A Preliminary Sketch of the Yaqui Language
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(Huichol) of Tateikita, Jalisco, Mexico
ETHNO-NATIONALIST POLITICS AND CULTURAL PRESERVATION: EDUCATION AND BORDERED IDENTITIES AMONG THE WIXARITARI (HUICHOL) OF TATEIKITA, JALISCO, MEXICO By BRAD MORRIS BIGLOW A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2001 Copyright 2001 by Brad Morris Biglow Dedicated to the Wixaritari of Tateikita and the Centro Educativo Tatutsi Maxa Kwaxi (CETMK): For teaching me the true meaning of what it is to follow in the footsteps of Tatutsi, and for allowing this teiwari to experience what you call tame tep+xeinuiwari. My heart will forever remain with you. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my committee members–Dr. John Moore for being ever- supportive of my work with native peoples; Dr. Allan Burns for instilling in me the interest and drive to engage in Latin American anthropology, and helping me to discover the Huichol; Dr. Gerald Murray for our shared interests in language, culture, and education; Dr. Paul Magnarella for guidance and support in human rights activism, law, and intellectual property; and Dr. Robert Sherman for our mutual love of educational philosophy. Without you, this dissertation would be a mere dream. My life in the Sierra has been filled with countless names and memories. I would like to thank all of my “friends and family” at the CETMK, especially Carlos and Ciela, Marina and Ángel, Agustín, Pablo, Feliciano, Everardo, Amalia, Rodolfo, and Armando, for opening your families and lives to me. In addition, I thank my former students, including los chavos (Benjamín, Salvador, Miguel, and Catarino), las chicas (Sofía, Miguelina, Viviana, and Angélica), and los músicos (Guadalupe and Magdaleno). -
UCLA Historical Journal
UCLA UCLA Historical Journal Title "May They Not Be Fornicators Equal to These Priests": Postconquest Yucatec Maya Sexual Attitudes Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9wm6k90j Journal UCLA Historical Journal, 12(0) ISSN 0276-864X Authors Restall, Matthew Sigal, Pete Publication Date 1992 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California "May They Not Be Fornicators Equal to These Priests": Postconquest Yucatec Maya Sexual Attitudes^ Matthew Restall and Pete Sigal ten cen ah hahal than cin iialic techex hebaxile a uohelex yoklal P^^ torres p^ Dias cabo de escuadra P^ granado sargento yetel p^ maldonado layoh la ma hahal caput sihil ma hahal confisar ma hahal estremacion ma hahal misa cu yalicobi maix tan u yemel hahal Dios ti lay ostia licil u yalicob misae tumenel tutuchci u cepob sansamal kin chenbel u chekic iieyob cu tuculicob he tu yahalcabe manal tuil u kabob licil u baxtic u ueyob he p^ torrese chenbel u pel kakas cisin Rita box cu baxtic y u moch kabi mai moch u cep ualelob ix >oc cantiil u mehenob ti lay box cisin la baixan p^ Diaz cabo de escuadra tu kaba u cumaleil antonia aluarado xbolonchen tan u lolomic u pel u cumale tiitan tulacal cah y p^ granado sargento humab akab tan u pechic u pel manuela pacheco hetun p^ maldonadoe tun>oc u lahchekic u mektanilobe uay cutalel u chucbes u cheke yohel tulacal cah ti cutalel u ah semana uinic y xchup ti pencuyute utial yoch pelil p^ maldonado xpab gomes u kabah chenbel Padresob ian u sipitolal u penob matan u than yoklalob uaca u ment utzil 92 Indigenous Writing in the Spanish Indies mageuale tusebal helelac ium cura u >aic u tzucte hetun lae tutac u kabob yetel pel lay yaxcacbachob tumen u pen cech penob la caxuob yal misa bailo u yoli Dios ca oc inglesob uaye ix ma aci ah penob u padreilobi hetun layob lae tei hunima u topob u yit uinicobe yoli Dios ca haiac kak tu pol cepob amen ten yumil ah hahal than. -
2011 ACS PUMS DATA DICTIONARY August 7, 2015 HOUSING RECORD
2011 ACS PUMS DATA DICTIONARY August 7, 2015 HOUSING RECORD RT 1 Record Type H .Housing Record or Group Quarters Unit SERIALNO 7 Housing unit/GQ person serial number 0000001..9999999 .Unique identifier DIVISION 1 Division code 0 .Puerto Rico 1 .New England (Northeast region) 2 .Middle Atlantic (Northeast region) 3 .East North Central (Midwest region) 4 .West North Central (Midwest region) 5 .South Atlantic (South region) 6 .East South Central (South region) 7 .West South Central (South Region) 8 .Mountain (West region) 9 .Pacific (West region) PUMA 5 Public use microdata area code (PUMA) 00100..08200 .Public use microdata area codes 77777 .Combination of 01801, 01802, and 01905 in Louisiana Note: Public use microdata areas (PUMAs) designate areas of 100,000 or more population. Use with ST for unique code. REGION 1 Region code 1 .Northeast 2 .Midwest 3 .South 4 .West 9 .Puerto Rico ST 2 State Code 01 .Alabama/AL 02 .Alaska/AK 04 .Arizona/AZ 05 .Arkansas/AR 06 .California/CA 08 .Colorado/CO 09 .Connecticut/CT 10 .Delaware/DE 11 .District of Columbia/DC 12 .Florida/FL 13 .Georgia/GA 1 15 .Hawaii/HI 16 .Idaho/ID 17 .Illinois/IL 18 .Indiana/IN 19 .Iowa/IA 20 .Kansas/KS 21 .Kentucky/KY 22 .Louisiana/LA 23 .Maine/ME 24 .Maryland/MD 25 .Massachusetts/MA 26 .Michigan/MI 27 .Minnesota/MN 28 .Mississippi/MS 29 .Missouri/MO 30 .Montana/MT 31 .Nebraska/NE 32 .Nevada/NV 33 .New Hampshire/NH 34 .New Jersey/NJ 35 .New Mexico/NM 36 .New York/NY 37 .North Carolina/NC 38 .North Dakota/ND 39 .Ohio/OH 40 .Oklahoma/OK 41 .Oregon/OR 42 .Pennsylvania/PA 44 .Rhode -
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Journal of Arts & Humanities Volume 09, Issue 10, 2020: 11-28 Article Received: 04-05-2020 Accepted: 25-10-2020 Available Online: 30-10-2020 ISSN: 2167-9045 (Print), 2167-9053 (Online) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/jah.v9i10.1923 Ecology of Pressures and Linguistic Vitality of the Yoremnokki Language in Sinaloa Ernesto Guerra García1, Pedro Antonio López de Haro2, Rodolfo Real Audeves3 ABSTRACT The study of endangered languages is still of great importance, however, on one hand, the methods of analysis aren’t always presented in an integrated or holistic manner, and on the other hand, the languages aren’t always available to be studied; this is the case for the yoremnokki language in the northwest of Mexico, for which a holistic study is presented using UNESCO’s linguistic vitality and ecology of pressures. The linguistic shift of the yoremnokki language is a fact; to study this phenomenon, an ethnographic study was carried out in 2019 in the North of Sinaloa, Mexico in the yoreme mayo region. We found that there are more factors for the displacement of the yoremnokki language than there are for its maintenance. The centennial restriction generational transmission is one of the factors that most influence the movement of the linguistic yoremnokki; although the yoreme mayo population grew from 1985 to date, in proportion to the total population, it is decreasing. There are fewer and fewer spaces in their domain; the last refuge is that of festivals and rituals. New spaces have been opened, radio, telephones, internet and higher education, but they are limited. -
Artist Tlisza Jaurique
Artist Tlisza Jaurique OutsidersPre-visit Class Withinroom Activity Tlisza Jaurique [TLEE zah HOWD Ree Khee] has two homes: her old family home in south Phoenix and another near New York City. When she was a child, Tlisza’s grandmother would tell her about the family’s experiences in Mexico and of their difficult journey to the United States. They traveled and worked through Texas and Arizona mining towns before finally settling in south Phoenix. Her grandmother was from the Nahua and Yaqui people. The Yaqui are a Native American tribe who live in the Sonoran Desert of northern Mexico. Tlisza’s grandmother also called herself a “Toltec,” an ancient Mesoamerican word for artist, and passed this idea on to her granddaughter. Tlisza calls herself “Mexica” [Meh SHEE Kah] after the people of the central valley of Mexico who speak the Nahuatl language. “Mexica” is also a name for many Indigenous people of Mexico. Tlisza also calls herself “Postmodern,” which means she is a person who questions who we are and how we live. Traditional Mexican celebrations, such as the Day of the Dead and the Feast Day of the Virgin of Guadalupe are important events in Tlisza’s life. She was brought up to believe that people need to show respect for animals and the environment because each thing can have a spirit. One way to show respect is to create special places by setting up altars (offrendas) and little niches (nichos) in the home. Tlisza always has seen herself as an “outsider.” She believed that she was from a culture “other” than the dominant Anglo culture while growing up in Phoenix. -
Toward a Comprehensive Model For
Toward a Comprehensive Model for Nahuatl Language Research and Revitalization JUSTYNA OLKO,a JOHN SULLIVANa, b, c University of Warsaw;a Instituto de Docencia e Investigación Etnológica de Zacatecas;b Universidad Autonóma de Zacatecasc 1 Introduction Nahuatl, a Uto-Aztecan language, enjoyed great political and cultural importance in the pre-Hispanic and colonial world over a long stretch of time and has survived to the present day.1 With an estimated 1.376 million speakers currently inhabiting several regions of Mexico,2 it would not seem to be in danger of extinction, but in fact it is. Formerly the language of the Aztec empire and a lingua franca across Mesoamerica, after the Spanish conquest Nahuatl thrived in the new colonial contexts and was widely used for administrative and religious purposes across New Spain, including areas where other native languages prevailed. Although the colonial language policy and prolonged Hispanicization are often blamed today as the main cause of language shift and the gradual displacement of Nahuatl, legal steps reinforced its importance in Spanish Mesoamerica; these include the decision by the king Philip II in 1570 to make Nahuatl the linguistic medium for religious conversion and for the training of ecclesiastics working with the native people in different regions. Members of the nobility belonging to other ethnic groups, as well as numerous non-elite figures of different backgrounds, including Spaniards, and especially friars and priests, used spoken and written Nahuatl to facilitate communication in different aspects of colonial life and religious instruction (Yannanakis 2012:669-670; Nesvig 2012:739-758; Schwaller 2012:678-687). -
Rural Work in Nueva Vizcaya: Forms of Labor Coercion on the Periphery Author(S): Susan M
Rural Work in Nueva Vizcaya: Forms of Labor Coercion on the Periphery Author(s): Susan M. Deeds Source: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 69, No. 3 (Aug., 1989), pp. 425-449 Published by: Duke University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2516301 Accessed: 05-08-2015 15:35 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Duke University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Hispanic American Historical Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Wed, 05 Aug 2015 15:35:23 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Hispanic AmericanHistorical Review 69:3 CopyrightC) 1989by Duke UniversityPress ccc ooi8-2i68/89/$i.5o RuralWork in Nueva Vizcaya:Forms of Labor Coercionon the Periphery SUSAN M. DEEDS* AT noonon a swelteringday in June 1674, a smallgroup of ConchoIndians, six men and fivewomen, watched from the shade of a greatalamo tree as ridersapproached. They could see that Captain Pedro de Zubia Pacheco, accompaniedby two servants,was clearlyagitated as he rode up. Wavinghis sword,he orderedthe Indiansto accompanyhim. At thisjuncture, Nicolks de Be- jarano, the tenantof the wheatfarm in theValle de San Bartolom6where these events took place,' emergedfrom his house and, enraged at his loss ofworkers, called forhis sword.Several neighbors who had hastened to the scene restrainedhim fromattacking the older Zubia. -
Network Sovereignty: Understanding the Implications of Tribal Broadband Networks
Network Sovereignty: Understanding the Implications of Tribal Broadband Networks Marisa Elena Duarte A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2013 Reading Committee: Cheryl A. Metoyer Raya Fidel Maria Elena Garcia David Levy Adam Moore Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Information School i © Copyright 2013 Marisa Elena Duarte ii Abstract For tribal leaders, bringing reliable, affordable broadband Internet service to Indian Country is a matter of self-determination. At this point in history, tribal leaders enforce the sovereign rights of tribes by communicating through information and communication technologies (ICTs) mobilized to work across powerful institutions. Tribal leaders who command the processes of broadband Internet deployment within their communities increase their capacity to support the health of tribal lands, waters, and peoples. Whereas freedom of expression and the exercise of all other human rights through the Internet is a human right, and the infrastructure for connecting to the Internet is essential for citizens to self-govern, so does the U.S. federal government, under obligation of the trust relationship they share with federally-recognized tribes, have a responsibility to support the deployment of broadband Internet infrastructure—including networks, devices, spectrum, technical expertise, and policies—throughout Indian Country. This qualitative inquiry reveals how tribal leaders who deploy broadband Internet to their communities must contend with national telecommunications policy, neighboring deployment strategies, regulatory matters, and the development of steady revenue streams to advance robust broadband network design and services. As each of these intersects with the sovereign rights of tribes, it is possible to conceptualize sociotechnical dimensions to future exercises of tribal sovereignty. -
African-American Icons and Symbols in Chicano Art Amelia Malagamba Ansótegui*
FRONTERA NORTE VOL. 9, NÚM. 18, JULIO-DICIEMBRE DE 1997 A Note on Chicano-Mexicano Cultural Capital: African-American Icons and Symbols in Chicano Art Amelia Malagamba Ansótegui* Abstract This article forms part of a longer research project in progress. It argues that the “transportation” of “cul- tural capital” by the migrants found fertile ground among the Mexican-American population already estab- lished in the border states between Mexico and the United States. Cultural capital is understood as the histor- ical bag-gage and daily practices and production of symbolic goods that legitimate and give coherence to a community. This cultural capital has undergone a process of transformation in the Mexican-American com- munities. Many of the early symbolic practices have been adapted to new circumstances. The use by several Chicano artists of icons and symbols of African-Mexican heritage on the one hand, and of social and political issues from an African-American cultural location on the other, have become part of the cultural capital of Mexican-American communities. To understand the translation and interpretation of the use of these symbol- ic goods key aspects of history must be highlighted. Resumen Este artículo forma parte de un proyecto de investigación más amplio en proceso. En él se argumenta que la “transportación” de “capital cultural” por los migrantes encontró tierra fértil entre la población mexicoes- tadunidense ya establecida en los estados fronterizos entre México y Estados Unidos. Se entiende como cap- ital cultural el bagaje histórico, las costumbres y la producción de bienes simbólicos diarios que legitimizan y dan coherencia a una comunidad. -
The Macabebes
The Macabebes The Macabebes occupy a footnote in Philippine history, albeit a controversial and sometimes contentious one. They come from the town of Macabebe, on the southeastern part of the province of Pampanga, bordering the province of Bulacan. As Pampangos, their language is Kapampangan vs. Tagalog for Bulacan. It is only about 60 kilometers northeast of Manila. Macabebes served with the Spanish army during most of Spain’s three centuries of Philippine colonization. During the Philippine revolution against Spain that started in 1896, the Macabebes remained loyal to their Spanish officers. When the Americans came in 1898, the Macabebes switched loyalty. Starting out as guides to the American troops, the group became the Macabebe Scouts, forerunner of the Philippine Scouts. The Americans were reluctant to have armed Filipinos within their midst but the Macabebes demonstrated their reliability. They were instrumental in the carefully planned and executed ruse that resulted in the capture of General Emilio Aguinaldo, the Philippine Republic’s first president and military commander. Historical records indicate that hardly a shot was fired. Aguinaldo’s troops thought the Macabebes were friendlies, bringing in American POW’s. For their role, the Macabebes were reviled in some quarters, lasting well into the middle of the 20th century. They were called “dugong aso” (dog blood), “putas” (whores) and “traidor” (traitors). They may have hastened the capture of Aguinaldo, but it was only a question of time before Aguinaldo was brought to heel. Macabebe Scouts or not, Aguinaldo was on the run, with the unit he was commanding directly less than battalion size. -
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Fall 2020 Edition 1 IndigeZINE Fall 2020 Salish Sea Heartbeat Introduction individual heartbeat. Taken together, these heartbeats invoke a communal drumbeat — We are a community of Indigenous people coming reminding us that when we come together, we together to refect creatively on our experiences as heal and grow as a community. Native people and our continued resistance to colonial In the teachings of our Coast Salish relatives, occupation and white supremacy. we raise our hands to all the creatives in our We want to share these messages with you and pool communities. May we remember that we each hold our communal resources to support the work of Chief the gift of creative expression. May we continue to hold Seattle Club - a sacred place to nurture, renew, and creative space for each other, share our teachings, amplify afrm the spirit of urban Native people experiencing our voices, and develop our collective memory. In support homelessness. of this prayer, we gift the continuance of this zine to Chief Seattle Club who has a long history of nurturing creative We chose the title “salish sea heartbeat” in reverence healing spaces for Indigenous people. to the land, animals, plants, and people of the salish sea region. These beings provide for the Land Acknowledgement Indigenous communities of this region and anchor many Indigenous people that may fnd themselves LAND BACK. distanced from their home communities and This zine was created and produced on the unceded cultures. lands of the Duwamish, Snoqualmie, Muckleshoot, As members of urban Indian and tribal Cowlitz tribes, and other Coast Salish communities. -
Native American Languages, Indigenous Languages of the Native Peoples of North, Middle, and South America
Native American Languages, indigenous languages of the native peoples of North, Middle, and South America. The precise number of languages originally spoken cannot be known, since many disappeared before they were documented. In North America, around 300 distinct, mutually unintelligible languages were spoken when Europeans arrived. Of those, 187 survive today, but few will continue far into the 21st century, since children are no longer learning the vast majority of these. In Middle America (Mexico and Central America) about 300 languages have been identified, of which about 140 are still spoken. South American languages have been the least studied. Around 1500 languages are known to have been spoken, but only about 350 are still in use. These, too are disappearing rapidly. Classification A major task facing scholars of Native American languages is their classification into language families. (A language family consists of all languages that have evolved from a single ancestral language, as English, German, French, Russian, Greek, Armenian, Hindi, and others have all evolved from Proto-Indo-European.) Because of the vast number of languages spoken in the Americas, and the gaps in our information about many of them, the task of classifying these languages is a challenging one. In 1891, Major John Wesley Powell proposed that the languages of North America constituted 58 independent families, mainly on the basis of superficial vocabulary resemblances. At the same time Daniel Brinton posited 80 families for South America. These two schemes form the basis of subsequent classifications. In 1929 Edward Sapir tentatively proposed grouping these families into superstocks, 6 in North America and 15 in Middle America.