Politics, Terrorism, and the Sunni Divide
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The Clash of Thoughts Within the Arab Discourse
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2009 The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse Chadia Louai University of Central Florida Part of the Political Science Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Louai, Chadia, "The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse" (2009). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 4114. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/4114 CLASH OF THOUGHTS WITHIN THE CONTEMPORARY ARAB DISCOURSE By CHADIA LOUAI L.D. University Hassan II, 1992 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts In the department of Political Science In the College of Sciences At the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2009 Major Professor: Houman A. Sadri ©2009 Chadia Louai ii ABSTRACT The Clash of Civilization thesis by Samuel Huntington and the claims of other scholars such as Bernard Lewis reinforced the impression in the West that the Arab world is a homogeneous and rigid entity ready to clash with other civilizations. In fact, some in the West argue that world civilizations have religious characteristics, for that reason the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will be primarily cultural and religious. However, other scholars argue that there is no single Islamic culture but rather multiple types of political Islam and different perception of it. -
Gulf July 2016
Gulf July 2016 Boycott is over? Participative trends in Gulf’s Muslim Brotherhood In the Arab Gulf region, contemporary although different trends in government-opposition dialectic have been surfacing. Broadly looking at state-society relations, Kuwait, Jordan and Bahrain are representative case-studies to identify and compare paths of political moderation or exclusion in an age of regional instability. All these countries will held parliamentary elections by two years. In Kuwait, candidates belonging to the Islamic Constitutional Movement (ICM, also known as al-Harakat al-Dusturia al-Islamiya, HADAS) will run for the 2017 parliamentary elections. The Muslim Brotherhood- linked movement (even though no more formally affiliated with the international Brotherhood organization) boycotted last elections in 2012 and 2013 to criticize the electoral law, as many Salafi groups did as well. In Jordan, the Muslim Brotherhood has been experiencing a “crisis of political identity” still unsolved and it often opted in the past for the electoral boycott, as occurred in 2010 and 2013. Notwithstanding rising intra-Ikhwan fragmentation, all the parties who claim for the Muslim Brotherhood’s legacy (the Islamic Action Front proceeding from the original movement funded in 1942, the Society registered in 2015 and the reformist initiative Zamzam) will take part to the legislative elections scheduled the 20th of September, although limited change is expected from the consultation. In Bahrain, the main Shia political society, al-Wefaq, was dissolved on July 2016 by an administrative judicial act, under the accusation of “violating the law” (with regard to the new amendments to the Political Societies Law, banning the mix of politics and religion) and “favouring terrorism”. -
Sharia Law & Modern Universal Values
Sharia Law & Modern Universal Values A Comparative Case Study of Saudi Arabia and Malaysia Mohamed Osman S1376462 [email protected] 7/7/2017 Table of Contents Chapter 1 – Introduction 1.1 – Background…………………………………………………….……………………………………………………………3 1.2 – Methodology & Structure…………………………………………………………………………………………….5 Chapter 2 – Literature Review.................................................................................................8 Chapter 3 – Sharia Law: Contextual Framework 3.1 – The Formation of Sharia Law……………………………………………………………………………………..13 3.2 – The Application of Sharia Law……………………………………………………………………………………15 Chapter 4 – Case Study: Saudi Arabia 4.1 – Background of Modern Saudi Society………………………………………………………………………..17 4.2 – The Saudi Political System………………………………………………………………………………………….18 4.3 – Local Attitudes towards Saudi Society and Governance…………………………………………….21 4.4 – Saudi State Protection of Human Rights…………………………………………………………………….24 Chapter 5 – Case Study: Malaysia 5.1 – Islamic Insurgence in Malaysia…………………………………………………………………………………..30 5.2 – The Malaysian Political System…………………………………………………………………………………..31 5.3 – Local Attitudes towards the Malaysian State and Governance…………………………………..34 5.4 – Malaysian State Protection of Human Rights………………………………………………….………….35 1 S1376462 Chapter 6 – Conclusion 6.1 – Summary………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….39 6.2 – Discussion………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...41 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….43 2 S1376462 Chapter 1 – Introduction 1.1 -
The Muslim Brotherhood Fol- Lowing the “25 Janu- Ary Revolution”
Maria Dolores Algora Weber CEU San Pablo University THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD FOL- LOWING THE “25 JANU- ARY REVOLUTION”: FROM THE IDEALS OF THE PAST TO THE POLITICAL CHAL- LENGES OF THE PRESENT In the framework of the Arab Spring, as the wave of social mobilisation of 2011 has come to be known, the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt marked the beginning of a process which has deeply transformed the re- ality of many countries in the Arab World. In Egypt, the events that took place in Tahrir Square not only put an end to President Mubarak's dic- tatorship, but also paved the way for new political actors, among which the Muslim Brotherhood has played a key role. During the subsequent transition, the Brotherhood gained control of the National Assembly and positioned their leader, Mohamed Mursi, as the new President. The present debate is focused on the true democratic vocation of this move- ment and its relationship with the other social forces inside Egypt and beyond. This article intends to address these issues. To that end, it begins with an explanation as to the ideological and political evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood and its internal changes brought about by the end of the previous regime, closing with an analysis of its transnational influ- ence and the possible international aftermaths. Islam, Islamism, Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt, Arab Spring 181 INTRODUCTION n 2011, a wave of social mobilisations took place in various Arab countries and which came to be known as the “Arab Spring”. This name is undoubtedly an at- tempt to draw a comparison between the historic process that unfolded in Europe Iin the mid-nineteenth century and the events that have taken place in the Arab World. -
The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria Year of Origin
MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN SYRIA Name: The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria Year of Origin: 1945 Founder(s): Mustafa al-Sibai Place(s) of Operation: Syria Key Leaders: • Mohammad Hekmat Walid: Comptroller general [Image: Al Jazeera] • Hussam Ghadban: Deputy Comptroller general [Image not available] • Mohammad Hatem al-Tabshi: Head of Shura Council [Image not available] • Omar Mushaweh: Head of media and communications [Image; source: Fox News via Omar Mushaweh] • Mulham Droubi: Spokesman [Image; source: Syria Mubasher] • Zuhair Salem: Spokesman [Image; source: Twitter] • Mohammad Riad al-Shaqfeh: Former comptroller general [Image: AFP/Getty Images] • Mohammad Farouk Tayfour: Former deputy comptroller general [Image: please take from MB entity report] • Ali Sadreddine al-Bayanouni: Former comptroller general [Image: please take from MB entity report] • Issam al-Attar: Former comptroller general [Image: Bernd Arnold] Associated Organization(s): • Al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin1 • Syrian Ikhwan2 The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood (i.e., the Syrian Brotherhood or the Brotherhood) was formed in 1945 as an affiliate of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.3 The Syrian Brotherhood actively participated in Syrian politics until 1963, when the incoming pan-Arab Baath party began restricting the movement before ultimately banning the party in 1964.4 In 1964, Brotherhood member Marwan Hadid formed a violent offshoot—known as the Fighting Vanguard—whose members waged numerous terror attacks against the regime in the 1970s and early ’80s. In 1982, in order to quell a Brotherhood uprising in the city of Hama, then-Syrian President Hafez al- Assad dealt a near-fatal blow to the group, killing between 10,000 and 40,000 armed 1 Raphaël Lefèvre, Ashes of Hama: The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 24. -
Sayyid Qutb: an Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory Joseph D
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Masters Theses Graduate Research and Creative Practice 4-7-2008 Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory Joseph D. Bozek Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/theses Recommended Citation Bozek, Joseph D., "Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory" (2008). Masters Theses. 672. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/theses/672 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Research and Creative Practice at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory By Joseph D. Bozek School of Criminal Justice Grand Valley State University Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory By Joseph D. Bozek August 7, 2008 THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master’s of Science in Criminal Justice in the School of Criminal Justice of Grand Valley State University Grand Rapids, Ml Thesis Committee Dr. Jonathan White (Chair) Dr. William Crawley Dr. Frank Hughes Acknowledgements To the faculty and staff of Grand Valley State University’s School of Criminal Justice to whom I am truly grateful for all of the support and guidance both inside and outside of the classroom. I hope I can one day impact someone’s life in the same way you have impacted mine. 11 Abstract The purpose of this research is to provide a comprehensive analysis of a salient jihadist philosopher by the name of Sayyid Qutb. -
Abu Mus`Ab Al-Suri's Critique of Hard Line Salafists in the Jihadist Current
DECEMBER 2007 . VOL 1 . ISSUE 1 Abu Mus`ab al-Suri’s Salafism identify contemporary jihadists as While the term Salafism is historically simply radicalized elements within, or Critique of Hard Line associated with a late 19th and early as by-products of, a broader Salafist Salafists in the Jihadist 20th century Islamic reformist phenomenon. Instead, it may be more Current movement, today’s Salafists are very fruitful to speak of Salafism as one of different. Their main characteristic is several competing ideological strands By Brynjar Lia their strict emulation of the practices within the jihadist current. Furthermore, of the Prophet Muhammad and his one may identify a spectrum, or a the recent scholarly literature companions at the pristine Islamic continuum, of positions within the on al-Qa`ida has focused on studying age, and hence an abhorrence of any contemporary Salafi-jihadism, defined internal divisions and ideological later “innovation” (bid`a) in belief and by two extreme positions. schisms in the global jihadist current.1 religious practice, an obsession with This literature has uncovered important God’s oneness (tawhid), a rejection On the one extreme are hard line Salafist fault lines with regard to al-Qa`ida’s of human rationality and an extreme purists for whom doctrinal purity is of priorities on issues such as media and exclusiveness, even hatred, toward quintessential importance, even if it 3 propaganda efforts versus military other Islamic schools and tendencies. means fighting side battles, alienating organization. Differences over the Even if only a small segment of today’s allies and shattering any semblance of primacy of religious-theological purity Salafists support al-Qa`ida, the term a common front against the “Zionist- versus military-strategic effectiveness “Salafi-jihadism” has nevertheless been Crusader” enemy. -
Islamism Within a Civil War: the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood's Struggle For
RETHINKING POLITICAL ISLAM SERIES August 2015 Islamism within a civil war: The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood’s struggle for survival WORKING PAPER Raphaël Lefèvre, Carnegie Middle East Center SUMMARY: After 30 years in exile outside of Syria, the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood has become an important component of the western-backed Syrian opposition. Despite its influence, the expansion and radicalization of the Islamist scene in Syria challenges the legitimacy of the Brotherhood’s gradualist approach and constrains its presence on the ground. About this Series: The Rethinking Political Islam series is an innovative effort to understand how the developments following the Arab uprisings have shaped—and in some cases altered—the strategies, agendas, and self-conceptions of Islamist movements throughout the Muslim world. The project engages scholars of political Islam through in-depth research and dialogue to provide a systematic, cross-country comparison of the trajectory of political Islam in 12 key countries: Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Syria, Jordan, Libya, Pakistan, as well as Malaysia and Indonesia. This is accomplished through three stages: A working paper for each country, produced by an author who has conducted on-the-ground research and engaged with the relevant Islamist actors. A reaction essay in which authors reflect on and respond to the other country cases. A final draft incorporating the insights gleaned from the months of dialogue and discussion. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. -
Syrian Muslim Brotherhood Still a Crucial Actor. Inclusivity the Order of the Day in Dealings with Syria's Opposition
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik ments German Institute for International and Security Affairs m Co Syrian Muslim Brotherhood Still a Crucial Actor WP S Inclusivity the Order of the Day in Dealings with Syria’s Opposition Petra Becker Summer 2013 brought severe setbacks for the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood. Firstly, one of its most important regional supporters, Qatar lost its leading role in the Group of Friends of the Syrian People, the alliance of states and organisations backing Syria’s opposition, to Saudi Arabia. Secondly, the Brotherhood has been hit by stinging criti- cism of the Egyptian MB’s performance in government and the media witch-hunt against political Islam following the ouster of Mohammed Morsi. In the face of these events the Syrian Brotherhood – to date still a religious and social movement – post- poned the founding of a political party planned for late June. Thirdly, the Brotherhood – like its partners in the National Coalition which opposes the Syrian regime – bet on an American-backed military intervention in August/September. This intervention did not occur due to the American-Russian brokered agreement providing for Syria to join the Convention on the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. As a result, the National Coalition and its Supreme Military Command have faced defections of major rebel forces, which may lead to a major shift towards Jihadi Salafism and the marginalization of moderate forces on the ground. Yet the Brother- hood remains the best-organised political force within the Syrian opposition alliances and still sees itself becoming the leading force in post-revolutionary Syria. Germany and Europe should encourage moderate forces whatever their political colours and foster the implementation of democratic concepts. -
Islamism After the Arab Spring: Between the Islamic State and the Nation-State the Brookings Project on U.S
Islamism after the Arab Spring: Between the Islamic State and the nation-state The Brookings Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World U.S.-Islamic World Forum Papers 2015 January 2017 Shadi Hamid, William McCants, and Rashid Dar The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide in- novative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institu- tion, its management, or its other scholars. Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW independence and impact. Activities supported by its Washington, DC 20036 donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. www.brookings.edu/islamic-world STEERING n 2015, we returned to Doha for the views of the participants of the work- COMMITTEE the 12th annual U.S.-Islamic World ing groups or the Brookings Institution. MArtiN INDYK Forum. Co-convened annually by Select working group papers will be avail- Executive Ithe Brookings Project on U.S. Relations able on our website. Vice President with the Islamic World and the State of Brookings Qatar, the Forum is the premier inter- We would like to take this opportunity BRUCE JONES national gathering of leaders in govern- to thank the State of Qatar for its sup- Vice President ment, civil society, academia, business, port in convening the Forum with us. -
Islam and the Foundations of Political Power Ali Abdel Razek
eCommons@AKU In Translation: Modern Muslim Thinkers ISMC Series 1-1-2013 Islam and the Foundations of Political Power Ali Abdel Razek Maryam Loutfi Translator Abdou Filali-Ansary Editor Follow this and additional works at: http://ecommons.aku.edu/uk_ismc_series_intranslation Part of the Islamic World and Near East History Commons Recommended Citation Abdel Razek, A. , Loutfi, M. , Filali-Ansary, A. (2013). Islam and the Foundations of Political Power Vol. 2, p. 144. Available at: http://ecommons.aku.edu/uk_ismc_series_intranslation/1 IN TRANSLATION: MODERN MUSLIM THINKERS Established in London in 2002, the Aga Khan University, Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilisations aims to strengthen research and teaching about the heritages of Muslim societies as they have evolved over time, and to examine the challenges these societies face in today’s globalised world. It also seeks to create opportunities for interaction among academics, traditionally trained scholars, innovative thinkers and leaders, in an effort to o I promote dialogue and build bridges. s f l a P IN TRANSLATION: MODERN MUSLIM THINKERS m o Islam and the Series Editor: Abdou Filali-Ansary l a i This series aims to broaden current debates about Muslim realities which often ignore seminal t n works produced in languages other than English. By identifying and translating critical and i c innovative thinking that has engendered important debates within its own settings, the series d Foundations of a hopes to introduce new perspectives to the discussions about Muslim civilisations -
EDITORIAL: Contesting the Dichotomy of Islam and Modernity: Islamic Feminisms
P a g e | 3 EDITORIAL: Contesting the Dichotomy of Islam and Modernity: Islamic Feminisms Alina Isac ALAK University of Bucharest, Romania [email protected] Even nowadays, Muslim women, who are or are not veiled, are still not treated individually, but collectively, often reduced to „Muslimwomanˮ, an artificial determination that collapses all the aspects related to gender and religion. By promoting this insidious concept of „Muslimwomanˮ, Islamist men, non-Muslim men, orientalists, and even Muslim or non-Muslim states deny and mask the national, ethnic, cultural, historical, philosophical, and spiritual diversity of Muslim women and forcefully assume the right to decide what is good or bad for Muslim women and on their behalf.1 However, during the last decades, a salutary path for progress has been made, especially in academia; the new ideas and attitudes are also reflected in Muslim activist feminist movements. A new type of Islamic feminist resistance against the limited neo-orientalist or Islamist gender-related imaginary preserves the faith-based point of reference and facilitates the emergency of a series of various alternative Islamic gender concepts and theories, doubled by an enhanced representation of Muslim women by their own agency. The development of the last century’s political Islam that had to allow public access to classical books of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) in order to justify its return to Shari’ah and that opportunistically resorted to logic, reasoning and non-religious sources of knowledge, paradoxically and involuntarily generated the configuration of an internal critique and demystification of the sanctity of the so-called divine Islamic law’s diverse patriarchal interpretations.