Estonian Between German and Russian

ESTONIAN BETWEEN GERMAN AND RUSSIAN: FACTS AND FICTION ABOUT LANGUAGE INTERFERENCE Author(s): CORNELIUS HASSELBLATT Source: Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics, Vol. 28, Languages in Contact (2000), pp. 135-144 Published by: Brill Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40997158 Accessed: 04-01-2018 13:18 UTC

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This content downloaded from 91.129.99.79 on Thu, 04 Jan 2018 13:18:36 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Languages in Contact, edited by D.G. Gilbers, J. Nerbonne, and J. Schaeken (= Studies in Slavic and Generai Linguistics, vol. 28), 135-144. Amsterdam - Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 2000.

ESTONIAN BETWEEN GERMAN AND RUSSIAN: FACTS AND FICTION ABOUT LANGUAGE INTERFERENCE

CORNELIUS HASSELBLATT

German and Russian are the most important contact languages for Estonian. While the German influence has been described at different levels in several monographs (e.g. Ariste 1940, Pauley 1980, Hinderung 1981, Hasselblatt 1990) and numerous articles, the Russian influence still lacks a profound analysis. Some work has been done in the field of loanwords (e.g. Mägiste 1962, Seppet 1983), but most of the work seems to lie before us.

Since the weakening of the Soviet/Russian political influence (ca. 1988) and the regaining of Estonian independence (1991) the Russian influence on Estonian has been dealt with by several Estonian scholars (cf. Hint 1990, 1990a, 1996, 1996a; Liivaku 1993 and 1994). The problem is, however, that some of the linguistic features characterized as Russian might be ascribed to other, i.e. mainly (Low) German influence, as this language was the most important contact language for Estonian for seven centuries: Estonia was conquered by Teutonic knights in the 13th century. This, and the embedding into the Hanseatic League led to a strong (Low) German influence which lasted until the beginnings of the 20th century when the German upper class finally lost its privileged position (1918) and left the country (1939). The Russian influence was intensified in the period of Russi- fication beginning with emperor Alexander III (1881) but was interrupted during the first independence period (1918-1940). The Soviet period (1941/44-1991) strengthened the position of Russian again, leading to a demographic shift, re- sulting in the large Russian minority of Estonia today. The problem, in short, is to weigh 700 years of (Low) German influence against 100 years of intense Russian influence. In what follows I will try to present a critical review of Russian influence in Estonian and ask whether Russian is, indeed, the only probable source for specific un-Estonian features in Estonian, or whether other source languages should also be considered. The following inven- tory is based mainly on Mati Hint (1990) but other sources are also taken into account. Hint 1990a is an English version of the first part of (the Estonian) Hint 1990.

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1) Ideologization of word usage (Hint 1990: 1383-1387): It is true that in a cen- tralized, totalitarian state language is an important instrument for rulers to steer the people. This certainly happened in Soviet Estonia as well as in Nazi-Germany and elsewhere. The specific position of Russian in the Soviet Union does indeed give the ideologization of word usage a Russian guise. Generally, however, ideologization of word usage is not confined to totalitarian states. Contemporary American 'political correctness' can also be a kind of ideologization as is any kind of prescribed euphemism: in German nuclear energy was originally called Atomkraft (e.g. Wahrig 1968: 454) but later replaced by Kernkraft {Duden 1993- 1995: 271 refers from Atomkraft to Kernkraft) because Kernkraft lacks the nega- tive connotation with the atomic bomb. So Hint's statement on ideologization of word usage should be modified: Due to the Russian rule the (normal) ideologization of word usage received a Russian guise.

2) Using reflexive (intransitive) verbs instead of transitive verbs or German sich- constructions (Hint 1990: 1388-1392): As Hint himself admits, the suffix -u- for reflexive or intransitive verbs is a common derivation suffix in Baltic-Finnic. The hypothesis that the use of this suffix has increased due to Russian influence can hardly be proved or disproved without larger-scale quantitative analysis. But there are some arguments which suggest that many -w-verbs are older than recent Rus- sian influence could account for. One of Hint's examples - sulguma 'to close' - can be attested for the early 18th century (Vestring's unpublished dictionary, see Vestring 1998: 234) and cannot therefore exist due to recent Russian influence. Secondly, a look at Finland can prove useful: the pair sisaldama 'to contain' / sisalduma 'to be contained, be included' - the latter being one of Hint's examples for the spreading of -w-verbs - has an exact Finnish counterpart in sisältää and sisältyä. A comparable Russian influence on Finnish has, however, never been suggested, and the fact that in a frequency analysis the Finnish verbs do not range very far away from one another {sisältää has position 580, sisältyä position 712 in a sample of more than 40.000 lexems, cf. Saukkonen et al. 1979: 468) is a further argument for the 'normality' of this verb pair. Mägiste (1982-1983: 2823) even suggests that not only sisaldama - which is quite obvious (cf. Raun 1982: 158) - but even sisalduma is a 19th century Finnish loan. Finally, we find the pair already in a pre-war Estonian-German dictionary (Graf 1937: 534-535) which again makes recent Russian influence seem more unlikely.

3) Aspect (Hint 1990: 1392-1393): The category of aspect is sometimes believed to be a peculiarity of the Slavic languages (cf. Lewandowski 1994: 95), but it is actually found in most of the world's languages, though the means of realisation can be very different (Comrie 1976, Dahl 1985). The Baltic-Finnic languages originally show the uncommon feature of marking aspect with the nominal object, not with the verb. But this method is restricted to certain syntactical constructions - e.g. only transitive verbs can display aspectual meanings with the object - and

This content downloaded from 91.129.99.79 on Thu, 04 Jan 2018 13:18:36 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ESTONIAN BETWEEN GERMAN AND RUSSIAN 1 37 syntactical aspectual minimal pairs are extremely rare (cf. for Finnish Ground- stroem 1988: 10). In Estonian, such cases are even less frequent (Metslang 1997: 32). Nevertheless the category of aspect can be expressed, as Estonian has developed its own system of phrasal verbs which function mostly as aspect markers (Hasselblatt 1990; Metslang 1997). Although Hint (1990: 1392) admits that this aspectual system came into being mostly according to the German pattern (cf. G. essen vs. aufessen), he argues that the recent Russian influence has stimulated most of the contemporary phrasal verbs. This statement is insubstantial insofar as a large number of the phrasal verbs are considerably older than one hundred years. As Russian pressure was much weaker, or even non-existent, in previous centuries, a Russian loan translation is less likely than a German loan translation in case both possible source languages offer the same pattern. According to Hint (1990: 1393) Est. välja Mema 'to speak out' (välja 'out' + Mema 'to say') would be a recent (= Soviet) loan translation from Russ. vy-skazat'sja 'to speak out', but as this verb is found already in earlier sources (e.g. Wiedemann 1869: 1413), the German verb aussprechen might fit better as the source. I have shown earlier (Hasselblatt 1999: 228-229) that the Russian influence Erelt and Metslang (1998: 665) suggested for some verbs is not very probable as these verbs could already be attested in earlier centuries. Another example is a newspaper column by Hint (1990b) where he says: "In order to reach exactly the grammatical structure of the Russian verb one uses means of expressions which have come into being by German influence", and he mentions several examples of verbs with the (redundant) aspect marker ära. In his opinion these verbs are constructed according to their Russian counterparts with the means and methods earlier German influence had created in Estonian. I state, however, that a consid- erable number of the phrasal verbs has already been formed long before the Rus- sian influence strenghtened, as they can be attested in sources from the 17th and 18th century. As the most common aspect marker is ära 'away, off I will scrutinize the verb patterns with this particle. In an earlier corpus (Hasselblatt 1990) based on contemporary, 20th century, dictionaries I examined 266 phrasal verbs with ära. Of these verbs, 41.4 % could be attested in the 17th century, 15.8 % in the 18th century, 18.4 % in the 19th century, and only less than a quarter (24.4 %) had no earlier attestation. This corpus is based on bilingual dictionaries (cf. Hasselblatt 1990: 50-53) and is not at all all-inclusive. But the tendency is rather obvious: more than the half of the phrasal verbs with ära stems from, at least, the 17th and 18th century. Additional material from older dictionaries even shows that the number of phrasal verbs was still higher: Vestring's 18th century dictionary in- cludes 76 phrasal verbs with ära which are not found in contemporary dictionaries.

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The question is, of course, why is the particular vintage of any given syntagma an argument for German as opposed to Russian influence? The answer can only be given by consulting books on social and educational history. In their thorough study on the social and national situation in Tallinn in the Middle Ages, Johansen and von zur Mühlen (1973: 379) state: "Auffallend wenig wurde in Reval im Ge- gensatz zum Schwedischen das Russische gekonnt und gesprochen". Ariste (1981: 34), in writing about the 16th century, notes that there was a certain trilin- gualism in Tallinn which can even be found in historical documents, however, those three languages were Estonian, German, and Swedish - and not Russian. The first primary schools for Russian children were not founded until the 1780ies in Narva and Tallinn (Laul 1989: 257). The older a phenomenon is, the less probable Russian influence would appear to be, since Russian was simply not that visible in earlier times. In general, the phenomenon of the phrasal verb can be found in a number of other Finno-Ugric languages (cf. Hasselblatt 1990: 46-48, and Bujnák 1928, re- cently Honti 1999), above all Hungarian (Soltész 1959, Schlachter and Pusztay 1983), and it is not absolutely clear whether it is due to foreign influence in all Finno-Ugric languages. On account of this fact and the earlier sources mentioned above, I do not estimate as particularly significant the Russian role in the development of the Estonian system of phrasal verbs. Russian played, at most, an aux- iliary or supporting role concerning the very contemporary development, and no more.

4) Usage of periphrastical verb forms and negation (Hint 1990: 1394-1395): Ac- cording to Hint the expression ei saa jätta märkimata, et... 'it cannot be left unmentioned that...' is Russian influenced as 'normal' Estonian would run tuleb märkida, et... 'you have to mention that...'. Double negation, however, is a common stylistic element in many languages to make speech more lively, and the lit- eral English translation above is idiomatic as well as is the German translation 'man darf nicht unerwähnt lassen, dass...'. There is no reason to posit only Rus- sian influence for this element of style; it is, at least, general Indo-European. The same element of style may already be found in letters from the 19th century. Lydia Koidula wrote in 1867 to Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald: '... sus ei wõi Teil mitte teadmata olla, ...' which is literally 'so it cannot be unknown to you' (Kreutzwald and Koidula 1910: 9). The correspondence of Kreutzwald and Koidula is, by the way, partly written in German, which means that German influence, if any, is most likely. Also in records from the early 18th century we find stylistic double (or even triple) negation (cf. Vestring 1998: 133). The tendency to express the oppo- site by double negation is older than recent Russian influence. In general negation (cf. Honti 1997) differs in most Uralic languages from the Indo-European pattern, as instead of particle negation often a negation verb is applied. This is not the case in the Ugric languages: the Hungarian nem functions

This content downloaded from 91.129.99.79 on Thu, 04 Jan 2018 13:18:36 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ESTONIAN BETWEEN GERMAN AND RUSSIAN 1 39 exactly as the German nicht or the Russian ne, i.e. in front of or after the finite verb form. Finnish, on the other hand, still has a fully conjugated negation verb with six different forms which is followed by the verb stem without personal suffixes. Estonian stands in between having reduced the negation verb to one form (ei, which is originally 3rd person singular) which functions as a particle like the above-mentioned nem, nicht or ne, but which still is followed - as in Finnish - only by the stem without personal suffixes. Additionally a second negation particle has arisen, mitte 'not'. Originally in literary Estonian the usage of mitte was excluded from the negation of a finite verb form and confined e.g. to the negation of infinitives or nouns or additionally used for emphasis. In contemporary texts, as Hint (1990: 1394-1395) states, the negation with mitte followed by both finite and non-finite verb forms is gaining ground, but actually this topic has already been dealt with earlier (Kindlam 1976: 82-84). It is questionable for two reasons whether this happens only due to Russian influence: Firstly, in dialects we also find the m/tfe-negation with verbs and without ei (cf. Koit 1963: 143; Sang 1975: 156). Secondly, in certain constructions like the Eng- lish 'not only ... but [also]' the negation with mitte is even preferable to the one with ei because the sentence is semantically positive and the case of the object has therefore to be the one normally applied in positive sentences, too. Using ei in those sentences would disturb this rule, cf.: *7b ei kaotanud mitte ainult riideid [partitive], vaid ka dokumente [partitive] *'She didn't only lose her clothes but also her documents' and Ta kaotas mitte ainult riided [nominative], vaid ka do- kumendid [nominative] 'She lost not only her clothes but also her documents' (Sang 1983: 259-260). Aspectually the action is perfective, as clothes and documents are definitively lost, therefore the object has to be in the nominative. Using the partitive in the first part of the sentence could only be correct if the clothes were not lost. Similar examples are quoted by other authors, too (cf. Erelt 1977: 436). The question of negation has been discussed thoroughly in Estonian linguistics, because the system is changing (cf. Finnish on the one hand and Hungarian on the other hand). The shift away from the negation verb to a more analytical particle negation has, in my opinion, roots older than recent Russian influence. Again, I think, Russian influence is but one possibility and maybe only an accel- erating factor.

5) Tense (Hint 1990: 1395-1396): The Estonian tense system consists of four tenses (present, past, present perfect, past perfect), where Russian has only two (present and past). The general opinion is that Proto-Uralic had no compound tenses (as present perfect and past perfect in Baltic-Finnic today are) and that the Baltic-Finnic tense system developed either independently or due to the influence of the Baltic languages. Later the Germanic languages might also have played a part in this development (Laanest 1982: 235). The use of the tenses follows

This content downloaded from 91.129.99.79 on Thu, 04 Jan 2018 13:18:36 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 1 40 CORNELIUS HASSELBLATT roughly the same pattern as in English: ta on töötanud [present perfect] meiljuba hulk aega, aga keegi ei tunne teda õieti 'she has worked with us already for a long time, but actually nobody knows her'. Hint (1990: 1395) states that in texts translated from Russian we also find the following form which is, literally translated into English, ungrammatical: ta töötab [present tense] meiljuba hulk aega, aga keegi ei tunne teda õieti *'she works with us already for a long time, but actually nobody knows her'. Russian influence is here indeed rather probable, as this contact language has only two tenses. Also Metslang (1993: 34) mentions Russian influence in certain temporal constructions in Estonian. On the other hand one has to take into account that the German translation could only be in the present tense {sie arbeitet hier schon eine geraume Zeit, aber niemand kennt sie eigentlich, cf. *sie hat hier schon eine geraume Zeit gearbeitet, aber niemand kennt sie eigentlich), though German has a present perfect as well (but cannot use it in this example). Without further investigation of old Estonian texts the source language is difficult to determine. Morphologically, the future tense does not exist in Uralic (or is, if you like, a homomorph with the present tense), but Estonian has developed an analytical future with the verb saama 'to become' following the German wm/ew-future. This was quite strongly, and successfully, banned by the language renewal movement at the beginning of this century. A lot of future constructions with saama can nevertheless be found in Estonian texts, which according to Hint (1990: 1396) copy the Russian construction with budu etc. But the situation is more compli- cated: Metslang (1994) shows the general need for a future form a written language has and states that the revival of the saama-futvxQ in Estonian can be ascribed to the growing importance of the press. She gives an internal explanation and does not even mention Russian influence. I cannot solve this question here but it can be mentioned that in the meantime another language with an analytical future - English - has become an important contact language for Estonian. Rus- sian does not seem to be the only explanation.

6) Plural (Hint 1990, 1396-1400): Hint is certainly right when stating that plural use is rather limited in Uralic languages, and also in Estonian. He states that in the sentence Löppeval nädalal oli osai [sg adessive] saadikutest [pi elative] kohtumisi 'at the end of the week a number [lit. "part"] of the delegates had meetings' we find the normal Estonian singular whereas the following sentence would display Russian plural use: Löppeval nädalal oli osadel [pi adessive] saadikutel [pi adessive] kohtumisi 'at the end of the week some ["parts"] of the delegates had meetings'. On the other hand he admits that in the same Russian constructions no number agreement occurs (Hint 1990: 1398). In other words: Hint cannot prove direct Russian influence in this case either. His second example is more convincing: indefinite pronouns and relative pronouns tend to apply the plural where the singular would be expected or 'normal'.

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Elasime mitmeid aastaid [pi] koos 'we lived many years together' instead of the expected Elasime mitu aastat [sg] koos 'id.' The semantically understandable plural form is not genuine Estonian and follows an Indo-European or Russian pattern. The same semantic influence we find in the following sentences: Enamik [sg] hääletab [sg] vastu 'the majority votes against', and Enamik [sg] hääletavad [pi] vastu 'id.'. The 'danger' of applying the plural with a morphologically singular but semantically plural subject is inherent, I believe, to all languages, that is why I am not sure that the possible Russian pattern is the only solution. 7) Prepositions instead of postpositions (Hint 1990: 1400-1402): The original Uralic pattern is centripedal as is usual for agglutinative languages, which entails using postpositions instead of prepositions. In Baltic Finnic and Saamic, however, a number of postpositions are used as prepositions, too. This is generally believed to be Germanic or Slavic influence (Majtinskaja 1982: 17; Stoebke 1968: 3). Both contact languages, Russian and German, are prepositional, therefore the growing use of prepositions in Estonian is not particularly surprising. Ehala (1994) has examined the possible Russian influence thoroughly and comes to the conclusion "that the robust Russian influence explanation for this change in progress is over- simplified" (Ehala 1994: 177). He analysed texts from 1905, 1972 and 1992 and found out that the frequency of adpositions has fallen considerably during this century, but the frequency of prepostions has risen between 1905 and 1972 and fallen between 1972 and 1992. "This evidence has brought into question the be- lief that the rise of prepositions in Estonian has been caused by an increasing Rus- sian influence in the second half of this century" (Ehala 1994: 191). Once again we have to admit that Russian influence is not the only possible explanation and that the problem is much more complex, and insoluble without further research.

Conclusion

Of the seven features ascribed to recent Russian influence and examined above, only one could more or less unequivocably be labelled as having undergone Rus- sian influence (no. 1, ideologization of word usage). All the others were either somewhat doubtful (no. 2, reflexive verbs, partly no. 4, negation, no. 5, tense, no. 6, plural, no. 7, prepositions) or even improbable (no. 3, aspect, partly no. 4, negation). I would therefore hesitate to speak of an immense Russian influence as some scholars do. There are, of course, traces of Russian influence, but in hardly any case has this been the only possible source of innovation. Russian influence on Estonian is less strong than has often been assumed.

University of Groningen

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