Dossier Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Dossier Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston Dossier Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston INFORMATION POR BANDUNG CONFERENCE 1955 to Turkey, but this was strongly rejected in the country. In The Country 1950, a referendum was called between the Greek Cypriots and its result showed that 80% of the Cyprus population The Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston (EOKA), or the wanted to be reunited with Greece, and this became the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters, is a nationalist main slogan of the nationalist groups in the country. Greek Cypriot group that fought against the British imperi- alism in the Island of Cyprus. The EOKA will be the repre- EOKA in the Conference sentative of the pre-independent Cyprus in the Bandung Conference. The Organization started to act earlier in 1955, EOKA will be represented by the Cypriot archbishop and but the leaderships have been articulating among them- activist Makarios III. Since Cyprus is not yet an independ- selves since the beginning of the 1950’s. The EOKA will be ent, the EOKA will be more inclined to find support for its part of the Bandung Conference because of the participa- independence among the other ex-colonies then to negoti- tion of the Archbishop Makarios III, who went to the confer- ate other questions. EOKA will be a strong supporter of the ence looking for more attention to the Cyprus question. In Self-Determination principle in the Conference, since it Cyprus, the population was split in between Greeks and legitimize the will of the Greek Cypriot to be integrated to Turkish Cypriots. The EOKA doesn't accept the Turkish Greece, and of further aid to the independence struggles in Cypriots, since their goal is to create a different state in the other colonies. north of Cyprus while the Greek Cypriots are willing for the reunification of Cyprus and Greece. Cyrpus and the Imperialism Cyprus is an island located in the Mediterranean Sea. It was first invaded by the Ottoman Empire in 1570. During the Greek War of Independence (1821-1829), the Cypriots fought side by side with the Greek forces. However, the independence of Cyprus was not guaranteed, but the Greek president Kapodistrias stated that he would look for the unification of Cyprus and Greece. In 1877, during the Con- gress of Berlin, Cyprus was put under the control of Great Britain. Under the British domination, the Greek Cypriot population felt hopeful for the unification with Greece, since that Great Britain promised the unification in return of the Greek support in the World War I and later in the World War II. However, in both occasions, Greece didn’t actively partake in the war and England remained in control of Cy- prus until the present (1955). After the World War II and with the creation of the United Nations (UN), several statements were made towards the control of Cyprus. Tur- key had pronounced in favour of the annexation of Cyprus .
Recommended publications
  • The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO.
    [Show full text]
  • The Liberation Struggle of Eoka 1955-1959 and the Chloraka Coast
    THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE OF EOKA 1955-1959 AND THE CHLORAKA COAST Today the Chloraka coast in Paphos is a busy tourist area. At the time of the 1955-1959 struggle for liberation, however, it was a remote deserted shoreline, and this is why it was cho- sen as the site for the secret arrival from Greece of EOKA leader George Grivas Dhigenis and for receipt of the first shipments of arms. Because of the very important events that took place here during preparations for the EOKA struggle in 1954 and the early part of 1955, the Chloraka coast and particularly the areas "Alyki", "Rodafinia" and "Vrexi" are among the most important monumental sites of the 1955-1959 struggle for freedom. It was here that the flame of freedom was lit for the first time. It was from here that the message was spread to the whole of Cyprus that the yoke of English Colonial Rule was about to be thrown off. THE CHAPEL OF SAINT GEORGE About two hundred metres from the sea, at the place known as "Alyki", where the leader Dhigenis disem- barked on 10 November 1954, Zena Gunther built the chapel of Saint George, at her own expense, in honour of the military leader. The chapel, which was later decorated with icons by George and Alexander Constantinides under the supervision of Paphos Diocese and with donations from Christians, is now an integral part of the monu- mental site on the Chloraka coast. Together with the other monumental works, it serves to perpetuate his- toric memory and to underline the Christian faith that inspired the freedom fighters of the struggle and was indissolubly linked to their love for freedom for the fatherland.
    [Show full text]
  • British Intelligence Against Eoka in Cyprus 1945-1960
    BRITISH INTELLIGENCE AGAINST EOKA IN CYPRUS 1945-1960 A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY NİHAL ERKAN IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS JULY 2019 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences ___________________________ Prof. Dr. Tülin Gençöz Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ___________________________ Prof.Dr.Oktay Tanrısever Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. _____________________ Prof.Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. M. Fatih Tayfur (METU, IR) _____________________ Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı (METU,IR) _____________________ Prof. Dr. Oktay Tanrısever (METU,IR) _____________________ Prof. Dr. Gökhan Koçer (Karadeniz Teknik Uni., ULS) _____________________ Assist. Prof.Dr. Merve Seren (Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt Uni., INRE) _____________________ I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Nihal Erkan Signature : iii ABSTRACT BRITISH INTELLIGENCE AGAINST EOKA IN CYPRUS, 1945-1960 Erkan, Nihal Ph.D; Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof.Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı July 2019, 367 pages This thesis analyses the role of British intelligence activities in the fight against EOKA in Cyprus between 1945 and 1960.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: an Overall Assessment
    The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: An Overall Assessment Andreas Theophanous Odysseas Christou Since its creation the Republic of Cyprus has had a very turbulent history. From the outset the geopolitical implications of the Treaty of Establishment, the Treaty of Alliance, and the Treaty of Guarantee on the one hand and the particular characteristics of the Cold War on the other were not fully understood. Domestic tensions as well as foreign interventions led eventually to the cataclysmic events of the summer of 1974. Fifty years after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, this island-state faces critical problems and multidimensional challenges.1 The greatest challenge remains the reestablishment of the territorial integrity and unity of the country. Prior to the Turkish invasion of 1974, the basis of the intercommunal negotiations revolved around the establishment of a unitary state with elements of local and communal, self-administration on issues of low level politics. Since the latter part of the 1970s, the model for the solution to the Cyprus problem, according to conventional orthodoxy, has essentially been a bizonal bicommunal federation.2 Yet despite successive and repeated rounds of intercommunal negotiations under the auspices of the UN and the support of the international community there has not been an agreement.3 In fact, the problem remains unresolved while the gap between the two sides is widening. Thus, it is not surprising that to the present day the bizonal bicommunal federation does not yet have a commonly accepted precise definition. Besides it is indeed doubtful whether the implementation of such a model could lead to stability and cooperation.4 Historical Background and Context Cyprus is the third largest island in the Mediterranean, located approximately 70 km to the south of Turkey.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Accommodation in Cyprus and the Annan Plan Moore, Gavin
    www.ssoar.info Federalism and the 'one-person one-vote principle': political accommodation in Cyprus and the Annan Plan Moore, Gavin Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Moore, G. (2011). Federalism and the 'one-person one-vote principle': political accommodation in Cyprus and the Annan Plan. Federal Governance, 8(2), 29-41. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-341437 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Basic Digital Peer Publishing-Lizenz This document is made available under a Basic Digital Peer zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den DiPP-Lizenzen Publishing Licence. For more Information see: finden Sie hier: http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ Special Issue on Federalism and Conflict Management edited by Neophytos Loizides, Iosif Kovras and Kathleen Ireton. FEDERALISM AND THE ‘ONE-PERSON ONE-VOTE PRINCIPLE’: POLITICAL ACCOMMODATION IN CYPRUS AND THE ANNAN PLAN by Gavin Moore Department of Political Science, Queens University Belfast, Ireland Email: [email protected] Abstract: The ‘one-person one-vote principle’ (OPOV) seems to be an intuitively appealing principle, one that is procedurally fair by ensuring equality in votes for all and contributes to the proper functioning of democratic states. Although commonly cited as a cornerstone of democracy, this article argues that OPOV can be a dangerous principle in societies divided by group conflict. Minorities face permanent exclusion, and thus cannot protect their own interests, leading to resentment and destabilization. Moreover, deviation from OPOV is not uncommon in political accommodation, especially in federal arrangements.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of Cyprus and Its Geostrategic Importance During the Cold War
    Revista de Estudos Internacionais (REI), ISSN 2236-4811, Vol. 8 (1), 2017 The history of Cyprus and its geostrategic importance during the Cold War A história de Chipre e sua importância geoestratégica durante a Guerra Fria Mauro Cid1 Escola de Comando e Estado Maior do Exército Instituto Meira Matos Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Militares Rio de Janeiro – Rio de Janeiro - Brasil Abstract: This article aims to analyse, from a historical-military context, the importance of Cyprus in the geopolitical world during the Cold War. Cyprus is a small island located in the eastern Mediterranean Sea, to the south of Turkey and west of Syria and Lebanon. Due to its strategic position between three continents, it was occupied by the Phoenicians, Egyptians, Assyrians, Persians, Greeks and Romans in ancient times. During the Cold War, Cyprus was used as a support base for the actions of the great Occidental powers. The article is based on the author's experience, having worked as a Military Observer and Liaison Officer from September 2012 to July 2013 in Cyprus. It is also based on detailed literature reviews on this topic and official UN documents from the period. Key-words: Cyprus. Cold War. Geopolitics. Resumo: O objetivo do artigo é analisar, de um contexto histórico-militar, a importância do Chipre no mundo geopolítico durante a Guera Fria. Chipre é uma pequena ilha localizada no Mediterrâneo oriental, ao sul da Turquia e leste de Síria e Líbano. Por sua posição estratégica, entre três continentes ela foi ocupada por fenícios, egípcios, assírios, persas, gregos e romanos na Antiguidade.
    [Show full text]
  • History II the Enosis & the Greek Junta
    The influence of the Greek civil war on the division of the Greek-Cypriot community’s local society Alexios Alecou Abstract The objective of this paper is to explore the antagonism and the collision of the two dominant political camps -namely the "nationalist" Right and the "communist” Left- under the influence of the Greek Civil war, and the impact of this conflict to the local society of the Greek-Cypriot community. In the late 1940s the political climate had affected local societies in such terms that specific stereotypes (nationalists VS communists) divided public life in all levels: Sports clubs, groceries, cafeterias, etc. had been converted into the battlefield of the two conflictual camps. As a result of this division people had to choose between the “left-wing grocer” and the “right-wing grocer”, support the football team of the “communists” or the other one of the “nationalists” and so on. What is striking is that the situation described above has been carried out within this concept up to our days. Ideological Framework Because of the positive climate that had been created on the island as a result of the alliance between Britain and Greece during WWII, and the participation of thousands of Cypriots in the war, the colonial administration reinstated the elective system that had been withdrawn twelve years earlier from the municipal authorities. This was the first step towards the restoration of limited and mutilated constitutional institutions for political representation1. This development in the political rights of Cypriots was approached under different aspects between different parts of society. The working class and their representatives view this development as the starting point of their social 1 For an analysis of the restoration and concession of constitutional rights, see Rolandos Katsiaounis, “Η Διασκεπτική, 1946-1948” [Diaskeptiki, 1946-1948] (Kentro Epistimonikon Erevnon, Nicosia 2000).
    [Show full text]
  • Makarios and Greek Cypriot Nationalism (1967-1974)
    This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights and duplication or sale of all or part is not permitted, except that material may be duplicated by you for research, private study, criticism/review or educational purposes. Electronic or print copies are for your own personal, non- commercial use and shall not be passed to any other individual. No quotation may be published without proper acknowledgement. For any other use, or to quote extensively from the work, permission must be obtained from the copyright holder/s. National identity and elite interests: Makarios and Greek Cypriot nationalism (1967-1974) Sevki Kiralp PHD Keele University June 2014 With my deepest respect to Ekrem, Hasan, Ahmet and all the other victims of the Cyprus tragedy, I dedicate this thesis to my dear parents Leyla Kiralp and Mustafa Kiralp. i Declaration Part 1. To be bound in the thesis SUBMISSION OF THESIS FOR A RESEARCH DEGREE Part I. DECLARATION by the candidate for a research degree. To be bound in the thesis Degree for which thesis being submitted PHD Title of thesis National identity and elite interests: Makarios and Greek Cypriot nationalism (1967-1974) This thesis contains confidential information and is subject to the protocol set down for the submission and examination of such a thesis. NO Date of submission Original registration date 3 June 2014 27 September 2010 Name of candidate Sevki Kiralp Research Institute Name of Lead Supervisor Law, Politics and Justice Lorna Lloyd I certify that: (a) The thesis being submitted for examination is my own account of my own research (b) My research has been conducted ethically.
    [Show full text]
  • Protracted Occupation That Leads to De Facto State Creation: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, an International Legal Evaluation
    Global Journal of Politics and Law Research Vol.8, No.2, pp.30-64, March 2020 Published by ECRTD-UK ISSN: ISSN 2053-6321(Print), ISSN: ISSN 2053-6593(Online) PROTRACTED OCCUPATION THAT LEADS TO DE FACTO STATE CREATION: THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS, AN INTERNATIONAL LEGAL EVALUATION Sanford R. Silverburg, Ph.D Professor Emeritus Department of History and Politics Catawba College Salisbury, NC [email protected] ABSTRACT: The history of Cyprus is replete with foreign invasions and occupation. Modern history has Great Britain in control over the island, betwixt a long-term period of antagonism and hostility over the island’s control between Greece and Turkey. Greek Cypriots have for many years sought enosis, or union with Greece, while the minority Turkish community’s ethnic community goal has been taksim (partition) between the two ethnic groups. A crucial temporal dividing point came in 1974 when following a coup d’etat against the Greek Cypriot leadership leading to some instability which was then followed by a Turkish military invasion in order to protect the island’s Turkish population. Once order was restored and with Ankara’s backing, the Turkish Cypriots created the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Because of the manner in which the political action occurred, only Turkey provided diplomatic recognition, thus bringing up the legal issue of non-recognition and a discussion of the use of force to achieve a political objective. KEY WORDS: Cyprus, Turkish republic, northern Cyprus, Turkish foreign policy, Greek foreign policy, occupation, international law, de facto state INTRODUCTION Occupation in its varied forms1 has taken on increased interest in the post-World War II era, at multiple legal2 and political levels.
    [Show full text]
  • British Intelligence and the Origins of the EOKA Insurgency
    BRITISH INTELLIGENCE AND THE EOKA INSURGENCY British Intelligence and the Origins of the EOKA Insurgency DAVID FRENCH University College London Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT This article explores why the British security forces on Cyprus failed to nip the EOKA conspiracy in the bud before the start of its armed insurgency in April 1955. Using material in the recently released Foreign and Commonwealth Office ‘migrated archive’, together with information found in Colonial Office files in the National Archives that have hitherto been largely ignored, it shows that their failure was the result of a complex set of circumstances. Not only was the local Special Branch under resourced, but the British looked for trouble in the wrong place. They expected a repeat of the 1931 riots, not the campaign of armed terrorism that EOKA was planning. Introduction On the night of 30 March-1 April 1955, 16 bombs exploded in Nicosia and several other main towns on the island of Cyprus. The insurgent organisation, EOKA (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston or the National Organisation of Cypriot Combatants), proclaimed that it was acting to induce the British to grant Enosis, that is union between Cyprus and Greece. The colonial authorities on the island appeared to have been taken completely by surprise. But as recently as 25 January 1955 the security forces had intercepted a Greek-owned caique, the St George, carrying a cargo of arms and explosives as they were being landed on a beach near Paphos and arrested a group of Cypriot nationalists who were ready to receive them. If the security forces and intelligence services were sufficiently alert to carry out these arrests, the question remains why they could not detect the whole conspiracy on the island and break it up before the bombing campaign began.
    [Show full text]
  • Cultural Centre of the Archbishop Makarios III Foundation
    2. The Art Gallery Operating Hours he Cultural Centre of the Archbishop Makarios III Foundation is the The Offices of the Foundation are open: The Art Gallery is open embodiment of the vision of the late Ethnarch and first President The Art Gallery hosts in two floors a unique ΔMonday - Friday: 07:30΄ - 14:30΄ Monday - Friday: 09:00΄ - 13:00΄ Τof the Republic of Cyprus (1913-1977). Its founders are the exhibition of representative works from Western and 14:00΄ - 16:30΄ The Byzantine Museum is open late Archbishop of Cyprus, Chrysostomos I (1927-2007) and the late Europe, from the Renaissance to the modern times President of the Republic Spyros Kyprianou (1932-2002). The Chairman Monday - Friday: 09:00΄ - 16:30΄ The Library is open and works of art from modern Greece and Cyprus. Saturday: 09:00΄ - 13:00΄ of the Board of the Foundation is Archbishop of Cyprus, Chrysostomos The collection is divided into four sections: Monday - Friday: 08:00΄ - 16:00΄ Saturday: 09:00΄ - 12:45΄ II. The Cultural Centre is housed in a building at the heart of old Nicosia, a) Paintings with religious and mythological in the forecourt of St John’s Cathedral, next to Holy Archbishopric. It subjects, as well as portraits and landscapes comprises the Byzantine Museum, the Art Gallery, the Library, the Office of western European painting (15th to 19th for Cyprus History and the Ceremony Hall. Publications are among the century). most important activities of the Foundation. The collection belonged to Nicos Dikaios, a collector who was Cyprus’ consul in Lyon, France, and was bought in 1963 by the late Ethnarch Makarios III.
    [Show full text]
  • Us Intelligence Or Policy Failure? the Case of the Greek Coup in Cyprus In
    U.S. INTELLIGENCE OR POLICY FAILURE? THE CASE OF THE GREEK COUP IN CYPRUS IN 1974 Sofia Tzamarelou (Postgraduate Researcher in the Center for Intelligence Studies, University of Brunel, UK) Copyright: www.rieas.gr The performance of the United States Intelligence Community (USIC), as to if and to what extent there was an intelligence failure regarding the 1974 Greek coup that led to the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, is not a very researched case study which is worth looking at. In the available literature, there are different points of view on what contributed to the invasion. Some scholars, such as Andreas Constandinos, argue that the invasion occurred due to failures that took place in the USIC.i Other academics claim that the invasion took place because of the deception applied by Dimitrios Ioannides, the Greek dictator who carried out the coup against Makarios III, the President and Archbishop of Cyprus in 1974 and as a result, served as an opportunity for the Turkish government to invade Cyprus.ii A third point of view is the conspiracy theory against the U.S. The general Greek and Greek-Cypriot perceptions claim that the U.S. deliberately helped Turkey to invade the island since an occupied regime would serve the U.S. interests both in Cyprus and the Mediterranean, and this was one of the reasons why they did not stop Ioannides from waging the coup.iii The first two points of view can be considered valid, since there were mistakes made in the USIC, but they mainly happened due to the deception carried out by Ioannides, who was supposed to be the CIA’s strongest asset in Greece.iv Yet, a variable not generally taken into consideration is the failure of US foreign policy, mainly due to policymakers’ ignorance and disregard on the situation in Cyprus.
    [Show full text]