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Albion W. Small and George E. Vincent, an Introduction to the Study of Society (1894)1

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Albion W. Small and George E. Vincent, an Introduction to the Study of Society (1894)1 AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT Keith E. Whittington Supplementary Material Chapter 7: The Gilded Age – Citizenship and Community Albion W. Small and George E. Vincent, An Introduction to the Study of Society (1894)1 Albion Woodbury Small was raised by a Baptist minister in Maine in the mid-nineteenth century. Upon graduating from Colby University in 1876, he entered a Baptist seminary but broke from his plan to follow further in his father’s footsteps. Instead, he traveled to Germany and immersed himself in the new social sciences. While teaching at his alma mater, he earned a Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins University in history and in 1889 ascended to the presidency of Colby. He was soon recruited to the newly established University of Chicago to create the first sociology department in the country. From that perch, he led the development of sociology as an academic field of study in the United States. Shortly after arriving at Chicago, Small published with a former student the first textbook in sociology. In that and subsequent works, he was a proponent of the view that humans could not be properly understood simply as self-made and self-directed individuals. Individuals were embedded in groups, and social life had its own distinctive dynamics. Like others in the period, Small embraced the biological metaphor for understanding society, arguing that society could be understood as an “organism” that grew and developed and with component parts that played important social functions. Where others might think that society evolved naturally, Small advocated conscious reform and control of the social organism by experts trained to understand its workings. The sociological concept “organism” is a wider generalization of the term already generic in Biology. From definitions of the biological term “organism” the following will serve to explain the sociological usage: “An organized being, a living body, either vegetable or animal, composed of different organs or parts, with functions which are separate, but mutually dependent and essential to the life of the individual.” The first trait of an organism implied in this description is that it is not dead or inert, but living and active. The second trait is that it is not homogeneous substance, but composed of distinguishable parts. The third trait is that these distinguishable parts are capable of cooperating with each other. The fourth trait is that the complete life of the whole is realized if cooperation of the parts is complete, and conversely, the life of the whole is diminished in so far as cooperation of the parts is incomplete. The formula does not include, but expressly excludes, restrictions of the concept to any special order of life. The Alga or the Fungus is an organism as truly as the Oak or the Orchid; the Amoeba as truly as the Elephant or Man. The radical ideas in the concept “organism” are interrelation and interdependence of parts, in accordance with principles of imminent economy to which all the parts and the composed whole are subject. Wherever those relations are found, the use of the generic term is appropriate. Assertion that the series “vegetable organism,” “animal organism,” may be extended by addition of the term “social organism,” no more involves the assertion that society is an animal, than the 1 Excerpt taken from Albion W. Small and George E. Vincent, An Introduction to the Study of Society (New York: American Book Company, 1894). 1 previous series implies that animals are vegetables. The proposition means, most abstractly, that there are, in society, certain principles of coherence, which bind society into a unity that constitutes a distinct order of organism. The enlarged concept “organism,” which omits traits peculiar to vegetable or animal organisms, and contains only relationships common to these and also to societies of human beings, has been most clearly described by Mr. J. S. Mackenzie in the following formula: “A whole whose parts are intrinsically related to it, which develops from within, and has reference to an end which is involved in its own nature.” Discovery that these traits actually inhere in human society, and that human personality develops partly in contributing to the integration of such a unity, partly through adaptation to the conditions of that unity, is the initial step in modern Social Philosophy. The organic interpretation of society is not a method of placing social facts in artificial groupings, so that they may be conveniently discussed. It is an attempt to discover the relations of reciprocity in which the components of society stand to each other; and no language is so appropriate to the purpose as that of Biology. When biological terms are used in social interpretation, it is because the social facts which we observe manifest themselves in action and reaction with each other in ways which at once suggest facts of physical organisms previously observed, between which there are similar relations. The likeness of relations, not the identity of terms, promotes the meanings of familiar biological words to a social significance. The fact is that, compared with physical organisms, society is amorphous. Of societies belonging to essentially the same variety, the head of one may be a in a newspaper office; of another, on a tobacco plantation; of a third, in a temple of religion; of a fourth, in the brains of the free citizens. The nature of societies in such that geometrical boundaries do not essentially differentiate them, and morphological types, if they could be made out, would not have relatively the importance which they have in Zoology. Nevertheless, there is a necessary discrimination of part from part in society—a distinction of group from group, of process from process, which is preliminary to more searching inquiry into social relations, and can be compared with nothing more precisely than with Anatomy, as distinguished from Physiology. Again, when we speak of the “life” of the social body, we do not imply that, in addition to the stomachs and hearts of the individual members, there is a physical organ to digest food for society, and another to force blood into social arteries. We mean that there is discoverable among associations of human beings that “continuous adjustments of internal relations to external relations,” which is an analogue of the life of a man; which, however, presents complexities that distinguish it as life of a still more mysterious order. Once more, when we assert that the social body “grows,” we do not mean that it secretes layers of fiber around a central nucleus, as in the case of a tree; or that it adds cubits to its stature, like the children of men. We mean that society exhibits a real, though unique, process of development. It is visible in the activities of industry, of politics, of science, of art, of religion. This growth cannot be accounted for by the action of the same energies which secure the growth of plants and animals. Thus, while we distinctly repudiate a literalism which identifies the social body with physical organisms, as known to Biology, we assert that society is such a combination of individual human organism of a higher order. We are thus far unable to analyze the social body as minutely as physiologists have examined animal bodies, and we are, therefore, unprepared to assert positively how far actual analogies hold between social and physiological relations. We must consequently guard ourselves by making it very clear that, in the use of biological language, we allege primarily only 2 similarities, not identities. Our conception never reduces the more complex social phenomena to a lower place in the hierarchy of phenomena. No better illustration could be desired, to show how the organic interpretation of society is misconstrued both on its figurative and its literal side, than was furnished in a late magazine article by Professor Simon N. Patten. “It is a common sociological concept to think of a society as an organism. The concept is, however, defective. The members of a society act together, not because they are parts of an organism having an independent vital force, but because they project and visualize the same subjective environment.” Professor Patten might just as well have objected to the organic conception of society, on the ground that society has no independent lungs, or liver, or legs; or that society has neither teeth, nor hair, nor skin. The organic conception of society does not involve the assumption that society has an independent “vital force” in any biological sense. If the phrase is used, it would be in a sense entirely figurative, so far as biological facts are concerned; but the phrase, “social vital force,” would apply properly to a psychical force, which performs in society a function of preserving the relation of social part to part, closely analogous with the function which “vital force,” as conceiving biologically, performs among the particles that compose the animal body. Beginning with the individual, where biological and psychological observation ends, we discover that the individual cannot be understood in isolation. He is not only side by side with other individuals like himself, but in a thousand ways these other individuals singly and collectively determine the quantity and the quality of his life. The individual is a factor of a larger self, and that larger self is the object of Sociology. Using the vital relations which Biology has investigated, not as limitations of knowledge, but as spurs to discovery, we assume that every act in society, life every process in the animal organism, has a causal explanation, and a functional significance. 3 .
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