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Visser I, Mark Ingle, declare that this dissertation/thesis hereby handed in for the PhD qualification at the University of the Free State, is my own independent work and that I have not previously submitted the same work for a qualification at/in another university/faculty . ......................................................................... 1 February 2012 I, Mark Ingle, hereby cede the copyright on this dissertation/thesis to the University of the Free State but only insofar as copyright on the previously published portions of it has not already been ceded to the publishing houses concerned . ....................................................................... 1 February 2012 Acknowiedgements: Without the encouragement and faith of my supervisor, Prof. Gustav Visser, and my wife, Prof. Doreen Atkinson, this body of work would never have been undertaken or brought to completion. My heartfelt thanks also to Profs. Lucius Rotes and Lochner Marais for their collegiality and support over last 10 years. Acknowledgements and grateful thanks are also due to the National Research Foundation (NRF) for a generous bursary and to the Cluster for Sustainable Development and Poverty Alleviation at the University of the Free State for additional financial assistance. 2 Human and social capital formation in South Africa's arid areas Contents 1. Prologue 4 2. Postproductivism in rural areas 5 3. The costs of postproductivism 10 4. The 'creative class' 12 5. The creative class, social capital and social networks 16 6. Urban-rural migration and the creative class in the countryside 22 7. Human capital and the economic impacts of the creative class 25 8. The creative class in the Karoo 28 8.1 The Karoo: from primary agriculture to postproductivism 29 8.2 White migration in South Africa: a neglected phenomenon 31 8.3 The impact of the creative class on Karoo social networks 33 8.4 The impact of the creative class on the economy of small Karoo towns 34 8.5 The impact of the creative class on the built environment 37 8.6 The power of the new creative class in the Karoo: resisting shale gas mining .40 9. The papers in this collection 42 9.1 Paper I: A 'Creative Class' in South Africa's arid Karoo region .42 9.2 Paper II: Making the most of 'nothing': Astro-tourism, the Sublime, and the Karoo as a 'space destination' 75 9.3 Paper Ill: Tarring the Road to Mecca: Dilemmas of infrastructural development in a small Karoo town 108 9.4 Paper IV: The Subaru Fauresmith 200km Challenge: Looking a gift-horse in the mouth? 133 9.5 Paper V: The Copernican Shift in Space Tourism and its Implications for Tourism in the Great Karoo 161 10. Epilogue 188 Il. References 190 3 1. Prologue The University of the Free State's (UFS) New Frontiers in Poverty Alleviation and Sustainable Development Cluster focus area seeks, inter alia, to promote research with a bearing on local development in resource-poor environments. South Africa's arid zones are resource-poor by definition which entails that the remit of the New Frontiers focus area largely subsumes another UFS research initiative - the Centre for Development Support's (CDS) Arid Areas Research Programme. I During the course of 2007, the Arid Areas Research Programme completed a series of diverse socio-economic studies with a special focus on the Karoo. The programme was provisional and exploratory in nature, and was intended to inform further arid areas studies on a par with those undeliaken by Australia's Deseli Knowledge Foundation, which is based in Alice Springs and which focuses on the Australian Outback. This thesis builds on the work already done under the auspices of the Arid Areas Research Programme, by reflecting on select aspects of economic change in South Africa's arid areas where the main focus is on the Karoo. In particular, the focus is on the shift from primary agriculture to the tertiary sector, reflected in the growing number of tourism establishments, game farms and mis and craft enterprises. This type of rural transformation has been characterized as being a shift to a 'postproductivist countryside' (Ilbery, 1998). This is a form of rural re-orientation which has been the subject of academic scrutiny in Britain, Europe and the United States (Beale, 1980; Ilbery, 1998; Ilbery & Bowler, 1998; Askwith, 2008). This thesis will draw out some of the implications of postproductivism in South Africa's arid areas. In particular, the thesis will explore the social dimensions of this transformation and the urban-to- rural migration of middle-class whites (a phenomenon also known as 'counterurbanisation' or 'reverse migration'). Typically, these relatively affluent migrants from the city exhibit a I http://www.aridareas.co.za 4 propensity for creative activities, exemplified by art, crafts, boutique agriculture and niche tourism along with country lifestyle and biodiversity pursuits. The thesis consists of five papers which explore different dimensions of the social phenomenon of a 'creative class' in South Africa's arid areas. In this overall contextualisation, the concept of the post-productivist countryside is briefly presented, followed by an elucidation of the concept of the 'creative class'. As part of this analysis the notion of 'social capital', as it is exemplified by this new rural class of sophisticates, is broached. In the five papers of the thesis, these themes are further elaborated on, with particular reference to the economic and social impacts of these in-migrants. 2. Postproductivism in rural areas Hoogendoorn and Visser (2011) in commenting on the "emerging South African postproductivist countryside" contend that the phenomenon arose concurrently with the demise and ultimate collapse of apartheid, and they point to the role of second homes in rural areas as giving impetus to postproductivist developments. For the purposes of the arguments to be presented here it is instructive to note that the years of apartheid''s decline also happened to coincide with South Africa's unprecedentedly rapid adoption of a range of communications technologies, namely mobile telephony, e-mail and the internet. In the space of a very few years these technologies had become virtually ubiquitous in all but the remotest rural areas. A major stimulus for the post-productivist movement internationally is the change of pace which many urban residents are seeking (Askwith, 2008). This is of a piece with the 'deconcentration theory' described by Lewis (1998: 137) which "takes the view that long-standing preferences towards lower density locations are being less constrained by institutional and technological barriers" and that "rising standards of living, and technical improvements in transport, communication and production are leading to a convergence ... in the availability of amenities that were previously accessible only in large places". 5 According to Honoré (2004:21), "Cities have always attracted energetic and dynamic people, but urban life itself acts as a giant particle accelerator. When people move to the city, they start to do everything faster". Vernon (20 Il: 121), who himself "turned to the countryside" for relief, considers "the urban social imaginary ... [to be] ego-aggrandising not ego-transcending" and unsuitable "for contemplation". The advent of mobile telecommunications has only served to make urban living in the developed world ever more frenetic (the 'fast lane'). But advances in telecommunications simultaneously hold out the option of a bolthole from the urban frenzy. Mobile telecommunications can make urban living possible at one remove - that is to say, rural living with an urban income. This becomes a financially viable option for people not bound to a specific workplace. In the late 1980s, the New York-based Trends Research Institute identified a phenomenon known as "downshifting", which entails "swapping a high-pressure, high-earning, high-tempo lifestyle for a more relaxed, less consumerist existence ... willing to forgo money in return for time and slowness" (Honoré, 2004:41). By the late 1980s, some big corporations were already running in-house prototypes of e-mail on networked personal computers, which enabled staff to work at home, and this facilitated a measure of 'downshifting' in residential location. Carlo Petrini, the Italian founder of the' Slow Food' movement, rejects the notion that the Slow Movement's ethos is anti-modern. He affirms the right of people to moderate the pace at which they choose to live: "If you are always slow then you are stupid - and that is not at all what we are aiming for. .. being Slow means that you control the rhythms of your own life. You decide how fast you have to go in any given context. If today I want to go fast, I go fast; if tomorrow I want to go slow, I go slow. What we are fighting for is the right to determine our own tempos" (Petrini quoted in Honoré, 2004:14). It is this 'right to determine one's own tempo', and a willingness to make the requisite trade-offs (Brende, 2004), that has contributed to the migration of urban sophisticates to small towns. The new emphasis on 'quality of life' considerations, as typified by the slow food movement and its offshoots, is associated with this type of migration (sometimes also called 'semigration').
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