Online Library of Liberty: on Moral Duties (De Officiis)
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Cicero on the Gods and Roman Religious Practices
Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 23(2): 303–313 Cicero on the gods and Roman religious practices Arina BRAGOVA1 Abstract. The article analyses Cicero’s attitude to gods, religion, divination, and superstition. Cicero follows tradition in acknowledging the existence of the gods, considering them immortal, blissful, animate, and anthropomorphic. He is ambivalent about the interaction between the gods and people. Cicero considers religion important for the Roman people because this was the popular belief — it was not his own viewpoint. Cicero thinks that people obtain divination from the gods. According to Cicero, there are two types of divination: artificial (auspices, haruspices, divination by lightning, stars, and other signs of nature) and natural (predictions in a dream, in a state of ecstasy, before death). In relation to divination, we see how multi- dimensional Cicero’s beliefs were: as a philosopher, he can accept or deny divination; as a Roman politician, he regards divination as an important instrument of the Roman religious rituals. Cicero opposes superstition to religion in his theological works, but in his secular works, he uses superstition and religion as synonyms. Rezumat. În articolul de față este analizată atitudinea lui Cicero față de zei, religie, divinație și superstiție. Cicero urmează tradiția recunoscând existența zeilor și considerându-i nemuritori, cu suflet și antropomorfi. El este ambivalent în ceea ce privește interacțiunea divinitate-oameni. Cicero consideră că religia este importantă pentru romani ca o consecință a unei tradiții populare — nu era propriul său punct de vedre. Divinația, în viziunea lui, se putea obține de la zei. După Cicero, există două tipuri de divinație: artificială (auspicii, haruspicii, divinație prin fulger, stele, alte semne ale naturii) și naturală (preziceri într-un vis, într-o stare de extaz, înainte de moarte). -
Taking Sides and the Prehistory of Impartiality
1. PREHISTORIES OF IMPARTIALITY TAKING SIDES AND THE PREHISTORY OF IMPARTIALITY Anita Traninger 1. Introduction: Taking Sides In his article “Taking Sides in Philosophy”, Gilbert Ryle inveighs against the ‘party-labels’ commonly awarded in philosophy. He impugns in partic- ular the conventional requirement to declare to what school one belongs because ‘[t]here is no place for “isms” in philosophy’.1 In concluding, how- ever, he is prepared to make ‘a few concessions’: Although, as I think, the motive of allegiance to a school or a leader is a non- philosophic and often an anti-philosophic motive, it may have some good results. Partisanship does generate zeal, combativeness, and team-spirit. [. .] Pedagogically, there is some utility in the superstition that philosophers are divided into Whigs and Tories. For we can work on the match-winning propensities of the young, and trick them into philosophizing by encourag- ing them to try to “dish” the Rationalists, or “scupper” the Hedonists.2 Even though Ryle chooses to reduce the value of taking sides to a propae- deutic set-up as a helpmeet for the young to come up with striking argu- ments, what he describes is precisely the modus operandi of dialectics, which had since antiquity been the methodological basis of philosophy. Dialectics conceived of thinking as a dialogue, and an agonistic one at that: it consisted in propounding a thesis and attacking it through questions. Problems were conceived of as being a choice between two positions, whence the name the procedure received in Roman times: in utramque partem disserere, arguing both sides of a question or arguing pro and con- tra. -
THE TEMPLE PLUTARCH Rdlted by WHD ROUSE M
THE TEMPLE PLUTARCH Rdlted by W. H. D. ROUSE M_ PLUTARCH'S LIVES '_ EI_3USHED BY 51R THOMAS NORTH INTEN VOLUMES VOI...TEN THE LIVES OF THE, NOBLE GREEKS AND ROMANS The most of them comparedtogether by that grave learned Philosopher and Historio- grapher Plutarch of Ch_ronea THE LIFE OF ARATUS Ca_tsx'_s the Philosopher (my friend Polycrates) A proverb being afraid as it seemeth of the evil sound of an corrected ancient proverb,not rightly as it was spoken, and in use, but as he thought it best, he wrote in this manner: What childrendo theirancestorscommend, But thosewhomfortunefavoursto the end? But Dionysodorus Trcezenian reproving him, doth rehearsethe proverbrightly as indeed it is : Whatchildrendo theirancestorscommend, Butthosewhoselifeis vertuousto the end? Saying,that this proverb stoppeth their mouthswho of themselves are unworthy of praise, and yet are still boning of the vertaes of their ancestors, whose praisethey highly extol. But beforethose that (as Pindarulsaith) : Domatchtheirnobleancestorsin prowessoftheirown, Andby theirfruits comme_athed stockwhencethey themsd,resaregrown. x A PLUTARCH'S LIVES The corn- (As thy self that conformest thy life unto the monweal examples and manners of thy vertuous ancestors:) of the it is no small good hap for them, often to remem- Sicy.oa- 1_n$ ber the noble deeds of their parents in hearing them spoken of, or otherwise for themselves oftentimes to remember some notable doings of their parents. For in them, it is not for lack of commendable vertues, that they report others' praise and glory : but in joining their own vertaes, to the vertues of their ancestors, they do increase their glory, as inheriting their vertuous life, a8 challenging their descent by blood. -
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
INGO GILDENHARD Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119
INGO GILDENHARD Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary Ingo Gildenhard https://www.openbookpublishers.com © 2018 Ingo Gildenhard The text of this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). This license allows you to share, copy, distribute and transmit the text; to adapt the text and to make commercial use of the text providing attribution is made to the author(s), but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work. Attribution should include the following information: Ingo Gildenhard, Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2018. https://doi. org/10.11647/OBP.0156 Every effort has been made to identify and contact copyright holders and any omission or error will be corrected if notification is made to the publisher. In order to access detailed and updated information on the license, please visit https:// www.openbookpublishers.com/product/845#copyright Further details about CC BY licenses are available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/ All external links were active at the time of publication unless otherwise stated and have been archived via the Internet Archive Wayback Machine at https://archive.org/web Digital material and resources associated with this volume are available at https://www. -
Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 4-12-2006 Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Scholar Commons Citation Neste, Berit Van, "Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea" (2006). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3782 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea by Berit Van Neste A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Religious Studies College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: James F. Strange, Ph.D. Paul G. Schneider, Ph.D. Michael J. Decker, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 12, 2006 Keywords: theology, philosophy, politics, patristic, medieval © Copyright 2006 , Berit Van Neste For Elizabeth and Calista Table of Contents Abstract ii Chapter 1 1 Introduction 1 Cicero’s Influence on Augustine 7 Chapter 2 13 Justice 13 Natural and Temporal Law 19 Commonwealth 34 Chapter 3 49 Just War 49 Chapter 4 60 Conclusion 60 References 64 i Cicero and St. -
Key Terms from Cicero in Utopia
Utopia: Key Terms from Cicero The connections between More and Cicero seem to be wide-ranging, as these notes on Latin terms from Utopia suggest. In Book 1 of Utopia, Thomas More “echoes [Cicero’s] On Duties almost word for word” and sets forth “one particular set of humanist beliefs – those of a ‘civic’ or Ciceronian humanism.”1 Even the main title of Utopia – De optimo reipublicae statu – echoes Cicero’s well- known2 De re publica. Major Ciceronian Terms in Utopia Princeps: “leading citizen”; used over twenty-five times in Book 1 – five times in the opening two paragraphs on page 156 of EW, but with different meanings. Consider what Raphael says about the ordinary as opposed to the true princeps; then compare with his own experiences with principes in perilous circumstances (158) and with princeps Morton (160ff). Respublica: “republic”; used over twenty times in Book 1. Raphael praises the Polylerites (165) as a republic comparable to that of the Romans, who were “expert in the art of governing [reipublicae]” (164/83). He says that the Polylerite republic is marked by humanitas (165/87), libertas or liberty (165/10), and felix or happiness (165/22). Utopia will also be called a respublica over forty times in Book 2. At the end of Book 1, Raphael remarks that More does not have a proper image (imago rei) of a true respublica (174/10). Humanitas: “fullness of humanity” or mature humanity ; see 165/87, 113/4, 163/25, 165/28-29, 201/17. Civis: “citizen”; More is interested in listening to Raphael’s advice about “soundly and wisely trained citizens” (159/3).3 Cicero explained to his brother, Quintus, that De re publica dealt with de optimo statu civitatis et de optimo cive (“the ideal constitution and the ideal citizen”)4; More describes his friend Peter Giles as an optimus civis at EW 157/14-34. -
A Commentary on Cicero, De Legibus
A Commentary on Cicero, De Legibus A Commentary on Cicero, De Legibus ANDREW R. DYCK THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN PRESS Ann Arbor Copyright ᭧ by the University of Michigan 2004 All rights reserved Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America ࠗϱ Printed on acid-free paper 2007 2006 2005 2004 4321 No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dyck, Andrew R. (Andrew Roy), 1947– A commentary on Cicero, De legibus / Andrew R. Dyck. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 0-472-11324-0 (alk. paper) 1. Cicero, Marcus Tullius. De legibus. 2. Dialogues, Latin—History and criticism. 3. Atticus, Titus Pomponius—In literature. 4. Cicero, Quintus Tullius—In literature. 5. Law and literature—History—To 500. 6. Roman law. I. Cicero, Marcus Tullius. De legibus. II. Title. PA6296.D323D93 2003 340.5Ј01—dc21 2003053335 For J.G.F.P. Preface The neglect of Cicero, de Legibus, is striking. The edition in general use, intended merely as a stopgap, is not based upon rigorous application of the stemmatic method (see § 10 of the Introduction), and the last commentary on the whole work, dating from 1881, was conceived for the needs and interests of a very different generation of readers, not to mention being written too early to take advantage of standard works on lexicography, prosopography, etc., that began appearing at the end of the nineteenth century. -
The Self-Sufficiency of the Good Man Against the Need for Friendship
THE SELF-SUFFICIENCY OF THE GOOD MAN AGAINST THE NEED FOR FRIENDSHIP. A DISCUSSION CONCERNING THE IMPORTANCE OF FRIENDSHIP FOR THE GOOD MAN IN CICERO. CORY SLOAN SUBMITTED WITH A VIEW TO OBTAIN THE DEGREE OF M.LITT. NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND, MAYNOOTH DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY, FACULTY OR ARTS, CELTIC STUDIES, AND PHILOSOPHY AUGUST 2012 HEAD OF DEPARTMENT DR. MICHAEL DUNNE SUPERVISED BY DR. AMOS EDELHEIT 1 Summary Cicero wrote in Book Three of On Duties, that the Stoic sage being absolutely good and and perfect was the only one that could be truly happy. For his happiness was based in his virtue and as he had perfect virtue, he had perfect and lasting happiness. Yet the Peripatetics saw that happiness was not a self-sufficient idea and was instead an amalgamation of external goods. Virtue for them was a factor that contributed to happiness, for the Stoics it was essential for happiness. It would appear on inital observation that the life of the Stoic sage was a solitary one, aloof from the rest of humanity. Yet the Stoics maintained that this was the best and happiest form of life, a life lived in accordance with Nature. However, the Peripatetics maintained that nature loves nothing solitary and man is not a solitary animal. In order for him to fullfill his natural end and achieve eudaimonia he would natually be drawn towards the company of others. Cicero highlights the tension between Stoic idealism and Peripatetic pragmatism in his discussion on happiness. When he essentially he askes in Book Five of the Tusculan Disputations. -
View of the Great
This dissertation has been 62—769 microfilmed exactly as received GABEL, John Butler, 1931- THE TUDOR TRANSLATIONS OF CICERO'S DE OFFICIIS. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1961 Language and Literature, modern University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE TUDOR TRANSLATIONS OP CICERO'S DE OFFICIIS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By John Butler Gabel, B. A., M. A., A. M. ****** The Ohio State University 1961 Approved by Adviser Department of Ehglis7 PREFACE The purpose of this dissertation is to throw light on the sixteenth-century English translations of De Offioiis, one of Cicero’s most popular and most influential works. The dissertation first surveys the history and reputation of the Latin treatise to I600 and sketchs the lives of the English translators. It then establishes the facts of publication of the translations and identifies the Latin texts used in them. Finally it analyzes the translations themselves— their syntax, diction, and English prose style in general— against the background of the theory and prac tice of translation in their respective periods. I have examined copies of the numerous editions of the translations in the Folger Shakespeare Library, the Library of Congress, and the libraries of the Ohio State University and the University of Illinois. I have also made use of films of copies in the British Museum and the Huntington Library. I have indicated the location of the particular copies upon which the bibliographical descrip tions in Chapter 3 are based. -
When Kings Become Philosophers: the Late Republican Origins of Cicero’S Political Philosophy
When Kings Become Philosophers: The Late Republican Origins of Cicero’s Political Philosophy By Gregory Douglas Smay A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Erich S. Gruen, Chair Professor Carlos F. Noreña Professor Anthony A. Long Summer 2016 © Copyright by Gregory Douglas Smay 2016 All Rights Reserved Abstract When Kings Become Philosophers: The Late Republican Origins of Cicero’s Political Philosophy by Gregory Douglas Smay Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology University of California, Berkeley Professor Erich S. Gruen, Chair This dissertation argues that Cicero’s de Republica is both a reflection of, and a commentary on, the era in which it was written to a degree not previously recognized in Ciceronian scholarship. Contra readings which treat the work primarily as a theoretical tract in the tradition of late Hellenistic philosophy, this study situates the work within its historical context in Late Republican Rome, and in particular within the personal experience of its author during this tumultuous period. This approach yields new insights into both the meaning and significance of the work and the outlook of the individual who is our single most important witness to the history of the last decades of the Roman Republic. Specifically, the dissertation argues that Cicero provides clues preserved in the extant portions of the de Republica, overlooked by modern students in the past bur clearly recognizable to readers in his own day, indicating that it was meant to be read as a work with important contemporary political resonances. -
Lucretius's Atomic Soul
Searching for Answers: Lucretius’s Atomic Soul Katherine McCreery [email protected] Dartmouth College, Class of 2019 Economics Major, Classics Minor 4 April 2018 McCreery 2 In his De Rerum Natura, Lucretius strives to scientifically explain several aspects of the natural world. In fact, he focuses so heavily on science that the text often reads more like an ancient scientific textbook than a philosophical work. Given the considerable attention paid to science, and given the modern practice of science as the basis for all further intellectual exploration, one may assume that scientific phenomena make up the essential building blocks that define Epicurean philosophy. However, several descriptions in De Rerum Natura seem like leaps not fully supported by science that are added in order to explain a pre-constructed Epicurean principle. While Lucretius includes more than one problematic scientific account, I will focus on his handling of the soul. His description of the soul is unsatisfactory in several ways, and the inconsistencies that arise from it call into question the assumption that science shapes Epicurean principles. In fact, his explanation for the soul only makes sense if one assumes that Epicurean principles precede Epicurean science. Given this new understanding, Lucretius’s scientific description of the soul becomes a product of a preconceived idea rather than the foundation from which the nature of the soul arises. The Epicurean approach to science has previously been met with skepticism. Cicero challenges