DOCSLIB.ORG

Islamist Vs. Islamist: the Theologico- Political Questions

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Islamist Vs. Islamist: the Theologico- Political Questions Islamist vs. Islamist: The Theologico- Political Questions Samuel Tadros December 2014 Research Report Islamist vs. Islamist: The Theologico-Political Questions By Samuel Tadros © 2014 Hudson Institute, Inc. All rights reserved. For more information about obtaining additional copies of this or other Hudson Institute publications, please visit Hudson’s website, www.hudson.org ABOUT HUDSON INSTITUTE Hudson Institute is an independent research organization promoting new ideas for the advancement of global security, prosperity and freedom. Founded in 1961 by strategist Herman Kahn, Hudson Institute challenges conventional thinking and helps manage strategic transitions to the future through interdisciplinary studies in defense, international relations, economics, health care, technology, culture, and law. Hudson seeks to guide public policy makers and global leaders in government and business through a vigorous program of publications, conferences, policy briefings and recommendations. Visit www.hudson.org for more information. Hudson Institute 1015 15th Street, N.W. Sixth Floor Washington, D.C. 20005 P: 202.974.2400 [email protected] Acknowledgments This project was funded by a grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation. I would like to express my gratitude to Nadia Schadlow for her continuous support for this project since it was first proposed and throughout the last two years. I could not have wished for a better place to conduct this research than the Hudson Institute. The Hudson Institute’s dedication to innovative research that challenges conventional wisdom has provided me with the working environment and intellectual freedom necessary to complete this study. This research would not have been completed without the support of the Hudson Institute’s management team: Kenneth Weinstein, John Walters, Lewis Libby, David Tell, Daniel McKivergan, Thereza Austria, Kevin Searcy, Kim Bowling, Carolyn Stewart, Rebecca Baker, and Rob Cole. I would like to thank my colleagues at the Center for Religious Freedom, Paul Marshall and Lela Gilbert, for their support and Nina Shea for her wisdom and guidance. Working at Hudson, I am fortunate to benefit from the scholarship and professional support of several scholars with deep knowledge of Islamism and national security. In countless conversations, I have learned from the thoughts and opinions of Hillel Fradkin, Eric Brown, Abram Shulsky, Lewis Libby and Hussein Haqqani. At Hudson, I have had the pleasure of working with three excellent interns: Shiyun Lu, Dominique Canape, and Danielle Thompson. They conducted research for this project in its final phase. I would like to thank Joseph Braude for introducing me to Al Mesbar Studies and Research Center and its important scholarly work in analyzing Islamism. The Center’s Executive Director Mansour Alnogaidan allowed me to take many of the center’s valuable books home, greatly aiding my research. I am grateful for his flexibility and generosity. Amr Bargisi’s deep knowledge of Egyptian Islamism has been a source of inspiration and a valuable asset in researching this project. Throughout the past two years, I have enjoyed numerous conversations with Amr that have helped me develop my arguments. During those two years, I was also fortunate to know Mokhtar Awad, who generously shared his wisdom in hundreds of conversations. I profited greatly from his insights. Both of them read the chapters as I wrote them, and provided me with valuable comments. Finally, I would like to thank Stan Crock and Peter Rough for their superb editing of the manuscript. Introduction This monograph is the second part of a two-year study on Egyptian Islamism funded by the Smith Richardson Foundation. The study is divided into two parts. The first maps the various currents, groups, and individuals that form the complex Egyptian Islamist scene. The second examines the internal dynamics of Islamism in terms of the interrelationship between its various constituent currents and their disagreements on key theological political questions. The study aims to fill two significant gaps in our knowledge of the Egyptian Islamist scene. While the study of Islamism goes back for at least several decades, it was only after the 9/11 attacks that the world’s attention fixated on the threat and challenge that Islamism posed to international security and world order. Ever since, hundreds of scholars have devoted their time and energy to analyzing the phenomenon, advancing our knowledge of its complexity. It is no surprise that Egyptian Islamism would be at the center of this scholarly pursuit, consideringthe role Egyptians play in shaping the very meaning of Islamism and leading some of its most important organizations. The focus of the attention has been, rather understandably, on two components of Islamism: Jihadis of various stripes and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and its offspring in the Muslim world. As a result, a blind spot emerged between those waging Jihad and the mass organizations contesting elections, one that remarkably involves the largest pool of Islamists: Salafis. That is not to say that Salafism is a completely unstudied phenomenon. On the contrary, a number of scholars have done serious work on historical figures such as Al Shawkani,* contemporary developments such as the Awakening in Saudi Arabia,† and works that approached Salafism in a global framework.‡ Unfortunately, while foundational in the global phenomenon, Egyptian Salafism has received little if any attention. Egyptian Salafis continued to be an enigma well after the Egyptian revolution, until the Nour Party’s performance in the parliamentary elections forced Egypt watchers to scramble to understand the unknown and now awakened giant. The surge of interest has not, however, resulted in an advancement of our knowledge of the Egyptian Islamist scenes. But the weakness of scholarship on Egyptian Salafism is not the only deficiency we encounter. More problematic is the very way in which Islamism has been approached and studied. When approaching Islamism and its leaders, especially Brotherhood leaders, researchers and journalists too often focus on a set of questions relating to their views on democracy, terrorist attacks, peace with Israel, women’s rights, and the status of religious minorities. All of these are important questions, and Islamists certainly need to be scrutinized over these issues, but these questions hardly scratch the surface of Islamism. For such litmus tests, Brotherhood-like parties over time have mastered the art of providing meaningless answers in English to satisfy Western interlocutors. To * Bernard Haykal, Revival and Reform in Islam: The Legacy of Mohamed Al Shawkani. † Stephanse Lacroix, Awakening Islam: The Politics of Religious Dissent in Contemporary Saudi Arabia. ‡ Roel Meijer, Global Salafism: Islam’s New Religious Movement. 1 understand the Islamist phenomenon better, however, we must ask questions that probe those internal issues that matter to—and divide—Islamists most. To draw a map of the Egyptian Islamist scene, we must start like any good cartographer by setting the boundaries of Islamism itself and the divisions within it. It is thus natural to begin the first part of this study by defining what Islamism is and what it is not, tracing its history in Egypt and its interrelationship with other Islamist currents outside of Egypt. A much harder challenge is to draw the borders between various Islamist currents, especially if we are seeking to go beyond the conventional division of Brotherhood, Jihadis, and Salafis and map the various sub-currents, groups, and individuals who form Egyptian Islamism, including Madkhalis, Scholarly Salafis, the three Activist Salafi currents, Revolutionary Salafis, Jihadi Salafis, the Brotherhood, Brotherhood breakaway parties, independent Islamist thinkers, and new preachers. On what basis are we to define each of these entities and draw the borders between them? A story from the first century of Islam may provide us with the clue. As narrators inform us, a question was posed to Hassan Al Basri as he sat teaching and surrounded by his students and disciples: Is the person who commits a grave sin a believer or an unbeliever? Al Basri answered that such a person was still a believer. His answer did not satisfy one of his students, Wasil Ibn ‘Ataa. Wasil’s argument was that such a man was neither a believer nor an unbeliever but instead was in a state between the two conditions. As the story goes, Wasil stood up, withdrew from the study circle, and sat at another corner of the mosque. Others followed him and formed a new circle around him. Al Basri is said to have remarked, “Wasil has separated himself from us.” Thus were born the Mu’tazila, their name coming from the Arabic word for “to separate oneself.” Nearly 1,300 years have passed since Wasil stood up and separated himself as a result of his disagreement with his teacher on a key theological-political question. The Mu’tazila have long disappeared from history, their beliefs until recently traceable only through the works of their adversaries from Ahl Al Hadith and Ash’aris. But the basic formula for the emergence of a new current or sect within Islam has remained the same and has been transferred to Islamism. Simply put, a division within an existing current of Islamism and the emergence of a new one takes place only once a theological-political question is answered differently. Without a theological-political question, there are no borders in our map. Thus, if we seek to understand Egyptian Islamism, or for that matter Islamism in general, we must begin by setting aside the usual set of questions and instead approach Islamism on its own turf, the theological-political questions on which its followers fight. But before discussing the questions chosen and why they were chosen, we must discuss why, despite sharing a commitment to the Islamist project, no convergence of views has taken place between them and why these theological-political questions have resulted in fierce disagreements and divisions among Islamists. Islamism was born out of and as a response to the crisis of modernity in the world of Islam in its twin manifestations.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Clash of Thoughts Within the Arab Discourse
    University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2009 The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse Chadia Louai University of Central Florida Part of the Political Science Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Louai, Chadia, "The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse" (2009). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 4114. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/4114 CLASH OF THOUGHTS WITHIN THE CONTEMPORARY ARAB DISCOURSE By CHADIA LOUAI L.D. University Hassan II, 1992 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts In the department of Political Science In the College of Sciences At the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2009 Major Professor: Houman A. Sadri ©2009 Chadia Louai ii ABSTRACT The Clash of Civilization thesis by Samuel Huntington and the claims of other scholars such as Bernard Lewis reinforced the impression in the West that the Arab world is a homogeneous and rigid entity ready to clash with other civilizations. In fact, some in the West argue that world civilizations have religious characteristics, for that reason the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will be primarily cultural and religious. However, other scholars argue that there is no single Islamic culture but rather multiple types of political Islam and different perception of it.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics, Terrorism, and the Sunni Divide
    Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Fax & Email and Posted at www.fpri.org September 2009 POLITICS, TERRORISM, AND THE SUNNI DIVIDE By Samuel Helfont This E-Note is based on Mr. Helfont’s forthcoming monograph, The Sunni Divide: Understanding Politics and Terrorism in the Arab Middle East, a product of FPRI’s Center on Terrorism, Counterterrorism, and Homeland Security. Wahhabism and the Muslim Brotherhood are two distinct forms of Sunni Islamism. They have separate histories and separate worldviews. In reality they are not even the same type of movement. Their origins were largely unrelated. Their historic missions have been completely different, as are their current goals and means of achieving those goals. Unfortunately, these differences too often are overshadowed by a false Sunni-Shia dichotomy that tends to lump all Sunni Islamists together. But learning the differences between Sunni Islamists is critical to understanding politics and terrorism in the Arab Middle East. One could even argue that the most important division shaping Arab politics is not between Sunnis and Shias but between the Wahhabis and the Brotherhood. Before delving into current issues, however, it is first necessary to define differences between Wahhabism and the Muslim Brotherhood. Wahhabism stems from the theological teachings of Muhammad ibn abd al-Wahhab, the eighteenth century reformer. Abd al- Wahhab was one of several “revivalist” thinkers to emerge from that century. The mission of these revivalists was to purify and thereby revitalize Islam. They carried the banner of reform but unlike modern reformers, they wanted to transform Islam on traditionally Islamic grounds.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Policy Research Institute
    Foreign Policy Research Institute FOOTNOTES Vol. 15, No. 2 The Newsletter of the Wachman Center May 2010 SHIISM: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW By John Calvert John Calvert is Fr. Henry W. Casper SJ associate professor of history at Creighton University in Omaha, Nebraska. This essay is excerpted from his book “Divisions within Islam,” part of a 10-volume series for middle and high school students on the World of Islam, put out by Mason Crest Publishers in cooperation with FPRI. Also see his “Sunni Islam: What Students Need to Know” at: http://www.fpri.org/footnotes/1501.201004.calvert.sunniislam.html For information about the series, or to order, visit: http://www.masoncrest.com/series_view.php?seriesID=90 Shiism is the second-largest denomination of Islam, after Sunni Islam. Today, the Shia comprise about 10 percent of the total population of Muslims in the world. The most important group within the Shia is the “Twelvers,” so called for the 12 Imams, or leaders, they venerate. The largest concentrations of Shia Muslims are found in the Islamic Republic of Iran, where they make up 89 percent of the country’s total population; Iraq, where they comprise 63 percent of the country’s total; and Lebanon, where they are 41 percent of the total population. Numerically significant Twelver Shia communities also exist in the Arab Gulf (Bahrain, Kuwait, and northeastern Saudi Arabia), Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India. Subgroups within the Shia include the Zaydis, who exist mostly in Yemen; and the Ismailis, who live mainly in India, in East Africa and in scattered communities in North America and Western Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamic Law and Human Rights in the Thought and Practice of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt
    Elfegiry, Moataz Ahmed Ahmed Mohamed (2016) Islamic law and human rights in the thought and practice of the Muslim Brotherhood In Egypt. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23687 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. ISLAMIC LAW AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE THOUGHT AND PRACTICE OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPT MOATAZ AHMED AHMED MOHAMED ELFEGIRY Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD in Law 2016 Department of Law School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Declaration I have read and understood regulation 17.9 of the Regulations for students of the SOAS, University of London concerning plagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part, by any other person. I also undertake that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged in the work which I present for examination.
    [Show full text]
  • Sayyid Qutb: an Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory Joseph D
    Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Masters Theses Graduate Research and Creative Practice 4-7-2008 Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory Joseph D. Bozek Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/theses Recommended Citation Bozek, Joseph D., "Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory" (2008). Masters Theses. 672. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/theses/672 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Research and Creative Practice at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory By Joseph D. Bozek School of Criminal Justice Grand Valley State University Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory By Joseph D. Bozek August 7, 2008 THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master’s of Science in Criminal Justice in the School of Criminal Justice of Grand Valley State University Grand Rapids, Ml Thesis Committee Dr. Jonathan White (Chair) Dr. William Crawley Dr. Frank Hughes Acknowledgements To the faculty and staff of Grand Valley State University’s School of Criminal Justice to whom I am truly grateful for all of the support and guidance both inside and outside of the classroom. I hope I can one day impact someone’s life in the same way you have impacted mine. 11 Abstract The purpose of this research is to provide a comprehensive analysis of a salient jihadist philosopher by the name of Sayyid Qutb.
    [Show full text]
  • Abu Mus`Ab Al-Suri's Critique of Hard Line Salafists in the Jihadist Current
    DECEMBER 2007 . VOL 1 . ISSUE 1 Abu Mus`ab al-Suri’s Salafism identify contemporary jihadists as While the term Salafism is historically simply radicalized elements within, or Critique of Hard Line associated with a late 19th and early as by-products of, a broader Salafist Salafists in the Jihadist 20th century Islamic reformist phenomenon. Instead, it may be more Current movement, today’s Salafists are very fruitful to speak of Salafism as one of different. Their main characteristic is several competing ideological strands By Brynjar Lia their strict emulation of the practices within the jihadist current. Furthermore, of the Prophet Muhammad and his one may identify a spectrum, or a the recent scholarly literature companions at the pristine Islamic continuum, of positions within the on al-Qa`ida has focused on studying age, and hence an abhorrence of any contemporary Salafi-jihadism, defined internal divisions and ideological later “innovation” (bid`a) in belief and by two extreme positions. schisms in the global jihadist current.1 religious practice, an obsession with This literature has uncovered important God’s oneness (tawhid), a rejection On the one extreme are hard line Salafist fault lines with regard to al-Qa`ida’s of human rationality and an extreme purists for whom doctrinal purity is of priorities on issues such as media and exclusiveness, even hatred, toward quintessential importance, even if it 3 propaganda efforts versus military other Islamic schools and tendencies. means fighting side battles, alienating organization. Differences over the Even if only a small segment of today’s allies and shattering any semblance of primacy of religious-theological purity Salafists support al-Qa`ida, the term a common front against the “Zionist- versus military-strategic effectiveness “Salafi-jihadism” has nevertheless been Crusader” enemy.
    [Show full text]
  • Classical Islamic Discourse on the Origins of Language: Cultural Memory and the Defense of Orthodoxy
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by SOAS Research Online Numen 58 (2011) 314–343 brill.nl/nu Classical Islamic Discourse on the Origins of Language: Cultural Memory and the Defense of Orthodoxy Mustafa Shah School of Oriental and African Studies, London University Russell Square, London WC1H OXG England [email protected] Abstract Classical Islamic scholarship developed two principal theses on the subject of the ori- gin of language (asḷ al-lugha). The first of these theses, commonly referred to astawqīf , accentuated the pre-eminent role that divine agency played in the imposition of lan- guage; axiomatic within this perspective is the view that words (lafz ̣ pl. alfāz)̣ have been assigned their meanings (maʿnā pl. maʿānī) primordially by God. Presented as something of an antithesis to this position, the second doctrine, labeled isṭ ilāḥ ,̣ predi- cates that language was established and evolved via a process of common convention and agreement: words together with their meanings were assigned by human beings, although both the doctrines of tawqīf and isṭ ilāḥ ̣ posit that the actual relationship between words and their assigned meanings remains entirely arbitrary, rejecting any sort of natural link between the two. Although later Islamic scholarship accepted that both theses were plausible, within the course of the 9th/10th centuries opinions on the subject were ostensibly polarized between orthodox and arch-rationalist camps with the former endorsing tawqīf and the latter isṭ ilāḥ .̣ In the quest to achieve a conceptual defense of traditional arguments for tawqīf it was necessary for orthodox theologians to create a connective structure, as articulated through reference to remembrance, continuation, and identity, which enabled them to anchor the construct of tawqīf in a formalized way to the scriptural exegesis and emblems of orthodoxy associated with the pious ancestors.
    [Show full text]
  • Aliran Al-Mujbirah Dan Kesan Pemikirannya Di Malaysia
    ALIRAN AL-MUJBIRAH DAN KESAN PEMIKIRANNYA DI MALAYSIA Oleh: Wan Z. Kamaruddin bin Wan Ali Abstract This article is an attempt to elaborate the development of al- Mujbirah as one of the earliest Muslim sects and also to analyse the influences and impacts of al-Jabariyyah in the Muslim world and in Malaysia. PENDAHULUAN Aliran al-Jabariyyah, al-Jabriyyah1 atau al-Mujbirah2 merupakan salah sebuah aliran pemikiran yang terawal dalam sejarah perkembangan pemikiran Islam. la merupakan aliran yang menjadi lawan dan saingan kepada aliran al-Qadariyyah. Walaupun aliran al-Jabariyyah telah hilang, namun pengaruh dan kesan pemikirannya masih wujud dan berkekalan dalam pemikiran umat Islam pada masa kini. Aliran al-Jabariyyah muncul pada akhir zaman pemerintahan Bani Umayyah sebagai hasil daripada persoalan agama yang berkaitrapat dengan siyasah Islam (sistem politik Islam) iaitu persoalan kepemimpinan (Imamah atau Khildfah). Nama al-Jabariyyah adalah berasal daripada perkataan al-jabr. Dari segi bahasa, perkataan al-jabr bermaksud terpaksa atau tiada kehendak dan kebebasan. Oleh itu, nama al-Jabariyyah adalah berakar umbi kepada perkataan itu yang berkait rapat pula dengan perbuatan manusia (af'dl al- 'ibdd) dan hubungannya dengan perbuatan Allah (afdl Allah). Ini kerana umumnya mereka berpendapat Allah adalah Pencipta segala makhluk- Nya termasuklah manusia dan perbuatan-perbuatannya, dan manusia dikatakan tidak mempunyai kehendak dan kebebasan dalam melakukan perbuatannya sama ada sengaja atau sebaliknya. Ringkasnya, manusia dikatakan dipaksa oleh Allah dalam setiap perbuatan. 1 A.K. Kazi dan J.G.Flynn, "The Jabarites and the Sifatiyya," dim. Abr al-Nahrain, E.J.Brill, Leiden, 1969-70, h. 81. 2 Al-RazI,1'tiqaddt Firaq al-Muslimin wa a-Musyrikin, al-Qahirah, 1398/1978, h.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    The history of the conquest of Egypt, being a partial translation of Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam's "Futuh Misr" and an analysis of this translation Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Hilloowala, Yasmin, 1969- Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 10/10/2021 21:08:06 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282810 INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly fi-om the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectiotiing the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book.
    [Show full text]
  • Asharism and Atheism- a Glimpse Into Two Parallel Ideologies
    Btibsjtn!bne!Buifjtn;! B!Hmjnqtf!Jnup!Uxp! Qbsbmmfm!Jefpmphjft Autor: Ali Boriqee Source: Multaqa Ahlul-Hadeet Compiled by: al-Mustaqeem Publicatons This page left intentionally blank +)#0 ; رب ا+"2<!، و(.- >; و:.9 و28رك /.- 5'234 1)#0 و/.- آ+& و()'& أ$#"! 0"8 >+9E4./ FGH ورAB8* ;< C#Dت I initiate this discussion to enrich the understanding of the Muslims and to solidify what some of them can somewhat already perceive, but only in a general fashion. It may be funny, but it has a great element of tragedy in that those who follow the Ash’ari school of thought, who claim to be the followers of rationalism, simply do not see the rationale and conclusive ramifications of what their school of thought leads to. Whenever the theological topics concerning “limit” and or “place” for Allah comes up, the two heated sides are usually the salafis who are labeled as the anthropomorphists versus the Ash’aris (and we can add the Maturidis) and who are labelled the “Jahmis”. However, what many from Ahlu-Sunnah among the salafis/ahlul-hadeeth have been slightly unaware of, is that the polemic is much graver than simply the kalaam arguments for “limit”, “jism”, and “place” respectively. Little will they realize that discussion on each one of these topics are actually connected to the topic of ilhaad (atheism) and that the formulated doctrines of the later day Ash’aris is nothing less than an institutionalized form of atheism. We will, in this endeavor, highlight Athari Imaams who have either explicitly stated this fact or who have implied this fact.
    [Show full text]
  • Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference After the 25Th of January Revolution)
    UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA DEPARTAMENTO DE DERECHO INTERNACIONAL PÚBLICO Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES TESIS DOCTORAL Egyptian foreign policy (special reference after The 25th of January Revolution) MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTORA PRESENTADA POR Rania Ahmed Hemaid DIRECTOR Najib Abu-Warda Madrid, 2018 © Rania Ahmed Hemaid, 2017 UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID Facultad de Ciencias Políticas Y Socioligía Departamento de Derecho Internacional Público y Relaciones Internacionales Doctoral Program Political Sciences PHD dissertation Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference after The 25th of January Revolution) POLÍTICA EXTERIOR EGIPCIA (ESPECIAL REFERENCIA DESPUÉS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN DEL 25 DE ENERO) Elaborated by Rania Ahmed Hemaid Under the Supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations in the Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid Madrid, 2017 Ph.D. Dissertation Presented to the Complutense University of Madrid for obtaining the doctoral degree in Political Science by Ms. Rania Ahmed Hemaid, under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid. University: Complutense University of Madrid. Department: International Public Law and International Relations (International Studies). Program: Doctorate in Political Science. Director: Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda. Academic Year: 2017 Madrid, 2017 DEDICATION Dedication To my dearest parents may god rest their souls in peace and to my only family my sister whom without her support and love I would not have conducted this piece of work ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Acknowledgments I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda for the continuous support of my Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Non-Muslim Integration Into the Early Islamic Caliphate Through the Use of Surrender Agreements
    University of Arkansas, Fayetteville ScholarWorks@UARK History Undergraduate Honors Theses History 5-2020 Non-Muslim Integration Into the Early Islamic Caliphate Through the Use of Surrender Agreements Rachel Hutchings Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uark.edu/histuht Part of the History of Religion Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, and the Medieval History Commons Citation Hutchings, R. (2020). Non-Muslim Integration Into the Early Islamic Caliphate Through the Use of Surrender Agreements. History Undergraduate Honors Theses Retrieved from https://scholarworks.uark.edu/histuht/6 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the History at ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Non-Muslim Integration Into the Early Islamic Caliphate Through the Use of Surrender Agreements An Honors Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of Honors Studies in History By Rachel Hutchings Spring 2020 History J. William Fulbright College of Arts and Sciences The University of Arkansas 1 Acknowledgments: For my family and the University of Arkansas Honors College 2 Table of Content Introduction…………………………………….………………………………...3 Historiography……………………………………….…………………………...6 Surrender Agreements…………………………………….…………….………10 The Evolution of Surrender Agreements………………………………….…….29 Conclusion……………………………………………………….….….…...…..35 Bibliography…………………………………………………………...………..40 3 Introduction Beginning with Muhammad’s forceful consolidation of Arabia in 631 CE, the Rashidun and Umayyad Caliphates completed a series of conquests that would later become a hallmark of the early Islamic empire. Following the Prophet’s death, the Rashidun Caliphate (632-661) engulfed the Levant in the north, North Africa from Egypt to Tunisia in the west, and the Iranian plateau in the east.
    [Show full text]