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Sustainable development

Tom R Burns Uppsala University, Sweden

abstract This article provides an overview of from a sociological perspective. It is divided into three parts. Part I presents selected relevant sociological research from before there was ever a concept of ‘sustainable development’. The focus here is on work falling under the rubrics of envi - ronmental as well as development sociology. Part II briefly discusses the context and process that led to conceptualizing ‘sustainable development’. Part III considers the response of several sociology the - ories to sustainable development issues, with the focus on a selection of four major system theories: world systems theory, neo-Marxist ‘treadmill of production’ theory, theory and mod - ern systems theory, all of which have addressed development issues and eventually questions. keywords development sociology ◆ environment ◆ environmental sociology ◆ industrialization ◆ ◆ sustainable development ◆ system theories

I Background Sociological legacies of the interaction between and the physical Long before there was a conception of sustainable environment (Wehling, 2002). Studies include inves - development, sociologists (as well as other social sci - tigations of attitudes towards energy use, pollution entists) were conducting research on development and environmental degradation, the extent to which issues (such as modernization, socioeconomic devel - people are ready to try to conserve energy or protect opment, distorted development, unequal develop - the environment. In addition to attitude studies, con - ment, etc.) as well as sustainability issues (pollution, siderable research has been conducted on, among environmental degradation, resource depletion, key other phenomena, actual patterns of household ener - resource struggles and politics relating to oil, water, gy use and energy efficiency, innovations in energy land, etc.). technologies, human factors in and response to pollu - Selected sociological studies of environment and tion and environmental degradation, and the politics also development are briefly presented below, each in of environment and energy as well as other resources turn, before we go on to consider the emergence of such as land, water and minerals. Sociologists have the concept of sustainable development and some fea - especially studied environmental movements and in tures of sustainable development as a sociological area some instances, their interactions with states (a con - of theory development and empirical research. In the siderable part this latter research has been - conclusion, the article suggests that a new societal par - al as well as historical in character). adigm relating to sustainable development is emerg - Much of the substantial and important work of ing – and the study and conceptualization of this environmental sociologists emerged initially in the paradigm is a major challenge to contemporary soci - context of mainstream sociology blended in with ology. many other studies up until the 1970s. From the early 1970s, the term ‘environmental sociology’ came into Environmental research increasing use. The section ‘Energy and Society’ ‘Environmental sociology’, encompassing a substan - (Research Committee 24) was established within the tial body of research, can be understood as the study International Sociological Association in 1971, and

Sociopedia.isa © 2013 The Author(s) © 2013 ISA (Editorial Arrangement of Sociopedia.isa ) Tom R Burns, 2013, ‘Sustainable development’, Sociopedia.isa , DOI: 10.1177/205684601392

1 Burns Sustainable development some years later (1977) the ‘Environment and et al., 1998; Kaushik and Srivastava, 2003; Pretty Technology’ section was formed in the American et al., 2007; Redclift, 1987; Redclift and Sociological Association. Woodgate, 1997; Rosa et al., 2010; Stern et al., Several of the major contributions of environ - 1992; York et al., 2003). mental sociology include (this listing is not compre - • (Mellor, 1998; Mies and Shiva, hensive in designation of either research areas or the 1993; Salleh, 1997, 2009; Shiva, 1992). many sociologists who have contributed to impor - • Social theory, the environment and nature–society tant bodies of knowledge in the diverse areas; this relationships (Benton and Redclift, 1994; Buttel, highly selected listing is merely intended to suggest 2002; Christen et al., 1998; Dickens, 2002; the diversity of areas – and some of the intensity – in Drummond and Marsden, 1999; Dunlap et al., which sociologists are engaged ): 2002; Mehta and Ouellet, 1995; Murphy, 1997; Strydom, 2002; Wehling, 2002). • Surveys of attitudes and opinions towards the environment and (Dunlap, All in all, a substantial number of sociologists – 1994; Hamilton et al., 2012a, 2012b; McCright although definitely a minority and to some extent and Dunlap, 2011, among others). marginal to mainstream sociology – have conducted • Lifestyle and consumer behaviour studies considerable research on a wide spectrum of environ - (Boström and Klintman, 2008; Dietz et al., mental questions and issues. A significant part of the 2003; Spaargaren and Van Vliet, 2000, among research was concerned with humanly caused envi - others). ronmental degradation (fisheries, forests, pollution, • Environmental movements (Brulle, 2000; Brulle etc.). Also, societal damage and loss in the face of and Jenkins, 2005; Flam, 1994; Jamison et al., environmental degradation have been important, 1990; Pellow and Brulle, 2005; Richardson and especially its impacts on, among other issues, health, Rootes, 1995; Rootes, 1997, among others). habitat, marginal communities and groups (for • Studies of regulation and governance (Carson et instance, women’s subsistence livelihood [Mies and al., 2009; de Man and Burns, 2006; Fonjong, Shiva, 1993]). It is an impressive accomplishment 2008; Kasemir et al., 2003; Lidskog and and deserves much wider recognition within sociol - Sundqvist, 2011; Lindén and Carlsson-Kanyama, ogy. (There are a number of anthologies and text - 2007; Midttun, 2010, Nikoloyuk et al., 2010; books covering the general area: Benton and Pellizzoni, 2011). Redclift, 1994; Dunlap et al., 2002; Gross and • Energy politics and policymaking (Andersen and Heinrichs, 2010; Pretty et al., 2007; Redclift and Burns, 1992; Baumgartner and Midttun, 1986; Woodgate, 1997). Midttun and Finon, 2004; Pachauri et al., 1991; In sum, already starting in the 1960s and 1970s, Woodward et al., 1994, among others). sociological studies investigated and theorized about • Studies of innovation and entrepreneurship relat - environmental issues and the relationship between ing to alternative energy technologies, energy policies social and natural systems (Dunlap et al., 2002: and sustainability issues (Baumgartner and Burns, 329). Environmental sociology extended its empiri - 1984; Klemmer et al., 1999; Olsthoorn and cal research net (see below), developed a number of Wieczorek, 2006; Woodward et al., 1994, among particular concepts and models; it criticized main - others). stream sociology – and in partic - • Special sector studies : (Giddens, ular – for ignoring the and 2008; Merlinsky, 2010; Norgaard, 2011; Rosa arguing generally that the ‘material world’ was not and Dietz, 1998; Stehr and Von Storch, 2010); sufficiently taken into account in sociology (Buttel, biofuels (Bozzini, 2012; Carolan, 2009; Carrosio, 2002; Catton and Dunlap, 1978; Dunlap and 2012; Mol, 2007); fisheries (Burns and Stöhr, Catton, 1979; Dunlap et al., 2002: 331). Buttel 2011a; Finlayson, 1994; Hamilton et al., 2005; (2002: 39) points out that, indeed, there existed a Jentoft, 2005); forests (Bunker, 1985; de Man classical environmental sociology (italics in the origi - and Burns, 2006; Nikoloyuk et al., 2010; Puy et nal): ‘Elements of environmental sociology have al., 2008); tourism (Hamilton et al., 2003; roots deep in nineteenth-century social thought. Not Salvatore and Maretti, 2012); transport (Baker, only did Marx, Durkheim, and Weber incorporate 1994; Wang, 2012; Whitt, 1982; Yago, 1983); air what we might regard as ecological components in transport (Midttun, 1992); water, sewage their work, they did so from a variety of standpoints. (Azpiazu, 2010; Merlinsky, 2011; Tàbara and Among the multiple ecologically relevant compo - Ilhan, 2008; Tàbara et al., 2008); environmental nents of their works are materialist (in the education (Schmidt, 2004; Schmidt et al., 2011). case of Marx and Engels), biological analogies • Global environmental change studies (Christen (Durkheim), use of Darwinian/evolutionary argu -

2 Burns Sustainable development ments or schemas (Marx, Durkheim, and Weber), modern family structure, and much more. the notion of nature-society “metabolism” (Marx), ‘Successful’ development (economic, political and and concrete empirical analyses of natural-resource cultural) was expected over time for all nations, and, and “environmental” issues (Marx and Weber)’ (see consequently, a global convergence was predicted: Dickens, 1997, 2002). At the same time, this emerg - faster or slower as the case may be. In a word, it was ing subdiscipline was viewed by many if not most a theory not only of societal development but social sociologists as marginal to mainstream sociology. In transformation (Halpern, 1966). the mid-1970s, Catton (1976), Catton and Dunlap In response to the take-off of modernization the - (1978), Dunlap and Catton (1979), among others, ory in the 1960s and 1970s (see references above) articulated what they referred to as the ‘new ecologi - there emerged widespread critique as well as a num - cal paradigm’, which became an important legacy of ber of counter-approaches to the analysis of society environmental sociology (not only in the USA but and its development (and underdevelopment): internationally). Buttel (2002: 38) claims that the among others, dependency theory (Amin, 1976; core of North American environmental sociology – Cardoso and Faletto, 1979; Frank, 1967), neo- and, in particular, the new human – Marxist theory (Benton, 1989; Dickens, 1997; emerged in part in opposition to mainstream sociol - Schnaiberg, 1980, among others),world systems the - ogy. ory (Hopkins and Wallerstein, 1982; Wallerstein, 1974, 2004) and modern systems theory Development research (Baumgartner et al., 1986; Buckley, 1967; Burns and Development research emerged as a major sociologi - Flam, 1987; Burns et al., 1985; see also Archer, cal undertaking after the Second World War (there 1995). were parallel developments in the other social sci - Criticism of modernization theory focused on its ences); ‘development’ referred to a multidimensional simple dichotomization of traditional/modern, the transformation of society – although there are many transparent western ethnocentrism and strong different conceptions in the details). It was more assumptions of reductionism (individuals and per - than a field of study, it was an aspiration, an ideolo - sonality structures as key explanatory variables). The gy (or several) (Bernstein, 1971: 142). The research critical perspectives highlighted the importance of was particularly oriented to ‘less developed’ or ‘non- class and international power relationships, unequal industrialized’ that were undergoing (or exchange (developed countries gaining at the could be expected to undergo) a transition to indus - expense of less developed countries) and ‘underdevel - trialization (the transitions usually occurred under opment’ as a source of constraint as well as other per - some form of capitalism but communist countries verse developments and distortions appearing in also launched massive industrialization and modern - weaker, peripheral parts of ‘the Third World’. The ization programmes). A major part of the early opposition became a counterpoint to the optimism efforts had a particular theoretical perspective, name - and apparent ‘value neutrality’ of ‘modernization ly ‘modernization theory’ (Bernstein, 1971; theory’, emphasizing rather class exploitation, the Eisenstadt, 1966; Huntington, 1968; Inkeles, 1974; perverse ‘development of underdevelopment’, Lerner, 1958; Moore and Cook, 1967, among many ‘blocked development, divergence in development others) and referred to the emergence of modes of patterns and global inequality generally. social life, organization and economy which By the end of 1970s, modernization theory had appeared in Europe from the seventeenth century faded (only to return a decade later as ecological onwards and which came to have worldwide influ - modernization theory emphasizing ecological con - ence (Giddens, 1990). In other words, moderniza - siderations, societal learning and institutional and tion referred to development or change towards cultural analysis, see below). World systems theory, ‘modern’ economic, political and social systems such neo-Marxist and modern systems theory presented as those that characterized the USA and Western and elaborated their considerations of societal devel - Europe (see also Apter, 1965; Halpern, 1966; Levy, opment (the following discussion is drawn from 1966; Nisbet, 1969; Rogers, 1962). The approach Burns, 2006). World systems theory, in particular, postulated more or less linear movement from ‘tradi - evolved into a major sociological research pro - tional societies’ to ‘modern societies’ (the latter bear - gramme on development, which continues to be ing considerable similarity to the USA): the active and flourishing and which has in the last emergence of ‘rational’ thinking and calculation, decade also embraced environmental issues (see professionalization, monetization, market economy, below) (Bergesen, 1983; Chase-Dunn, 1997; Chase- urbanization, representative democracy, advanced Dunn and Grimes, 1995; Chase-Dunn and Hall, educational systems, the spread of mass communica - 1976; Hopkins and Wallerstein, 1982; Wallerstein, tion systems and literacy, extensive research systems, 1974, 2004).

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World systems theory shared the Marxian histor - instance, the ‘superstructure’ of politics and culture ical perspective paying close attention to economics derived from and dependent on the substructure of but shifted the focus from a single state to a global production. Human beings generate these structures world economic system linked by trade. More atten - through their own actions, but not always under the tion was paid to market and trade expansion than to conditions of their own choosing or in the ways they modes of production, the latter much emphasized by intend. Marxist theory identified and explained why conventional Marxists. It focused on imperialism certain modes of production, that is, particular social and dependency among nations and considered structures, give advantages to one group or class ‘development’ in a global and comparative perspec - rather than another. The relative power of social tive. classes is determined by the particular mode of pro - In the world systems theory perspective, compet - duction, the ownership of productive and ing states (and their economic agents) are linked the authority system required by a given technology together in a global system which is structured as (Stinchcombe, 1968). Classes have not only different core (rich, developed and powerful) and periphery interests (ideology and modes of mental production) (poor, underdeveloped and relatively weak). but also different capabilities and means of political Centre–periphery is, in a word, relational. The for - mobilization and influence. mer dominates the latter, yet the functioning of each According to Marx, because of contradictions part is interdependent in the global system. Major between structures, the capitalist system has been wealth and other gains accrue to the core, which is historically characterized by economic crises, con - characterized by high profitability, high wage levels, flicts and tendencies for continuous transformation multiple benefits and high-skill developments pro - not only of its economic relations but also other ducing diverse and advanced goods and services. social relationships. Advances in technology and Profitability in the core, it is argued, is achieved knowledge and increasing size of production units without the brutal exploitation of labour. On the contribute to changes in the mode of production and other hand, peripheral areas are systematically redistribute power among classes over time. Those ‘underdeveloped’ and are characterized by low prof - agents or classes of agents with growing power under itability, low wages and the production of less emerging conditions increase their influence over advanced goods and services; labour tends to be institutional and cultural conditions. highly exploited. Contrary to the view of many Actor system dialectics (ASD) developed by Marxists, it is the periphery (not the developed cen - Buckley, Burns and their associates dealt with some tre) that is the locus of great exploitation (and of the same issues as world systems theory and increasing environmental degradation, as suggested Marxist theories. In investigating and analysing soci - below). etal dynamics and development (and underdevelop - By conceptualizing positions of societies in a ment), ASD stressed the role of human , matrix of global trade and diplomacy, world systems institutional, cultural and power factors, interactions theory contributed to breaking out of the framework (conflict, exchange and struggle), as well as innova - utilized by most sociologists, modernization theo - tion and sociopolitical mobilization and transforma - rists as well as Marxists, that is, the investigation of tion. Active agents with their distinctive the development of individual societies in isolation characteristics, motivations and powers interact with from one another (Chirot and Hall, 1982: 102). one another and contribute to establishing and World systems theory also articulated a variety of sys - transforming structures such as , temic concepts and analyses, such as structures of sociotechnical systems and physical and ecological domination, centre–periphery relationships, semi- structures but always within the existing constraints peripheral regions (halfway between centre and and opportunities and not in precisely the ways the periphery in terms of economic structure and change agents intend. Complex, dynamic social sys - power), unequal exchange and accumulation and tems are described and analysed in terms of the inter - anti-global system movements (Wallerstein, 2004). play between stabilizing mechanisms (morphostasis) While world systems theory has played an important and destabilizing mechanisms (morphogenesis) role in development sociology, it neglected until (Archer, 1995; Buckley, 1967; Burns et al., 1985). recently the biophysical environment (a failing it has The structural and cultural of society are acknowledged). Increasingly, it gives attention to not only carried by but transmitted and reformed global environmental issues (see below). through individual and collective actions and inter - The historical approach of Marx conceived of all actions. ASD has been especially used to identify and societies as evolving in a series of stages. Each stage analyse mechanisms of innovation and the develop - was characterized by a particular structure, a certain ment and transformation of technologies, infrastruc - mode of production as well as other structures, for tures and social and ecological structures

4 Burns Sustainable development

(Baumgartner and Burns, 1984; Burns and Hall, populations. A catastrophe (beyond one or 2012; Carson et al., 2009;Woodward et al., 1994). more of several tipping points) threatens to wreck In general, agents through their interactions gen - the economy and society as we know them. erate structural reproduction, elaboration and trans - Arguably, the Greenhouse effect is already trans - formation. They play constructive as well as forming global and local weather patterns, floods of destructive and transformative roles in the context of a magnitude that might once have happened every complex sociocultural systems. In such terms, agents 100 years become frequent events, as do powerful and the institutional and stratification structures in hurricanes, continental forest fires and other disas - which they are embedded contribute to creating and ters; all of these draw down the reserves of insurance recreating themselves in an ongoing developmental companies and the emergency funds of even the process. most prosperous states. The poor ones suffer their From the ASD perspective, structures such as fates or receive some relief through international aid. institutions and cultural formations as well as eco - Despite widely held scientific views about the logical conditions are temporally prior, relatively potential of a biosphere catastrophe, policy decisions autonomous and possessing causal powers, con - needed to deal with these threats have been disap - straining and enabling people’s social actions and pointing – thus far arguably not up to the level interactions with their constructive and destructive necessitated by the challenge. Meanwhile, the accu - potentials for transformation (see also Archer, 1995). mulation of greenhouse gases (GHGs) continues unabated (and humanity still lacks a clear agreement or strategy for enforceable reductions), species II The concept of sustainable extinction rates accelerate to thousands of times development emerges ‘background’ extinction rates, and more and more toxic compounds accumulate globally. There is a substantial scientific consensus that the Figures 1 and 2 show the exponential growth major global environmental threats are the conse - since the 1750s of several of the major ‘drivers’ of quences of human factors – cultural forms, institu - environmental change and destruction (the systems tional arrangements, social practices and behaviour: producing increasing built environments, cars, fossil of precious resources (such as fuel , electronic goods, tourism, water water, forests, fossil fuels), overexploitation of consumption, garbage, etc.) and some of the physi - nature’s ‘capital’ and destruction of ecosystem servic - cal impacts (also, exponential growth curves): gas es, unsustainable land practices, the unabated release emissions, collapse of fisheries, tropical deforesta - of toxic chemicals and emissions driving climate dis - tion, loss and much more. ruption, among others. The result is the disruption Modernization – whichever its current forms and of carbon, ocean, climate, biotic and other biogeo - however it is brought about– appears to make chemical cycles and the loss of biodiversity, defor - human life increasingly unsustainable on this planet. estation, environmental degradation – One of the issues – and challenges raised by contem - overexploitation of nature’s ‘capital’ and ‘services’ porary research – concerns what possible forms of (Rosa et al., 2010; Strydom, 2002). A biosphere modernization are sustainable and how they might catastrophe (beyond one or more of several tipping be accomplished (see later discussion). points – see earlier) threatens to wreck the economy Global environmental change touches upon and society as we know them. every facet of human existence - health, diet, leisure, A short look backward – to the decades just quality of life, everyday practices; production, con - before the current millennium – reveals the remark - sumption, education, research, politics, and societal able acceleration in the pace, scale and spread of values. A ‘transformation’ of ways of thinking, judg - human impacts on the global environment (Rosa et ing, and acting, etc. needs to take place – and there al., 2010). Looking forward, greenhouse gases now are many developments in this direction, but it is not in the atmosphere will remain there for a millenni - clear or certain that these changes will take place in um; will increase by releases to which we are already a number of the most critical areas quickly enough committed, and will almost certainly contribute to (see Concluding remarks). weather extremes, flooding and drought, which will seriously affect agriculture and the life conditions of Sustainability: Emergence of a public people living on islands and along coastal regions. normative concept This, plus the spread of tropical diseases, increased The literature on the concepts ‘sustainability’ and vulnerability to vast epidemics, sea level rise and ‘sustainable development’ is vast. These influential more severe storms, will reduce (are already reduc - concepts emerged out of political and administrative ing) the welfare of many human communities and processes, not scientific ones. Like the concept of

5 Burns Sustainable development

Figure 1. Indicators of industrial growth and ‘development’.

Source: Steffen et al., 2004.

6 Burns Sustainable development

Figure 2. Indicators of changes in physical and ecological conditions (stress).

Source: Steffen et al., 2004.

7 Burns Sustainable development development itself, sustainable development has the economic, ecological and social areas of concern. been a contentious and contested concept, not only Above all, the concept was meant to refer to develop - with respect to controversies between advocates of ment that meets the needs of the present generation capitalism and those of socialism, between industri - without compromising (or jeopardizing) the ability alized and developed countries, or between modern - of future generations to meet their needs (World ization advocates and their diverse opponents. In Commission, 1987). (Numerous other definitions other words, to earlier contentious issues have been have been proposed: among others see Drummond added environmental issues. These have been and and Marsden, 1999; Goodland, 1995; Opschoor continue to be divisive, for instance between those and Van der Straaten, 1993: 1–2; Sachs, 1997; who advocate constraining or blocking much socioe - WWF, 2002: 20.) conomic development in order to protect or reclaim During the course of negotiations, the developed the environment (overcoming excessive GHG emis - or industrialized countries stressed, in general, the sions, climate change, depletion of key resources, need for societal constraints and the strict regulation deforestation of rain forests, etc.) and those who of hazardous emissions and , the stress the need of socioeconomic development to mitigation of depletion of resources and environ - alleviate poverty and inequality, if necessary at the mental degradation generally. The developing coun - expense of the state of the environment. As tries, on the other hand, stressed their ambitions for Opschoor and Van der Straaten (1993: 2) point out: economic growth and development, even if it ‘A fair and prudent assessment of the extent of the entailed hazardous emissions and environmental environmental utilization space leaves much less degradation. The Brundtland report (World room for economic development than an anthro - Commission, 1987) recognized that perceived needs pocentric, egotistic and accepting one.’ are socially and culturally determined, and sustain - Historically, the linkage of sustainability and able development requires the promotion of values development has been, in large part, the result of that encourage consumption standards that are with - global political and administrative processes and the in the bounds of the ecologically feasible and to diverse interests driving these processes. The term which all can reasonably aspire. Moreover, the report ‘sustainable development’ was coined as a political- argued that economic growth is a necessity in devel - administrative term to bridge differences between oping countries, while economic growth should be developed and developing countries in the context of curbed in the developed parts of the world. The UN negotiations and resolutions. The UN World 1992 and 2012 Earth Summits in Rio de Janeiro Commission on Environment and Development engaging thousands of participants from all over the (hereafter, World Commission), chaired by Gro globe are, in part, derivatives of the Brundtland Harlam Brundtland (former Norwegian prime min - Commission and its influential report. Of particular ister), produced an influential report in 1987, Our significance, the report brought the problem of envi - Common Future (World Commission, 1987) . The ronmental deterioration and ruthless exploitation of had been established by natural resources into the global context of the rela - the UN in 1993 in response to growing awareness of tions between North and South. Thus, issues of and concerns over the deterioration of the human equity and distributive justice were raised and environment and natural resources at the same time became part and parcel of the global . developing countries were pushing for higher levels It is not feasible to construct a precise defi - of economic growth (with the likelihood of increased nition of sustainable development , based on entirely damage to the environment). The Commission was technical or ecological criteria; concepts such as ‘sus - to address the environmental challenge as it was tainable development’ and ‘sustainability’ are norma - intertwined with economic and social issues. tive and political ones (Opschoor and Van der The Commission consisted of 21 different devel - Straaten, 1993), much like ‘democracy’, ‘social jus - oped and developing countries including Canada, tice’, ‘equality’, ‘liberty’, etc., rather than precise and Germany, Hungary, Japan and the USA as well as scientific concepts; as such, they are contested and Brazil, China, India, Indonesia and Sudan. The 900- part of struggles over the direction and speed of day international exercise in discussion and negotia - social, economic and political initiatives and devel - tion dealt with written submissions and expert opments (Baker, 1996, 1997; Lafferty, 1995). Baker testimonies from a wide range of global stakeholders, (1996, 1997) emphasizes that they become particu - industrialists, government representatives, NGOs, larly meaningful and effective in concrete settings researchers, etc. The Commission concerned itself where they are to be operationalized, put into prac - with environment and growth/development as well tice – they thus serve constructive purposes. Their as a number of related issues. The term ‘sustainable definition and implementation entail political development’ was intended to build bridges between processes, in which diverse agents and institutions

8 Burns Sustainable development with varying conceptual and value orientations are der Straaten, 1993; Sachs, 1997; Stern et al., 1992; engaged. and Rosa et al., 2010. This overview does not do jus - Consequently, sustainability, as a normative and tice to substantial and expanding work being con - political concept, is used, among other things, to ducted by sociologists in all parts of the world. refer to a fair distribution of natural resources among Hundreds of sociologists from Africa, Latin America, different generations as well as among populations of Asia, the Middle East, Europe and North America the world today. It has also concerned values and are investigating sustainable development issues on ‘rights’ to existence of other species as well as notions macro, meso and micro levels.) on how much environmental capital one generation World systems theory, in particular, extended its should bequeath to the next (Opschoor and Van der past conceptualizion of structural differentiation Straaten, 1993: 2). In the language of policymaking, (core, semi-periphery, periphery) to argue that envi - some refer to the three pillars or fields of sustainable ronmental hazards and degradation were being shift - development: economic functioning and prosperity, ed from the core to the periphery and social welfare and justice and environmental protec - semi-periphery (Frey, 2006). Such exploitation is tion. The difficult challenge is to determine how one based on a type of ‘unequal exchange’, corresponding balances or combines these in a sustainable way, par - to the global production of inequalities in power and ticularly since under some conditions they are con - wealth, argued and elaborated in world systems the - tradictory: economic growth versus environmental ory’s earlier work. Just as in the case of world pover - protection and conservation, or sustained growth ty, responsibility for the ecological degradation in versus fair public welfare and distributive justice. developing countries lies with core countries, their The concept’s power and also contentiousness multinational corporations, governments and diverse relates to it bringing together these apparently con - groups including labour unions that tend to align tradictory environmental, economic and social with periphery corporations and governments when imperatives (Woods, 2010). Harris (2001: 3) it comes to environmental issues. Rosa et al. (2010: emphasizes, ‘Its contestation arises both from the 110) summarize world systems theory as follows: emphasis placed on these three imperatives and from the difficulties encountered in the practical applica - … Importantly the accumulation of wealth occurs in tion of the concept.’ Doubts have been raised about the core while environmental degradation occurs pri - whether maintaining a given level of ‘’ marily in the periphery and semiperiphery. Thus core is compatible with maintaining or improving welfare nations where capital accumulation occurs are often per capita (at least for some measures of welfare). spared local environmental impacts that occur in the periphery and semiperiphery.

III Responses of selected According to world systems theory, substantial eco - sociological theories to the logical improvements may occur in the most devel - sustainable development challenge oped parts of the global system (the centre) at the expense of any accomplishment in the periphery and semi-periphery (Roberts and Grimes, 2002). Such Merging development and environmental unequal development will continue as long as the considerations global capitalist system is maintained. The political The focus here will be limited to selected sociologi - forces supporting maintenance and reproduction of cal systems approaches that have a history of consid - the system are formidable. At the same time, the ering development issues and at the same time have global system is not, according to world systems the - combined development and environmental con - ory, ecologically sustainable over the long run. cerns: ecological modernization theory, world sys - The theory remains an important approach to tems theory and one of the several Marxist inspired issues of sustainable development because it is atten - theories (‘threadmill of production’ theory), and tive to factors of power and contradiction. It has, modern systems theory (ASD), all of which devel - however, been somewhat rigid in its structural dis - oped considerations of materiality and the physical tinctions between core, periphery and semi-periph - environment within their diverse ‘development ery. Sustainability is arguably not just taking place in frameworks’. (Other relevant approaches to sustain - the core. It is part and parcel of many successful ini - able development include such diverse scholars as tiatives of developing countries in the periphery and Baker, 1996, 1997; Beck, 1992; Beck et al., 1994; semi-periphery. ASD’s empirical research (see below) Grin et al., 2010; Kasperson et al., 2010; Lafferty, shows that there are important initiatives in the 1999, 2006; Lafferty and Meadowcroft, 2001; ‘periphery’ and ‘semi-periphery’ countries to protect Redclift, 1987; Opschoor, 1996; Opschoor and Van the environment, to resist attempts by core multi -

9 Burns Sustainable development nationals and governments to extract resources from, eventually it will undermine its natural resource and to export waste to, the periphery. Also, there base, which has been taken for granted for so long. have been relatively successful initiatives and innova - Reform efforts driven by the environmental move - tions in regulating the use of resources such as ment serve to countervail to some extent the jugger - forests, water and land (de Man and Burns, 2006; naut of ‘treadmill production’ and manage to force Nikoloyuk et al., 2010; Ostrom, 2005). some limitations and improvements (Gould et al., Several neo-Marxists extended their legacy of 2008). (Buttel [2002: 45], however, is highly critical societal development and transformation studies to of the strong assumption in much sociology of the address issues of sustainability. Of particular promi - decisive role of mobiliza - nence in this regard are Schnaiberg (1980) and tion in bringing about state policy change as the Gould et al. (2008) – with their ‘treadmill of produc - master process. He justifies his critique in a concep - tion’ theory (for other neo-Marxist approaches, see tion that there are multiple mechanisms of change Benton, 1989; Dickens, 1992, 1997, 2002; Foster, that have operated in the past and operate now in the 1999, 2000; O’Connor, 1994; Wehling, 2002, ‘sustainability revolution’; see later.) But in this per - among others). They single out the capitalist system spective, the only solution, ultimately, will be to as the driver not only of increased production, tech - transform capitalism into another kind of institu - nological development and the accumulation of tional arrangement – in a certain sense, eliminating wealth but also of systematic environmental degrada - capitalist economics with their endless pursuit of tion. The system exploits environmental resources at monetary growth, excessive production and wanton such a rate that it is undermining its natural resource environmental destruction. base. Capitalist agents are driven to do this by the Another influential sociological theory in the area competitive spirit engendered in capitalism and the of sustainability – ecological modernization (ecologi - supporting (aligned) interests of governments and cal modernization theory) – differs substantially other societal agents who adhere to (or, at least, sup - from world systems theory and the neo-Marxist port a highly expansive, wealth-producing capital - frameworks including that of Schnaiberg and his col - ism). In addition to producing goods and services, laborators. Ecological modernization theory was capitalist enterprises along with household con - developed in the early 1980s; in a certain sense, it sumers and government agencies produce and continued the earlier modernization ideas but with deposit waste, much of it hazardous and destructive, several significant differences (see earlier section on in the environment. The immense pressures towards development research in part I). The theory chal - growth and capital accumulation tend to countervail lenged the environmental movement’s conventional or even negate efforts and programmes aimed at pro - wisdom that a fundamental reorganization of the tecting or recovering and core institutions of modern society – in particular achieving sustainability. Like world systems theo - the industrial production system, the capitalist rists, Schnaiberg sees an alignment in modern capi - organization of the economy and the centralized talism of business interests, organized labour and state – were essential to achieving long-term sustain - governments as well as the multitudes of people par - able development. Adjustments and reforms, yes, ticipating in consumerism; they are aligned to exter - but, according to ecological modernization theory, nalizing costs of production and consumption and there was no need to do away with or transform resisting many of the attempts at environmental pro - major institutions of modern society. tection and regulation. In other words, in his per - A key ecological modernization theory principle spective the integration of working classes and the is that as socioeconomic development advances and formation of the welfare state and consumerism in society becomes maturely developed (‘late industrial developed industrial states have gone hand in hand society’), cultural patterns, institutional arrange - with sustained economic growth as well as environ - ments and organizations become increasingly ‘envi - mental degradation. At the same time, an unequal ronmentally rational’ and decision-makers take into distribution of environmental problems and is account environmental criteria and try to minimize generated globally (world systems theory has stressed human environmental impacts (Cohen, 1999; such externalization in the ‘exports of hazards and Janicke and Weidner, 1995; Mol and Sonnenfeld, costs’ to peripheral parts of the world, therefore 2000; Mol et al., 2009; Rosa et al., 2010: 104–105; enabling the accomplishment of some degree of sus - Spaargaren and Mol, 1991, 2006; York and Rosa, tainability in developed countries; see above). 2003). ‘Externalities’ become internalized, and social This sustained and systematic exploitation of the production and consumption become cleaner, and the environment constitutes the ‘second contradiction’ production of goods and services becomes environ - of capitalism (O’Connor, 1994; Rosa et al., 2010: mentally compatible, according to their perspective 103). For Schnaiberg, capitalism is not sustainable , on advanced modernized society. Thus, the theory

10 Burns Sustainable development implies that late capitalism is environmentally com - clean technologies, benign substitution of hazardous petitive, and both at home and abroad there is con - substances and product design for environment. The vergence and compatibility between the aims of approach assumes ‘sustainable development’ growth capital and the environmental goals of society – as a – but failing to problematize that such growth, as new societal environmental logic. currently envisioned, entails the consumption of In the ecological modernization perspective, this natural and human capital at substantial cost to type of development trend is the result of broad and ecosystems and society (Fisher and Freudenburg, effective coalitions (group alignments) emerging in 2001). advanced industrial society to concern themselves In the ecological modernization perspective capi - with, and to try to protect, the environment. This talism is neither an essential precondition nor an presumably leads not only to reduced environmental obstruction to stringent or radical environmental impact but to continuation of further economic reform. It becomes redirected so that it causes less growth: that is, the quantity of resources used per and less environmental harm and increasingly con - unit of output is minimized, and the wastes emitted tributes in a fundamental way to sustainability (and per unit are also reduced. The underlying principle society’s sustenance). While there continue to be of environmental rationality becomes incorporated ‘environmental issues’, fundamental conflicts about into corporate, government and organizational poli - environmental reform programmes in industrialized cies and strategies. Ultimately, these ideas and poli - countries have in the ecological modernization view cies drive technological innovation, market been decreasing since the late 1980s – although this dynamics and government regulation. certainly does not apply to the USA and several of The theory purports to offer a general explana - the newer members of the EU (which are very tion of the current transformations of environmental observable in relation to, for instance, climate institutions, practices and in advanced change issues and IPCC/COP meetings) nor to phases of modernization. Major changes can be Brazil, China, India and other developing countries observed currently in the organization of production opposed to modern industrialized countries. and consumption in ways that bring about environ - In sum, ecological modernization assumes then a mental improvements. The theory focuses on those more or less linear development – a further phase of institutions, in particular economy and technology, modernization largely with minimal conflict and most important to bringing about a transition to struggle; assumptions that it shares with the original more sustainable production and consumption. It modernization theory. However, it is much more stresses that environmental questions do not enjoy sophisticated and conceptually rich – for instance, it undisputed authority but share this with other soci - gives greater attention to concrete innovation etal objectives and considerations. processes and developments – than the earlier mod - According to ecological modernization theory, as ernization theory. countries reach advanced or late capitalist develop - Ecological modernization theory can be criticized ment, they will increasingly adhere to ecological for its overemphasis on and optimism about techno - rationality which complements economic rationality. logical innovation – and for ignoring the fact that Sustainable development will be the next phase of many of the technological efforts to save the environ - modernization, following the phase of advanced ment and humanity are likely to lead to negative industrialization. Spaargaren and Mol (1991) argue unintended consequences. One cannot have blind that environmental problems can best be solved faith in technological breakthroughs and progress in through further advancement of technology and that they may not come on stream quick enough (see industrialization. later) and inevitably will generate unintended risky Productive use of natural resources and environ - consequences. mental media (air, energy, water, soil, ecosystems) – Ecological modernization theory, while repre - that is, ‘environmental productivity’ – can be a senting a type of systems theory, suffers from some of source of future growth and development in the the same failings as the earlier modernization theory: same way as labour productivity and capital produc - insufficient attention to human agency, conflict and tivity had been for industrial development. Research power, and to the many unintended consequences of is particularly focused on eco-innovations, and the system change; its linearity; its optimism about the interplay of various societal factors (scientific, eco - course of societal development (in particular, a high nomic, institutional, legal, political, cultural) which level of technological optimism), boosted by using foster or hamper such innovations (Klemmer et al., relative, intensity based environmental indicators 1999; Olsthoorn and Wieczorek, 2006): product (e.g. per unit) rather than using measures of increas - and process innovations such as environmental man - es in absolute levels, for instance the increase in agement and sustainable supply chain management, absolute levels of carbon in the atmosphere and

11 Burns Sustainable development heavy metals in water, air and earth, and the decline ments and tendencies towards accomplishing some in overall biodiversity, etc. It is important to mention aspects of sustainable development – but not with - that there are differences in perspective within the out the need of change agents to mobilize power, to ecological modernization research programme, overcome institutional barriers and/or the opposi - namely between those who are techno-corporatist in tion from vested interests. There is then a micro-, orientation claiming that the market and technolog - meso- and macro- politics of sustainability. ical development will solve sustainability problems ASD teams have worked on three types of stud - more or less spontaneously, on the one hand, as ies/investigations relating to particular ways in which opposed to those who have a more institutional and sustainability initiatives take place, succeed or fail democratic political orientation which considers and, thus, the ways more sustainable technological, state governance in steering through, for instance, institutional and policy and societal transformations environmental policies, taxation, subsidies, caps on take place: pollution, etc., markets and innovation processes, on the other. But this discussion would take us beyond 1. Sustainable technological innovations. this overview. ASD theorizing about technological innovations and The fourth type of systems theory applied to sus - development has been combined with numerous tainable development issues has been developed by case studies of technological innovations relating to Buckley, Burns and their associates in the form of a sustainability (wind, solar, geothermal, wood and dynamic systems analysis, actor system dialectics hay heating systems, garbage burning for heating, (ASD). In ASD, there is no one factor explaining reclaiming of gas byproduct for district heating, environmental degradation – or that guarantees a among others). Also, constraining factors and block - sustainable development, for instance, by simply ages have been investigated, e.g. in the case of solar controlling or eliminating capitalism or the world heating in California, heat pumps in Germany, geot - system. The global environmental problem complex - hermal in the USA (Baumgartner and Burns, 1984). es are systemic phenomena – in particular, associat - ed with industrial systems and their functioning and 2. Sustainable policy and programme ini - evolution. The systems are institutional arrange - tiatives. A second major area of relevant theoretical ments and cultural formations powerful in relation and empirical research has concerned policy and pro - to their human populations but also in relation to gramme initiatives, public as well as private (Burns the material/ecological environment (Burns and and Stohr, 2011a, 2011b; Carson et al., 2009; de Hall, 2012). Established institutional arrangements Man and Burns, 2006; Nikoloyuk et al., 2010). One and cultural formations associated with industrial study concerned an investigation of arguably the systems with mass consumption and/or mass exports most radical regulatory framework for chemicals ever not only include advanced capitalism but socialism instituted, the EU REACH scheme (REACH = (as practised in the former Soviet Union and its satel - Registration, Evaluation, Authorization and lites) and kingdoms such as Saudi Arabia. These all Restriction of Chemicals, passed in 2006, and result - have proved their capability to contribute to ecolog - ing in the establishment of a major regulatory ical degradation. Change towards sustainability is agency, the European Chemical Agency [ECHA] difficult – there are powerful institutional and cul - located in Helsinki). This framework took almost 10 tural barriers – inertia inherent in the industrial years to accomplish, engaged thousands of actors institutions and cultural formations. At the same and involved the mobilization of sector, national, time, vested interests are able to mobilize and exer - EU and global powers (for instance, the opposition cise power – and block or derail many sustainability of the European, American and Japanese chemical initiatives. industries as well as the political leadership of Industrial/modernized systems are historic con - Germany, France and the UK). Another major EU structions – and in part operate as they were initiative was the establishment of the Baltic designed, but in part they operate in unintended Fisheries regulatory regime, which was successfully ways, for instance in degrading the planet. established but failed to function properly in effec - Established institutional arrangements and practices tively regulating fish catches and securing fish stocks. – an industrial paradigm of values, power arrange - Another EU failure was in not being able to pass a ments, governance structures, technologies, infra - carbon or energy tax, although this was a priority for structures – are destructive factors, degrading the the Commission, several member states (and the EU environment beyond sustainable limits and threaten - Parliament); the initiatives were blocked by powerful ing to undermine the resource base of systems of interests and a few key member states. Ultimately, production. At the same there are counter-move - the EU successfully established an

12 Burns Sustainable development system – which however failed initially because of (this was the case in the EU multi-agent negotiations design but continues to function, though its future is about an EU energy or carbon tax; Burns and Hall, uncertain. 2012; Carson et al., 2009). (c) Polyarchy, where Several ASD investigations concerned private ini - major changes takes place through the diffusion of tiatives: BP set up an emissions trading programme ideas, techniques and technologies. Material and within its global organization; WWF and Unilever social structural conditions make up a ‘selective envi - launched a regime to regulate palm oil plantations ronment’ which favours one institutional arrange - and to protect rain forests in South East Asia ment, or makes obsolete or defunct existing (Indonesia and Malaysia) ; Greenpeace and Springer arrangements (Burns and Dietz, 2001; Dietz and Publishing took initiatives to made Nordic paper Burns, 1992). These organic change mechanisms are and pulp production more sustainable and to protect characterized by processes of diffusion and emula - Russian forests and forest workers. All in all, these tion (mimetic function) where a multitude of actors initiatives have been partially successful, but, in gen - make autonomous yet similar decisions to bring eral, there is no easy ‘march’, contrary to the opti - about a transition to a new order (Burns, 2012). mism of ecological modernization theory. ASD ‘Organic’ is a more encompassing notion than ‘grass - studies were also conducted during 1980–5 of roots’, since the innovation and transformation municipality initiatives to save energy and/or to processes are being launched and developed at mul - develop sources for oil (Woodward tiple levels by collective agents that in some cases are et al., 1994) (it needs to be emphasized that sustain - very large and globally active and would not be ability was not part and parcel of the language and understood as ‘grassroots’ actors. (d) Power shifts discourses of the times). The studies showed that take place in such a way that a group with a para - change towards greater sustainability could be initi - digm differing from the established or hegemonic ated by diverse actors and emerge from differing paradigm emerges (Green parties entering into coali - institutional spheres: politicians, bureaucrats, public tion governments have made a difference in sustain - utilities, grassroots engaged citizens, consultants. ability policies in several European countries, Conflicts and struggles were common. Not only did Germany and Sweden, among others). new paradigmatic concepts emerge but also the ini - tiators often improved their capacities to mobilize Key transformation factors concern then not only resources – or to convince others to do so – and to power factors (and agents exercising power) but their exercise to a greater or lesser extent effective transfor - values and interests and the formulation and devel - mative powers; there were however stalemates and opment of models or paradigms concerning the failures. design and functioning of societal governance and development in new areas such as that of sustainabil - 3. Major transformations of social orders. ity. (Stinchcombe [1968] stresses the structural fac - ASD researchers have conducted a number of stud - tors – including the power positions of actors in ies of social transformation, with a focus on identify - social structures – enabling them to initiate develop - ing the key mechanisms of paradigm shifts and ments of new organizational arrangements within restructuring of social order: that is, complexes of existing social structures.) In general, the focus on institutional arrangements and their paradigms – agency (on, for instance, entrepreneurs and move - where significant changes taking place on all levels ments) and structure (institutional arrangements, and in diverse sectors (Burns and DeVille, 2006; rule regimes, infrastructures and the material/ecolog - Burns and Hall, 2012; Carson et al., 2009). The ical environment) in relation to processes of social development relates to: (a) Transitions where auto - constructions and transformation has been a hall - cratic power is combined with a paradigm shift in mark of ASD. (Along somewhat similar lines, the cognitive-normative framework for governance Ostrom and associates [e.g. 1990, 2005, 2007] and policymaking (if hegemonic power remains developed and applied an institutional and systemic committed to the old order, then change, a paradigm approach, the ‘institutional analysis and develop - shift, is unlikely to take place, except due to external ment’ (IAD) framework. And on the basis of their forces, for instance major change in material and global empirical work, they constructed a massive social structural conditions). (b) Pluralist distribu - archive of governance and its relation to tion of powers where multi-agency negotiations can the conservation of water, forest, grazing resources lead to a new paradigm, while key shifts have taken and fish stocks, among other areas.) place through central or multi-agent negotiation: In sum, the four systems approaches, ecological Kyoto agreement, EU fisheries and REACH. But modernization theory, world systems theory, tread - also, there are cases of blocked or a stalemated state mill of production theory and ASD, offer substan - so the status quo and business as usual continues tially different perspectives, although there are

13 Burns Sustainable development several overlaps. World systems theory, treadmill of research programmes concerning ‘environment and production theory and ASD pay particular attention development’ have emerged, and the notion of ‘sus - to social structure, power, class and global relation - tainable development’ is being given increasing soci - ships, although the structures and stratifications they ological attention. This has also given new life to consider differ to a greater or lesser extent. Ecological systems theorizing (since arguably such theories are modernization theory contends that capitalism is, in more oriented to societal and global functioning and general, not a deterrent to the accomplishment of change). sustainable development, whereas treadmill of pro - Related research on contemporary societal devel - duction theory and world systems theory stress that opment suggests that there appears to be an ongoing sustainable development will require the elimination ‘sustainability revolution’ comparable in several ways of capitalism; for world systems theory, this means to the Industrial Revolution and that numerous case the elimination of capitalism at the global level. ASD studies and observations indicate some of its features is more ambiguous in this regard in that from an (Ayers, 2011; Burns, 2012; Edwards, 2005; institutional perspective, the shift to a substantially Neeman, 2011). Sustainable development in think - different capitalist paradigm – along with other sys - ing, planning and constructing is spreading and temic changes, for instance in governance and in elaborating what might turn into a major societal education and research – might make a path to sus - paradigm shift, eventually matching the Industrial tainability achievable retaining some features of cap - Revolution in the transformation of technical and italism (Burns and Witoszek, 2012). However, economic, sociopolitical and cultural conditions. although substantial changes are already taking While ‘sustainability’ initiatives grow and spread place, it is doubtful whether the movement to anoth - by the many tens of thousands, the ongoing transfor - er paradigm will be rapid and encompassing enough mation will be no walkover. This is not a case of eco - (see Concluding remarks). Both ecological modern - logical modernization; rather, it is a development ization theory and ASD emphasize eco-innovation taking place in the context of established social struc - on multiple levels, but ASD takes notice of the tures and power configurations (capitalist, socialist, mobilization of change initiatives as well as opposi - Saudi Arabian monarchy, etc.) and the elaborated tion, the importance of established and mobilized institutionalization of what in many ways has been powers; that is, while new ecological development is an historically successful industrialization/modern - ‘a march’ according to the former, it is often a strug - ization paradigm. There is a formidable opposition gle according to ASD (with numerous such strug - (including deniers of climate change and other environ - gles, some relatively successful, currently going on). mental hazards as well as believers in technical fixes) There is an assuredness and optimism in the ecolog - among the powerful, for instance, many in the estab - ical modernization perspective that is not found in lished industrial–commercial–banking complexes and the social structural and power-oriented theories of their allies. The struggle will be long and difficult. world systems theory, treadmill of production theo - Particularly troublesome are efforts to deal with cli - ry and ASD. mate change, GHG emissions, the mammoth auto and related industries (Dietz and Burns, 1992) and the continuing use and sustained extraction (includ - Concluding remarks ing new forms of extraction) of fossil fuels. Whether the sustainability revolution will be fast enough or To sum up, the sociology of development was rela - comprehensive enough to save the planet remains to tively separate from environment research in sociol - be seen. History provides numerous examples of ogy. For much of its history, the sociology of great societies that collapsed, and visions that failed development had little to say about the environ - or were never realized. ment, and, at the same time, most environmental One might envision sociology developing a major sociologists neglected issues of development. Until scientific and policy analysis role in relation to the recently, there were, quite simply, two distinct epis - emerging revolution of sustainable development temic and paradigmatic communities in sociology, similar to its role vis-a-vis the Industrial Revolution, each with its own concepts, discourses, research through data collection and monitoring, analysing, designs, analyses and publications. The emergence of explaining, identifying and providing assessments of the concept of sustainable development has con - the mobilization processes, struggles and social tributed to bringing these research traditions closer impacts and related developments in what are together. In the past two decades or so, there has already highly complex social transformations. been growing focus on environmental concerns, globalization and (alternative) development issues. As suggested in this article, conceptualization and

14 Burns Sustainable development

Acknowledgements www.erudit.org/revue/vertigo/2010/v/nvertigo3897/0 44527ar.pdf. During the preparation of this article, Burns was a Baker S (1994) Travelling fast to get nowhere: Transport Visiting Scholar at the Woods Institute for the policy in the European Union. Politics 14: 67–73. Environment, Stanford University; he has also been par - Baker S (1996) The evolution of EU environmental tially funded by CERES21 at the Centre for Development policy: From growth to sustainable development. In: and Environment (SUM), University of Oslo, Norway. Baker S, Kousis M, Richardson D and Young SC Also, many thanks to Helena Flam, Nora Machado, (eds) The Politics of Sustainable Development: Theory, Alberto Martinelli, Raymond Murphy, Christian Stohr, Policy and Practice within the European Union. Alina Strugut and two anonymous ISA reviewers for com - London: Routledge. ments and suggestions about earlier versions or parts of Baker S (1997) Between commitment and this article. The reference list below does not do justice to implementation: Tensions in sustainable development the many researchers whose work has contributed to the policy of the European Union. In: Redclift M and theoretical and empirical developments referred to in this Woodgate G (eds) The International Handbook of article. This will be accomplished in a book the author is Environmental Sociology. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar currently preparing. Baumgartner T and Burns TR (1984) Transitions to Alternative Energy Systems: Entrepreneurs, Strategies and . Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Baumgartner T and Midttun A (eds) (1986) The Politics Suggested further reading of Energy Forecasting: A Comparative Study of Energy Forecasting in Western Industrialized Nations. Oxford: Dunlap RE, Buttel FH, Dickens P and Giswijt A (eds) Oxford University Press. Sociological Theory and the Environment . Oxford: Baumgartner T, Burns TR and DeVille P (1986) The Rowman and Littlefield. Shaping of Socio-economic Systems . London and New Gould KA, Pellow DN and Schnaiberg A (2008) The York: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers. Treadmill of Production: Injustice and Unsustainability Beck U (1992) Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity . in the Global Economy. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Press. London: Sage. Gross M and Heinrichs H (2010) Environmental Beck U, Giddens A and Lash S (1994) Reflexive Sociology: European Perspectives and Interdisciplinary Modernization: Politics, Tradition and Aesthetics in the Challenges. London and New York: Springer. Modern Social Order. Stanford, CA: Stanford Lafferty WM (2006) Governance for Sustainable University Press Development: The Challenge of Adapting Form to Benton T (1989) Marxism and natural limits. New Left Function. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Review 25: 1–29. Mol A, Sonnenfeld D and Spaargaren G (eds) (2009) Benton T and Redclift M (eds) (1994) Social Theory and The Ecological Modernisation Reader. London: the Global Environment . Oxford: Routledge Routledge. Bergesen A (1983) Crises in the World-System . Beverly Rosa E, Diekmann A, Dietz T and Jaeger C (eds) (2010) Hills, CA: Sage. Human Footprints on the Global Environment: Threats Bernstein H (1971) Modernization theory and the to Sustainability . Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. sociological study of development. Journal of Development Studies 7(2): 141–60. Boström M and Klintman M (2008) Eco-Standards, References Product Labelling and Green Consumerism. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Amin S (1976) Unequal Development: An Essay on the Bozzinni E (2012) The sustainability of biofuels: A Social Formations of Peripheral Capitalism . New York: comparison of EU and US policy debates. Sociologica Monthly Review Press. 7(2). Available at: Andersen S and Burns TR (1992) Societal Decision- www.sociologica.mulino.it/doi/10.2383/38267. making: Democratic Challenges to State Technocracy. Brulle RJ (2000) Agency, Democracy, and Nature . Aldershot: Dartmouth Publications. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press Apter D (1965) The Politics of Modernization . Chicago: Brulle RJ and Jenkins JC (2005) Foundations and the University of Chicago Press. environmental movement: Priorities, strategies, and Archer M (1995) Realist Social Theory: The impact. In: Faber D and McCarthy D (eds . Morphogenetic Approach. Cambridge: Cambridge Foundations for Social Change: Critical Perspectives on University Press. Philanthropy and Popular Movements. Lanham, MD: Ayers J (2011) The sustainability revolution. Available at: Rowman and Littlefield www.vanderbilt.edu/Sustainability/book/S1C1_hand Buckley W (1967) Sociology and Modern Systems Theory. out.pdf. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Azpiazu D (2010) Privatización del agua y el Bunker S (1985) Underdeveloping the Amazon: saneamiento en Argentina: El caso paradigmático de Extraction, Unequal Exchange, and the Failure of the AguasArgentinas S.A. Revista Vértigo. Serie N° 7, Modern State . Chicago and London: University of Junio. Available at: Chicago Press.

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Desjardins D, Spash C and Van der Straaten J (eds) Burns TR and Flam H (1987) The Shaping of Social and Societal Aims. Dordrecht: Organization: Social Rule System Theory with Kluwer. Applications . London: Sage. De Man R and Burns TR (2006) Sustainability: Supply Burns TR and Hall P (eds) (2012) The Meta-power chains, partner linkages, and new forms of self- Paradigm: Causalities, Mechanisms, and Constructions . regulation. Human System Management 25(1): 1–12. Frankfurt, Berlin and Oxford: Peter Lang. Dickens P (1992) Society and Nature. Philadelphia: Burns TR and Stöhr C (2011a) Power, knowledge, and Temple University Press. conflict in the shaping of commons governance: The Dickens P (1997) Beyond sociology: Marxism and the case of EU Baltic Fisheries. The International Journal environment. In: Redclift M and Woodgate G (eds) of Commons (Special Issue: 20th anniversary of Elinor The International Handbook of Environmental Ostrom’s Governing the Commons), 5(2): 233–58. Sociology. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Burns TR and Stöhr C (2011b) The architecture and Dickens P (2002) A green Marxism? Labor processes, transformation of governance systems: Power, alienation, and the division of labor. In: Dunlap R, knowledge, and conflict. Human Systems Management Buttel FH, Dickens P and Giswijt A (eds) Sociological 30: 173–95. Theory and the Environment . Oxford: Rowman and Burns TR and Witoszek N (2012) The crisis of our Littlefield. planet and the shaping of a sustainable society. Dietz T and Burns TR (1992) Human agency and the Journal of 39(2): 155–70. evolutionary dynamics of culture. Acta Sociologica 35: Burns TR, Baumgartner T and DeVille P (eds) (1985) 187–200. Man, Decisions, and Society: The Theory of Actor- Dietz T, Ostrom E and Stern PC (2003) The struggle to System Dynamics for Social Scientists. New York and govern the commons. Science 302 (5652): 1907–12. London: Gordon and Breach. 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Tom R Burns (Uppsala University, Sweden) received a BS in Physics and a PhD in Sociology, from Stanford University. He has published more than 15 books and 150 articles in the areas of environment and technology, governance and politics, administration and policymaking. He has also published extensively on social theory and methodology, with a focus on the new insti - tutional theory, sociological game theory and theories of social systems and sociocultural evolu - tion. [email: [email protected]; [email protected]]

19 Burns Sustainable development résumé Cet article analyse et discute le concept de développement soutenable d’un point de vue sociologique. Il comporte trois parties. La première présente des éléments de recherche sociologique avant même que ne soit développé ce concept de développement soutenable. Le point de vue adopté est d’examiner les travaux qui relèvent de la sociologie de l’environnement et de la sociologie du développement. La deuxième partie analyse brièvement le contexte et le processus qui ont conduit à la conceptualisation du développement soutenable. La troisième partie aborde les réponses apportées par différentes théories sociologiques aux problématiques soulevées par l’approche du développement soutenable. L’accent est mis quatre importantes théories de système: la théorie du système-monde, la théorie neo-marxiste du ‘tapis roulant de production’, la théorie écologique de la modernisation, la théorie des systèmes dans sa version ‘moderne’. Chacune d’entre elles ont envisagé la problématique du développement avec, le cas échéant, des questions portant sur la soutenabilité. mots-clés développement soutenable ◆ environnement ◆ industrialisation ◆ sociologie de l’environnement ◆ sociologie du développement ◆ structure sociale ◆ théories du système resumen Este artículo proporciona una visión general del desarrollo sustentable desde una perspectiva sociológica. Se divide en tres partes. Parte I presenta la investigación sociológica relevante antes de que fuese utilizado el concepto de ‘desarrollo sustentable’ incluida en los rubros de la sociología ambiental, así como la sociología del desarrollo. Parte II analiza brevemente el contexto y el proceso que llevó a la conceptualización de ‘desarrollo sustentable’. Parte III considera la respuesta de varias teorías sociológicas en relación al desarrollo sustentable, particularmente cuatro de las mas importantes teorías de sistema: teoría del sistema-mundo; la teoría neo-marxista de la ’rueda de molino’; teoría de la modernización ecológica; y la teoría de los sistemas modernos, todas de los cuales han abordado las cuestiones de desarrollo e indirectamente el problema de la sustentabilidad. palabras clave desarrollo sustentable ◆ estructura social ◆ industrialización ◆ medio ambiente ◆ sociología ambiental ◆ sociología del desarrollo ◆ teorías de sistemas

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