Demographic Patterns in the Missions of Central Baja California

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Demographic Patterns in the Missions of Central Baja California Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol 6, No. 1, pp. 91-112 (1984). Demographic Patterns in the Missions of Central Baja California ROBERT H. JACKSON HE missions of Baja Cahfornia provide individual missions or mission groupings are Tan ideal opportunity to examine and both suitable units of analysis. Further, meth­ analyze the causes of the consequences of the ods apphed to the historical demography of "Colombian Exchange," the exchange of Europe can be used with success in studies of plants, animals, microbes, and cultural ele­ the missions. Family reconstitution as devel­ ments, the most important of which was the oped in Europe proves useful in documenting introduction into the New World of a number the manifestations of Indian population de­ of new diseases. Following the arrival of cline, and the development of European cities Europeans, the populations of the New World and rural villages provide useful analogies for underwent drastic reductions in number as patterns observed in the missions (Flinn 1981; epidemics spread along established trade Wrigley and Schofield 1981). routes throughout most of North and South Baja California developed in relative isola­ America. tion from the problems created by non-Indian Scholars have used different methodolo­ settlement and inter-tribal warfare that char­ gies to study the consequences of the "Col­ acterized the other northern frontier regions ombian Exchange" with varying results. Sher­ of Mexico. As such, the peninsular missions burne Cook and Woodrow Borah, and Noble serve as an ideal case study of the impact of David Cook, for example, employed tribute disease on an Indian population, and the Usts to estimate the populations of central factors that contributed to the actual process Mexico and Peru at contact (ca. 1520; in the of depopulation. Earlier articles have docu­ case of Peru before the first major pandemic mented the chronology and high mortality of of 1520-1524), and the degree of depopula­ epidemics in Baja California, and the pattern tion over the next century or so (S. Cook and of gentile baptisms as related to the inabihty Borah 1971-1979; N.Cook 1981). Others of Indian populations to reproduce in the face have relied heavily on censuses, but few of high mortality (Jackson 1981, 1983). The scholars have systematically used sacramental missions located in central Baja California, registers of baptisms, burials, and marriages to however, present special problems of analysis, document demographic patterns or patterns and demonstrate different patterns. The older of epidemics. Jesuit missions operated for a longer period of The missions of northern Mexico lend time, and clearly show rapid depopulation themselves to studies that employ both cen­ from the time of initial establishment to the suses and sacramental registers, because many end of the 18th century, when the process of both types of records have survived; and had really only begun in the northern mis­ sions. Therefore, a study of central Baja Robert H. Jackson, 1114 Ninth Street, #43, Albany, CA 94710. California can focus on the actual causes of [9i: 92 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY decline. Registers do not exist for all of the Table 1 central Baja California missions, but enough BAPTISMS RECORDED AT are available to not only document aggregate NUESTRA SENORA DE LORETO MISSION, patterns, but also to apply family reconstitu­ 1702-1717 tion. The following discussion of demographic Year Adults Children Total 1702 5 20 25 patterns in the missions of central Baja 1703-1704* 89 18 107 California, then, will provide a more detailed 1705 1 49 50 understanding of the causes of depopulation, 1706 3 15 18 1707 32 22 54 and depends on more conventional method­ 1708 7 20 27 ologies of historical demographers, namely 1709** 23 9 32 the use of family reconstitution in one case. 1710 14 13 27 1711 16 8 24 NUESTRA SENORA DE LORETO 1712 4 9 13 1713 6 17 23 (ESTABLISHED 1697) 1714 5 9 14 Loreto was the first successful peninsula 1715 1 8 9 1716 8 14 22 mission and served as the headquarters of a 1717 1 6 7 small mihtary garrison. As such it not only Total 215 237 452 operated as an Indian mission, but was also one of the centers of non-Indian settlement in •The break between 1703 and 1704i s not clear in the register. Baja Cahfornia. The location of the mission ••Epidemic year. and presidio so close together probably facili­ tated the process of miscegenation on a same document records the total number of limited scale, although records do not exist to baptisms from the foundation of the mission. test such an hypothesis. What does survive, The population totaled 150, and the number however, is a fragment of the baptismal of baptisms 1,199 (Jackson 1981: 399, 1982: register for the years 1702-1717, the oldest 66). Assuming that baptisms between 1697 such record for the peninsula missions. An and 1701 totaled some 100, and 452 from analysis of the baptismal register sheds light 1702 to 1717, then the rough outline of a on the process of conversion in the first years pattern of decreasing baptisms at the mission of operation. begins to emerge. Mean annual baptisms reach In sixteen years, Jesuit missionary Juan 30 between 1702 and 1717, but only 24 from Maria de Salvatierra baptized 452 Indians— 1718 to 1744. A 1795 report records the 215 adults, and 237 children under age 10 total number of baptisms to date as 2,022, (Table 1). Although incomplete, the record and 823 in the fifty years from 1745 to 1795, seems to indicate that by 1702 the instruction when the mean number of baptisms per year of adults had reached the point that many of had dropped to 16 (Misiones Tomo 2: 1795 them could be baptized. In 1717, after and 1796 Individual Annual Reports). twenty years of operation, the process of Declining numbers of baptisms would conversion was for all intents and purposes seem to indicate a declining population. An complete. Baptisms after 1715 appear to be examination of census figures confirms this of children born at the mission, and not although some fluctuations did occur. As converts (Nuestra Senora de Loreto Baptismal previously noted, there were 150 Indians at Register). Loreto in 1744, 91 in 1755, 109 in 1762, and The first extant census comes from a set 99 when the Franciscans replaced the Jesuits of reports prepared in the year 1744, and the in 1768 (Jackson 1981: 339). In 1768 DEMOGRAPHIC PATTERNS IN MISSIONS OF CENTRAL BAJA 93 visitor-general Jose de Galvez ordered popula­ In 1768, however, the mission lost popu­ tion redistributions among missions, and Lor­ lation to Loreto and San Jose del Cabo eto received surplus population from San missions, and epidemics further reduced the Francisco Xavier Mission raising the popula­ numbers. In 1768, after the redistribution, tion at the former mission to an estimated there remained some 346 Indians at San 191 (Jackson 1981: 324). Once again, how­ Francisco Xavier. The population had fallen ever, slow dechne set in with some fluctua­ to 212 in 1771, indicating a short-term tions in total population. The Indian popula­ decline of 49% (Jackson 1981: 324). After tion stood at 162 in 1774, 70 in 1782 1771, however, the population again grew for following a major smallpox epidemic, 49 in a number of years. There were 279 Indians in 1795, and a mere 14 in 1806 (Jackson 1981: 1773, and 264 in 1774 (Jackson 1981: 339). 339-340). While the Indian population de­ As late as 1774, the population continued to clined that of non-Indians increased. The live at the cabecera and three visitas. The population of the presidio was 274 in 1762, 1762 report and 1773 and 1774 censuses and stood at 456 in 1802 (Jackson 1982: report the populations of the four villages, 145). showing the degree of change after 1762. Decline occurred in each village, and in 1773 SAN FRANCISCO XAVIER or 1774 San Xavier Antiguo was supressed (ESTABLISHED 1699) with the population being redistributed to the Whereas the case of Loreto Mission ex­ cabecera and Dolores visita. It would seem amined above shows fluctuations in the Indi­ that the redistribution in 1773/1774 followed an population but slow decline, San Francisco the logic of maximizing the benefits of an Xavier Mission was unique in that the Indian agricultural labor force declining in numbers population showed recovery and growth in by placing them in the villages with agricul­ the last twenty to thirty years of the Jesuit tural potential. Table 2 shows short-term period after which it dechned. Writing in shifts in population at the mission, and 1744, missionary Miguel del Bardo, S. J., documents a specific example of a long-term reported a population of 352, and a total of trend in the missions, the contraction of the 1,726 baptisms from 1699 to 1744. The population into a smaller number of settle­ Indian population lived at the cabecera (head ments as the process of depopulation village) and four visitas (subsidiary villages) progressed. (Del Barco 1973: 'M^AIS). The next census in 1755 reported a population of 380, and in Table 2 a 1762 report Del Barco confirmed the POPULATION CHANGE IN THE VILLAGES pattern of a slowly growing population (Jack­ OF SAN FRANCISCO XAVIER MISSION son 1981: 339). Baptisms between 1745 and Village 1762 1768 1773 1774 1762 totaled 448 as against 357 burials, and Cabecera 170 96 111 Santa Rosalia 108 61 58 an excess of 91 baptisms. In 1762 the Dolores 101 69 106 population stood at 448. The report further San Xavier stated that the population of the mission had Antiguo 69 52 increased by 150 since 1738, indicating a Total 448 482 279 275 population of 298 in that year (Del Barco 1973: 429).
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