...... 516 E. Augustine’s Theory of Persecution..................................... 518 F. Church-State Boundaries in Early Christendom................ 526 G. Emerging Principles of Religious Freedom........................ 528 III. THE PRESERVATION OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN MEDIEVAL AND REFORMATION EUROPE...................................................... 530 A. Persecution and Opposition in the Medieval
    [Show full text]
  • Jan Krans, Beyond What Is Written: Erasmus and Beza As Conjectural Critics of the New Testament
    124 Reviews / ERSY 29 (2009) 103–143 Jan Krans, Beyond What Is Written: Erasmus and Beza as Conjectural Critics of the New Testament. New Testament Tools and Studies 35 (Leiden: Brill, 2006). viii, 384 pp. ISBN 978-90-04-15286-1. Jan Krans’ book is a reworking of his 2004 doctoral thesis, completed under the supervision of Professor Martin de Boer at the Faculty of Theology, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam. A specialist in New Testament exegesis, Krans offers a careful study of how Erasmus and Theodore Beza worked to produce their critical editions of the sacred text. Of great importance for Krans’ study is an analysis of the textual conjectures in their exegesis of the New Testament. The appeal of this approach, of interest not only to biblical scholars but also to those studying humanism, is that it illuminates Erasmus’ and Beza’s methodologies. Above all, Krans is interested in the grounds on which these scholars chose their proposed readings. Indeed, looking beyond the received text and the conjectures, too often studied in and for themselves, Krans seeks to study the hermeneutical foundations of the texts and the conditions under which they were produced. The choice of Erasmus and Beza are natural ones, as both are foundational to modern editions of the New Testament. Consequently, Krans is not only interested in their treatment of the Greek text but in the entirety of their biblical work. As the author underlines in the introduction and epilogue, “judgement of conjectures should be preceded by knowledge of their authors” (333). The first section (7–191) is dedicated to the work of Erasmus.
    [Show full text]
  • Theodore Beza on Prophets and Prophecy. in Beza at 500: New Perspectives on an Old Reformer Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (Göttingen)
    Balserak, J. (2020). Theodore Beza on Prophets and Prophecy. In Beza at 500: New Perspectives on an Old Reformer Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (Göttingen). Peer reviewed version Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document This is the author accepted manuscript (AAM). The final published version (version of record) is available online via Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage at [insert hyperlink] . Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ 1 Theodore Beza on Prophets and Prophecy Jon Balserak University of Bristol On August 19, 1564, Theodore Beza described the scene following Jean Calvin’s death a few months earlier: “the following night and the day after as well, there was much weeping in the city. For the body of the city mourned the prophet of the Lord” (CO 21: 45-6). This is not the only time Beza referred to Calvin as a prophet. In his vita Calvini, Beza wrote: “Calvin in the dedication of his Lectures on the prophet Daniel to the French churches declares, in a prophetic voice, that tempestuous and severe trials were hanging over their heads” (CO 21: 91).1 Study of prophets and prophecy in the medieval and reformation eras is hardly new. A myriad number of people—Birgitta of Sweden (Fogelqvist: 1993), Joachim of Fiore (Reeves: 1969; McGinn: 1985), Girolamo Savanarola (Herzig: 2008), Jan Hus (Oberman: 1999, 135- 67; Haberkern: 2016), Martin Luther (Preuss: 1933; Kolb: 1999; Oberman: 1999, 135-67), Ulrich Zwingli (Büsser: 1950, Opitz: 2007, 2: 493-513; Opitz: 2017), Heinrich Bullinger 1 Beza left Lausanne for Geneva in November 1558, see “Le départ de Bèze et son remplacement” (see Beza: 1962, II, Annexe XIV).
    [Show full text]
  • Calvin, Beza, and Amyraut on the Extent of the Atonement
    CALVIN, BEZA, AND AMYRAUT ON THE EXTENT OF THE ATONEMENT by Matthew S. Harding Ph.D. (Cand.) Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2013 D. Min. New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, 2009 M. Ed. University of Arkansas, 2008 M.Div. Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1999 B.A. University of Tennessee, 1995 November 29, 2012 CALVIN, BEZA, AND AMYRAUT ON THE EXTENT OF THE ATONEMENT Introduction The question of the extent of Christ’s atonement in John Calvin’s theology, whether he embraced a universalist or particularist understanding, continues to be a perennial debate within contemporary historical theology. Closely linked, the question whether the tradition that bears Calvin’s name today within Reformed theology is the harmless by-product of natural progression and development from Calvin’s seminal thoughts or a gross misrepresentation of a philosophical system that has clearly departed from Calvin’s theological method, also continues to be contested within evangelical academia. The late Brian G. Armstrong, who in his own right reignited the debate in the 1960s concerning the possible departure of the Reformed tradition from Calvin’s theology, essentially pleads in his work, Calvinism and the Amyraut Heresy, for more aggressive Calvin research into the claims and theology of seventeenth century humanist, Moïse Amyraut, who claimed to represent Calvin’s purest theology as opposed to the new orthodox tradition.1 In his penultimate scholarly endeavor, Armstrong contends that 1In Armstrong’s main text, he worked off the initial thesis by Basil Hall (1965) that Orthodox Reformed Theology of the 18th century to present had indeed departed from the more faithful understanding of Calvin’s soteriology, especially concerning the nature of the atonement.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliographie Der Schweizergeschichte Bibliographie De L'histoire Suisse Bibliografìa Della Storia Svizzera 2003
    Bibliographie der Schweizergeschichte Bibliographie de l’histoire suisse Bibliograf ìa della storia svizzera 2003 Herausgegeben von der Schweizerischen Landesbibliothek, Bern Publiée par la Bibliothèque nationale suisse, Berne Bibliographie der Schweizergeschichte Bibliographie de l’histoire suisse 2003 l’histoire de Bibliographie Schweizergeschichte der Bibliographie Pubblicata dalla Biblioteca nazionale svizzera, Berna Bibliographie der Schweizergeschichte Bibliographie de l’histoire suisse Bibliograf ìa della storia svizzera 2003 Herausgegeben von der Schweizerischen Landesbibliothek, Bern Publiée par la Bibliothèque nationale suisse, Berne Pubblicata dalla Biblioteca nazionale svizzera, Berna 2006 ISSN 0378-4584 Redaktion / Pierre Louis Surchat Rédaction / Schweizerische Landesbibliothek / Bibliothèque nationale suisse Redazione: Hallwylstrasse 15 3003 CH-Bern E-Mail: [email protected] online: www.snl.ch/biblio Vertrieb: BBL, Vertrieb Publikationen, 3003 CH-Bern Telefax 031 325 50 58 E-Mail [email protected] Internet www.bbl.admin.ch/bundespublikationen Diffusion / Diffusione: OFCL, Diffusion publications, 3003 CH-Berne Fax 031 325 50 58 E-Mail [email protected] Internet www.bbl.admin.ch/bundespublikationen Art. Nr. 304.545.d.f.i 10.06 500 157876 III Bemerkungen des Herausgebers Die seit 1913 regelmässig erscheinende Bibliographie der Schweizergeschichte erfasst die im In und Ausland erschienen Publikationen (Monographien, Sammelschriften, Zeitschriftenartikel und Lizenziatsarbeiten auf allen Arten von
    [Show full text]
  • The Use and Abuse of John Calvin in Richard Hooker's
    Perichoresis Volume 10. Issue 1 (2012): 3-22 DOI 10.2478/v10297-012-0001-9 THE USE AND ABUSE OF JOHN CALVIN IN RICHARD HOOKER’S DEFENCE OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH * DAVID NEELANDS Trinity College, University of Toronto ABSTRACT. At times Richard Hooker (1554-1600), as an apologist for the Church of England, has been treated as “on the Calvinist side”, at others as an “anti-Calvinist”. In fact, Hooker and his Church were dependent on John Calvin in some ways and independent in others. Hooker used recognized sources to paint a picture of Calvin and his reforms in Geneva that would negatively characterize the proposals and behaviour of those he opposed in the Church of England, and yet he adopted Calvinist positions on several topics. A judicious treatment of Hooker’s attitude to John Calvin requires careful reading, and an understanding of the polem- ical use of the portrait of Calvin. Calvin was indeed grave and learned, but he was human and, as an authority, inferior to the Church Fathers, who were formally recognized as authorities in the Church of England. KEY WORDS: Richard Hooker, Calvin, Calvinism, sanctification, internal witness of the Holy Spirit, predestination, Presbyterian system Introduction Although Calvin has, since the eighteenth century, frequently been inter- preted as the theological genius behind the Church of England’s theological position, especially expressed in the Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion (1563, 1571), such a conclusion is historically inaccurate. Voices of the Continental Reformation were indeed profoundly important in the development of offi- cially-approved English doctrinal and disciplinary standards, but Calvin’s voice itself came relatively late in the process, which was well under way by the mid 1530s and before Calvin had published the first edition of the Insti- tutes .
    [Show full text]
  • The Logikē Latreia of Romans 12: 1 and Its Interpretation Among Christian Humanists
    Perichoresis Volume 15. Issue 1 (2017): 47-66 DOI: 10.1515/perc-2017-0003 THE LOGIKĒ LATREIA OF ROMANS 12: 1 AND ITS INTERPRETATION AMONG CHRISTIAN HUMANISTS * KIRK M. SUMMERS University of Illinois ABSTRACT. Scholars have debated whether the sentiment of sixteenth century reformers against material forms of worship derived from certain Neo-Platonic ideas proliferating in parts of Europe and disseminated by Erasmus or from strictly Scriptural principles that were initially formulated by the Old Testament prophets and given fuller expression in the New. This essay studies the reformers ’ interpretation of the phrase logikē latreia at Romans 12:1, as well as other key passages. It concludes that, whether consciously or subconsciously, the re- formers borrowed language concerning the material-spiritual dichotomy of worship, not di- rectly from Neo-Platonists, but from a commonplace used by numerous Roman writers. Early Church Fathers had long ago turned the same commonplace against pagan rivals, but now the reformers were employing it against the Catholic Church itself. KEY WORDS: worship, Romans 12:1, Erasmus, Calvin, Neo-Platonism Introduction: The Spiritual-Material Dichotomy One of the major features of the Reformation movement in the sixteenth century was the criticism of materialism in Catholic worship and a corre- sponding call for the spiritualization of piety. Scholars have long debated the antecedents of this anti-materialistic rhetoric among the reformers along with its corresponding focus on inner, spiritual worship. Two oppos- ing views on the matter are set forth by Carlos Eire in his book, War against the Idols . The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin , and by Philip Butin in his article, ‘ John Calvin ’s Humanist Image of Popular Late- Medieval Piety and Its C ontribution to Reformed Worship’ (Eire 1986; Butin 1994), which presents itself as a critique of Eire ’s thesis, particularly as it pertains to John Calvin.
    [Show full text]
  • The Right of Magistrates
    < 1 > The Right of Magistrates Concerning the Rights of Rulers Over Their Subjects and the Duty Of Subjects Towards Their Rulers. A brief and clear treatise particularly indispensable to either class in these troubled times. By Theodore Beza Translation by Henry-Louis Gonin, edited by Patrick S. Poole Notes from the critical French Edition translated by Patrick S. Poole To Kings and Princes the Counsel of David: Psalm 2: Serve the Lord with fear, and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the Son lest he be angry, and you perish in the way, for His wrath will soon be kindled. To the Subjects: I Peter 2:13: Be subjects to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake. Contents: Question 1. Must Magistrates Always Be Obeyed As Unconditionally As God? Question 2. Is A Magistrate Held Responsible To Render Account Of All His Laws To His Subjects? And How Far Are They To Presume Such Laws To Be Just? Question 3. How Far Must Obedience Be Rendered Or Refused To Unjust Or Impious Commands? Question 4. How Can One Who Has Suffered Wrong At The Hands Of A Ruler Defend Himself Against Him? Chapter 5. Whether Manifest Tyrants Can Lawfully Be Checked By Armed Force. Question 6. What is the duty of subjects towards their superiors who have fallen into tyranny? Question 7. What must be done when the Orders or Estates cannot be summoned to impede or to check tyranny? Question 8. What may be done against unjust oppressors? Question 9. Whether subjects can contract with their rulers? Question 10.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction
    1 Introduction ‘Theodore Beza? Who’s he? Why should I care about him?’ I can’t tell you how many times I’ve been asked that question over the years. Ever since I first ran across him in my doctoral studies some fifteen years ago and developed some interest in him, that’s what I’ve heard from people time and time again. (Or at least that’s the way I’ve interpreted many a quizzical look when his name comes up.) That’s a shame. Everyone knows something about Martin Luther (he nailed up the ninety-five theses and said some mean things about Jews) and John Calvin (he stressed predestination and burned a heretic in Geneva). Beyond that, they know some facts about Augustine of Hippo (he was embarrassed about sex) and Jonathan Edwards (he preached a sermon saying that God holds us over the pit of hell like a spider dangling on a string). And of course they’re aware of Billy Graham and his role in evangelicalism in the twentieth century. But, Theodore Beza?, you ask, Who’s he? Well, I’m glad you asked. I’m taking the opportunity in the book to answer that question. In just a short period of time, you should be able to say a few things about this man who in his day was one of the luminaries of the Protestant world, who took the reins of the beleaguered Calvinistic movement after its namesake’s death, and who influenced English-speaking Protestantism more than you might imagine. He may not have been a giant like Calvin, but he was certainly bigger than most of us are.
    [Show full text]
  • The Life of Calvin
    THE AGES DIGITAL LIBRARY HISTORY THE LIFE OF JOHN CALVIN by Theodore Beza B o o k s F o r Th e A g e s AGES Software • Albany, OR USA Version 1.0 © 1998 2 THE LIFE OF JOHN CALVIN, CAREFULLY WRITTEN BY THEODORE BEZA MINISTER OF THE CHURCH OF GENEVA LIFE OF JOHN CALVIN, BY THEODORE BEZA SHOULD any one suppose that I have engaged in writing this Life of John Calvin from any other motive than zeal to maintain the truth, the present state of human affairs will, I hope, easily vindicate me from the calumny. For there is scarcely any shorter road to all kinds of disaster than to praise virtue; and it were extreme folly voluntarily to bring down on one’s self evils which mere silence may avert. But if the wicked allow no kind of virtue to be proclaimed with impunity, what must those expect, whose object it is to proclaim piety, which is of a higher order than virtue, and is not only opposed by the wicked, but is also very often assailed even by persons who are most desirous to appear, and sometimes also to be, honest? For piety has no enemies more inveterate than those who have sincerely embraced a false religion, thinking it true, But these things, however formidable in appearance, have not at all deterred me. For it were shameful if, from fear of the wicked, the good were not to be spoken of, and if the voice of religion were to be suppressed by the clamors of the superstitious.
    [Show full text]