Iranica Antiqua, vol. XLIV, 2009 doi: 10.2143/IA.44.0.2034378 ASHURBANIPAL’S FEAST: A VIEW FROM ELAM BY Javier ÁLVAREZ-MON (University of Sydney) For a (distance) of a month of twenty-fi ve days’ journey I devastated the provinces of Elam. Salt and sihlu I scattered over them. The daugh- ters of the kings, the sisters of the kings, together with the older and younger of the families of the Elamite kings, the prefects and mayors of all of those cities which I had conquered, the chiefs of the bowmen, the “second” (-men of the chariots), the drivers, the “third”-riders(?) (of the chariots), the horsemen, the (light-armed?) bowmen, the cap- tains and (heavy-armed?) bowmen of the whole army, all there were; the people, male and female, great and small; horses, mules, asses, cattle and sheep, which were more numerous than grasshoppers, I car- ried off to Assyria (D.D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, 1927; Eighth campaign against Elam, 811). Abstract: As observed by numerous commentators, the slab relief panel from the North Palace at Nineveh depicting the banquet of Ashurbanipal is, in a variety of ways, most exceptional. In these pages, I will explore this relief within the context of an Elamite viewpoint and look into those aspects of the relief which directly point to an Elamite political and cultural milieu. This background evidence, together with an in-depth analysis of the garment and headdress styles espoused by the enthroned lady, further expand our insights regarding its conception, intended audience, and the identities of main participants exhibited in the relief.* Keywords: Ashurbanipal, Naqi’a, Urtak, Humban-haltas III, garments, mural crown * NOTE. The inspiration behind this research came about after reading a manuscript by Professor Margaret C. Root [forthcoming]. At the time, I was working on an analysis of Neo-Elamite textiles, garments, and headdresses [forthcoming 2010]. This paper has ben- efi ted from the criticisms of friends and colleagues. In particular, I am most grateful to Ernie Haerinck (Ghent University), Margaret Miller (University of Sydney), David Stro- nach (University of California at Berkeley), and Matt W. Waters. 11504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_05504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_05 113131 220-03-20090-03-2009 111:57:351:57:35 132 J. ÁLVAREZ-MON Contents: §1. Introduction: Physical and Political Setting; §2. Ashurbanipal’s Feast: the Elamite Presence; §2.1. Ashurbanipal’s Queen; §2.1.1. The Headdress; §2.1.2. The Garment; §3. Commentary and Conclusion: Explaining Elam §1. Introduction: Physical and Political Setting The bas-relief from the North Palace at Nineveh showing the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal reclining on a couch and, opposite him, an enthroned lady (Pl. 1) is widely seen as “one of the most remarkable, but also one of the most enigmatic, subjects in Ancient Near Eastern art” (Barnett 1985: 18). The stone slab where this scene is depicted (preserved as BM 124920) was discovered in August 1854 by W.K. Loftus during excavation of a distinctive wing of the palace whose architectural setting included the presence of an entrance hall with a large portico (Room S, Pls. 2-3). The relief was part of a much larger continuous narrative thought to have been originally displayed on the second fl oor directly above Room S; more precisely, perhaps along the north-western wall of Room S1 (Gadd 1936: 193-4; Barnett 1976: 19). The portico opened into the northwestern terrace of the citadel, conceiv- ably affording sweeping panoramic views of the lower town below. The function of this area cannot be determined with accuracy (see Pls. 2 and 3). The fact that it was effectively enclosed on the north by a long dividing wall may indicate a private recreational area but this cannot be confi rmed (Turner 1976: 32). Room S had three additional doorways: entrance (a) lead into an unexcavated area of the palace; entrance (b) included a door- way exhibiting sculpted lintels representing protective apotropaic beings facing into Room S (Turner 1976: 32). Otherwise, the interior of suite T and V is characterized by the absence of sculpted slabs and the existence of a recess in the northeastern wall of room V which was interpreted as having hosted the king’s couch (Barnett 1976: 18). In all probability, however, suite T and V should be described as a bathroom and an ablution room (Turner 1976: 32)1; entrance (c) led into a small square room (W) including 1 Additional interpretations for Rooms T and V include accommodation for the com- mander of the palace watch (Meissner and Opitz 1939: 49). We fi nd a similar recess in the southwestern wall of the Susiana Room (Room F). At the back of this recess there was a sculpture representing “a most hideous lion-headed monster with extended jaws, the tail of a scorpion and the feet of an eagle” (Rassam in Barnett 1976: 14). Room F is closely associated with the throne room and may perhaps be interpreted as a bathroom (Turner 1970). 11504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_05504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_05 113232 220-03-20090-03-2009 111:57:361:57:36 ASHURBANIPAL’S FEAST 133 the remains of a heavy arch in solid masonry which most likely functioned as support for a staircase. The convergence in this wing of the palace of a monumental portal (opening, perhaps, to a leisure area), a staircase, and solid walls, has inspired the view that it belonged to the private quarters of the palace including, on a second fl oor, a royal harem (Barnett 1976: 18; Albenda 1977: 44)2. The term bît hilani has been employed to describe this sector of the pal- ace (Meissner and Opitz 1939). As stated by Barnett, technically and from an Assyrian viewpoint, this term may not accurately describe the character- istics of Room S, a large rectangular hall with a columned portico structur- ally integrated into the main building and not independent from it (see also Turner 1976: 31, n. 1). By bît hilani C.J. Gadd (1936: 115) suggests, “a structure which they [the Assyrians] avowedly imitated from Hittite (i.e. Syrian) palaces—namely, a doorway with columns, a loggia above, and certain side chambers.” Expanding upon the same notion R. Barnett (1976: 18, and n. 2) remarks, “a building with a loggia on an upper fl oor with windows standing above a portico, forming quarters particularly convenient for the women-folk, where they can unseen watch everything happening”. Line-drawings of the stone slabs originating from Room S made by W. Boutcher and the authoritative works of C.J. Gadd, Meissner and Opitz, R.D. Barnett, and P. Albenda remain our best references to examine the condition and internal associations of the reliefs representing the banquet of Ashurbanipal (see Pl. 4). These slabs were originally divided into three horizontal friezes, with the central piece of the composition depicted on the uppermost tier. Very little is known of the middle frieze; the drawings portray rows of pine trees, pomegranate trees, shrubs, birds, and servants carrying food, a table, and collecting grapes and lilies. The lower frieze has been almost totally lost; what is left shows a marsh landscape with reeds and a solitary wild boar (Albenda 1976: 69). The fi rst attempt at reassembling the surviving reliefs was made by C. J. Gadd (1936: 194, after drawings by W. Boutcher) and this was further complemented by Meissner and Opitz (1939, Taf. XVII), by additional fragments assembled by R. D. Barnett (in particular, slab B, 1976: 56-7), and by the presentation of a unifi ed reconstruction by P. Albenda (1976, Pl.I). It is unknown how extensive the original composition might have 2 Turner (1976: 32) suggests the presence of an additional open courtyard linking this private sector of the palace with room E. 11504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_05504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_05 113333 220-03-20090-03-2009 111:57:361:57:36 134 J. ÁLVAREZ-MON been. According to the reconstructions by the preceding authors it may have included at least eight slabs, assuming that gaps A-B, C-D, and D-E included only a single slab (after Barnett 1976, Pl. LXIII). This reconstruc- tion presents itself as follows (see Pl. 4): (1) Slab A. C.J. Gadd Kuyunjik Gallery 35, topmost register survives as BM 124794; with a fragment of the middle register surviving as BM 135119. Depiction of the Elamite king Humban-haltas III and Elamite nobles serving Ashurbanipal. (2) Gap A-B (3) Slab B. (see Barnett 1976: 57). This relief includes four fragments representing a procession of musicians amongst trees. (4) Slab C. topmost register as BM 124920 representing the main scene showing the king reclining on the couch and the enthroned queen. (5) Gap C-D (6) Slab D. Preserved in three registers (middle and lower registers lost). The uppermost register survives at the Berlin Museum as VA 969. It shows a table with horse trappings and attendants under a tree. (7) Gap D-E (8) Slab E. Survives as British Museum 124922. This is the only slab which has survived almost in its entirety. On the top and middle reg- isters, it represents the side of an enclosure in the royal park, with musicians and guardians. The surviving bas-reliefs were in fact subjected to alterations before and after their discovery. One of the most fascinating examples of ancient icon- oclasm took place during the collapse and destruction of Nineveh in the month of Abu/August 612 BC. At the time, key individual fi gures exhib- ited in this relief appear to have been intentionally disfi gured by what appears to have been an act of retribution at the hands of the Elamites (see below for discussion).