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A Comparative Exploration of Two Kenyan Villages

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A Comparative Exploration of Two Kenyan Villages 1 Wesleyan University The Honors College The Nexus of Modernization and Social Capital: A Comparative Exploration of Two Kenyan Villages by Mikako Tai Class of 2011 A thesis submitted to the faculty of Wesleyan University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Departmental Honors from the College of Social Studies Middletown, Connecticut April, 2011 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS....................................................................................................3 INTRODUCTION / CROSSROADS OF MODERNIZATION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL .................................................................................................................................................4 CHAPTER ONE / THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND MECHANISMS ............... 13 1.1. CONCEPTUALIZING “SOCIAL CAPITAL” IN THE LIGHT OF RURAL KENYAN VILLAGES ....13 1.2. THEORIZING MODERNIZATION: A DECREASE IN “UNMEDIATED” SOCIAL SOLIDARITY?22 1.3. STRUCTURAL CHANGES AND THE DECLINE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL AT THE SOCIETAL, HOUSEHOLD, AND INDIVIDUAL LEVELS ........................................................................................28 CHAPTER TWO / SHIRAZI AND TAKAUNGU: VILLAGE PROFILES .................. 38 2.1. GEOGRAPHIC LOCATIONS, SETTLEMENT PATTERNS, AND ADMINISTRATIVE UNITS......39 2.2. DEMOGRAPHICS ........................................................................................................................46 2.3. PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE...................................................................................................52 2.4. ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES AND PRODUCTION............................................................................55 2.5. FINANCIAL ACTIVITIES.............................................................................................................63 2.6. HEALTH......................................................................................................................................65 2.7. EDUCATION................................................................................................................................71 2.8. INFORMATION, COMMUNICATION, AND TECHNOLOGY........................................................76 2.9. COMMUNITY ADMINISTRATION..............................................................................................78 CHAPTER THREE / NOTES ON METHODOLOGY AND THE SYSNOPSIS OF SURVEYS ............................................................................................................................ 80 3.1. VILLAGE SELECTION: WHAT LED ME TO THEM ..................................................................81 3.2. CONDUCTING THE FIELD RESEARCH......................................................................................88 3.2.1. Introduction to Village Household Surveys .........................................................88 3.2.2. Participant Selection: Impact on the Distribution of Respondent Populations....................................................................................................................................89 3.3. SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS ........................................................................................................95 3.3.1. Survey Content .................................................................................................................95 3.3.2. Contextual Formulation of Survey Questions: Potential Biases .................97 3.4. SUMMARY OF RESPONDENT PROFILES ............................................................................... 100 CHAPTER FOUR / EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS ..............................................................104 4.1. PRESENTING THE SURVEY DATA ......................................................................................... 105 4.2. PREDICTIONS AND ANALYSES: REFERENCE TO SURVEY CATEGORIES ........................... 108 CONCLUSION ..................................................................................................................142 APPENDICES...................................................................................................................146 BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................................................................................................159 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS hinking back to where I was four years before, I cannot help but realize how far I Thave come. I see this work as the epitome of my four years at Wesleyan University. But without the help I received from so many great people and institutions, my tremendous experience in completing a yearlong project would never have been the same. Thank you so much: Professor Peter Kilby, for immediately offering your guidance in spite of your retirement, when I was seeking an advisor who would truly understand what I was trying to accomplish through my project. Your insights, prompt assistance, commitment, and humor, have always pushed my back. I also owe a gratitude for your motto—“what is worth doing is worth doing badly”—for helping me through the course of my CSS experience. CSS tutors and professors, for helping me develop both as a student and a thesis writer. My special appreciation goes to: Don Moon for generously and passionately helping me strengthen the theoretical portion of my work; Joyce Jacobsen for advising me with data/stats and the overall approach; Cecilia Miller for your Davenport recommendation and for allowing me come whine for the past three years; Michael Nelson and Paromita Sanyal for your helpful advice. I also thank Manolis Kaparakis and QAC tutors for assisting me overcome my limited experience with statistical analysis. Alice Hadler, for always being the best supporter by pushing my back with wholehearted encouragements. I do not know how many times I was rescued by your dedication to listen to students and help with their writing. Davenport Research Grant and the Committee members, for providing me with the irreplaceable opportunity to return to Kenya for field research. Without it, my entire thesis would not have existed. Writing workshop, especially Vernie Chia for being a fabulous thesis mentor and a great friend. I truly appreciate your commitment even amidst writing your own thesis and support when things were rough. Our spring break sleepovers have been my greatest memory of all times! I also thank Laura Lupton for voluntarily helping me with my writing since junior year. Freeman Asian Scholarship, namely Mr. and Mrs. Freeman, for allowing me to pursue one of the best liberal arts educations in America. School for International Training (Kenya: Fall 2009), for making me realize my passion in African rural development. I am grateful for Jamal and Donna for encouraging me to follow my passion in conducting an ethnographic study. My mother, for always being my mental support, and for making me realize that you are there to believe in me, no matter what. Last but not least, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to both Shirazi and Takaungu villagers. Takaungu community: especially Maalim Aziz and my host family for your friendliness and cooperation. Your insights added so much depth and meaning to my work. Shirazi community: for accepting me as a “daughter” of your village. Mama, Baba, sisters, and friends, you have been my inspiration ever since I met you. I also thank Juma Mohamed for your ceaselessly caring for me, and being the primary source of information even as I stay far from Shirazi. I miss you. 4 INTRODUCTION VISITING THE CROSSROADS OF MODERNIZATION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL Weakened social capital is manifest in the things that have vanished almost unnoticed—neighborhood parties and get-togethers with friends, the unreflective kindness of strangers, the shared pursuit of the public good rather than a solitary quest for private goods. —Robert D. Putnam Bowling Alone I had never known until that night, that the uncontrollable darkness was bearable when my soul realized the existence of a tight network, made up of individuals mutually sharing the same experience. It was a typical night in Shirazi; the girls gathered on the porch, around a single flame lit on a tiny tin-lamp. Mwanasha, Ashura, and Mwanaisha—the three primary-school girls ritualistically danced and sang before going to bed. It was as if not doing so was against a rule: “Custom is like law,” as a Swahili proverb puts it. The nights were supposed to exacerbate the inconvenience of the complete absence of constant lighting—other than that it proved to me how one could literally dance “in the moonlight.” The lamp was only meaningful when villagers gathered around it and shared stories of the day. Yet, the lack of electricity did not occur to me as a limitation; it rather reinforced the sense of interpersonal connection. So I faced a dilemma. Knowing that the villagers longed for development, I personally (and secretly) resented when a villager excitedly announced, “We’re getting electricity here soon!” * * * 5 African culture has long been seated at the heart of debates surrounding Africa’s (under)development.1 Going back to the colonial-era, Africa’s “primitivism” was deemed an impediment to modernity, motivating European colonialists to “civilize” the African continent in the name of humanitarian assistance. The sociopolitical issues that Kenya faces today are deeply rooted in its colonial legacies. That said, it is not my intention here to attribute all issues related to Africa’s development to colonial history. I do, however, intend to make the point throughout this thesis
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