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TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents INTRODUCTION................................................................................................1 Research Problem....................................................................................................................................1 My Study Cases........................................................................................................................................3 THEORY AND METHODOLOGY.....................................................................5 Overview...................................................................................................................................................6 Mapping the Concept of ‘Discourse’......................................................................................................7 The Ethics of Autobiography3................................................................................................................9 Making Meaning of My Experience in Tromsø, Sapmi and Norway................................................11 Focusing on Tromsø Indigenous Academia .......................................................................................12 International Indigenous Discourse. Political and Juridical Dimensions. .......................................14 Indigenous Movement and ‘Symbolic Action’ Strategy. A Sami Case.............................................16 Indigenous Academic Discourse6 in terms of Symbolic Action ........................................................20 -
A Critical Review of Norway's Policy on Sámi Language Maintenance
Journal of Home Language Research (JHLR) Volume 1, 2016, pages 1-16 http://hdl.handle.net/10092/12906 Holding them at arm’s length: A critical review of Norway’s policy on Sámi language maintenance Nathan John Albury Center for Multilingualism in Society across the Lifespan, University of Oslo. Abstract Norway’s policy on its indigenous Sámi minority is oftentimes heralded as best practice in fostering self-determination and home language maintenance. Norway’s policy rhetoric indeed promises that all Sámi have a right to develop their home language, and that all Norwegian children will become familiar with Sámi languages and culture. However, this paper takes a more critical perspective of Norway’s policy. It argues that rhetoric has not been operationalised to benefit all Sámi nor promote Norwegian familiarity with the languages. Instead, the state appears to juggle its legislative obligations to promote the Sámi languages with an ongoing ideology in the community that the Sámi languages cannot be seen as contributing to the contemporary Norwegian nation. To make this argument, the paper firstly reviews the state’s Sámi language policy to discuss fractures between rhetoric and policy. It then reports the findings of a case study whereby public online debates over the past five years about the Sámi languages in a national context were critically analysed. The case study indeed reveals a vigorous preference to hold the Sámi languages at arm’s length, for reasons such as that the languages endanger Norwegian identity, that the Sámi do not deserve an indigenous status, that the Sámi are foreign to Norway and, conversely, that the Sámi do not fulfil their responsibilities as Norwegian citizens. -
THAILAND Submission to the CERD Committee Coalition on Racial
Shadow Report on Eliminating Racial Discrimination: THAILAND Submission to the CERD Committee 1 Coalition on Racial Discrimination Watch Preamble: 1. “ We have a distinct way of life, settlement and cultivation practices that are intricately linked with nature, forests and wild life. Our ways of life are sustainable and nature friendly and these traditions and practices have been taught and passed on from one generation to the next. But now because of State policies and waves of modernisation we are struggling to preserve and maintain our traditional ways of life” Mr. Joni Odochao, Intellectual, Karen ethnic, Opening Speech at the Indigenous Peoples Day Festival in Chiangmai, Northern Thailand 2007 Introduction on Indigenous peoples and ethnic groups in Thailand 1 The coalition was established as a loose network at the Workshop Programme on 5th July 2012 on the Shadow Report on the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) organised by the Ethnic Studies and Development Center, Sociology Faculty, Chiangmai University in cooperation with Cross Cultural Foundation and the Highland Peoples Taskforce 1 2. The Network of Indigenous Peoples in Thailand2, in the International Working Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) yearbook on 2008, explained the background of indigenous peoples in Thailand. The indigenous people of Thailand are most commonly referred to as “hill tribes”, sometimes as “ethnic minorities”, and the ten officially recognised ethnic groups are usually called “chao khao” (meaning “hill/mountain people” or “highlanders”). These and other indigenous people live in the North and North-western parts of the country. A few other indigenous groups live in the North-east and indigenous fishing communities and a small population of hunter-gatherers inhabit the South of Thailand. -
Disciplining the Heart: Love, School, and Growing up Karen in Mae Hong Son
Disciplining the Heart: Love, School, and Growing Up Karen in Mae Hong Son Dayne Corey O’Meara A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University. February 2020 © Copyright by Dayne O’Meara 2020 All rights reserved Statement of Originality This thesis is the original work of the author. All sources used and assistance obtained have been acknowledged. Dayne O’Meara February 2020 ii Acknowledgements I am indebted to a number of people who have helped me over not only the four years of working on this project but also my journey to anthropology before that. The first person I would like to thank has not been directly involved in this thesis but is the person I credit with starting me down this path. She continues to be a valued friend and support. Tanya King was one of my undergraduate lecturers at Deakin University in Geelong, and she supervised my Honours thesis. I entered her introduction to anthropology class in 2009 as a relatively close-minded student. After a few weeks, my whole outlook on the world changed dramatically. My motivations for learning about other peoples shifted, and my passion for the discipline of anthropology was born. The others who taught me at Deakin also influenced me greatly to reach this point. Thanks also to Rohan Bastin, Roland Kapferer, and Richard Sutcliffe for guiding me through anthropology from 2009–2012. After relocating to the Australian National University in Canberra for postgraduate studies, I met Ajarn Chintana Sandilands, to whom I owe an enormous debt of gratitude for her patience, passion, and tenacity. -
The Don Dance: an Expression of Karen Nationalism
University of Dayton eCommons Music Faculty Publications Department of Music Fall 2006 The Don Dance: An Expression of Karen Nationalism Heather MacLachlan Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.udayton.edu/mus_fac_pub Part of the Ethnomusicology Commons The Don Dance: An Expression of Karen Nationalism BY HEATHER MACLACHLAN How do Karen people define themselves as Karen? This question has particular dance, who is called the don koh—told me import for one community in New York State—the Karen of Utica. The two that he has managed to teach only four dances hundred members of this group affirm their distinctiveness in part by celebrating so far (2002). a day that is special to Karen people worldwide. Since their arrival in Utica in Don (which means “to be in agreement”) 1999, every January they dance the don dance, a dance created and practiced dancing originated with the Pwo Karen, who only by Karen people. This article will discuss the performance of the don developed it as a way to reinforce community dance in another context: in a refugee camp in Southeast Asia, the dance values. The don koh would compose a song functions to create and reinforce a particular ideal of Karen nationhood. criticizing the misdeeds of a community member, and all of the don dancers would n January 2002, I was invited to spend a platform, at one end of this area. My interest sing the song while dancing, thereby publicly I week in the Mae Khong Kha refugee in music drew me there repeatedly; it was in condemning the person’s actions and camp, located in Thailand approximately this area that I was able to observe rehearsals affirming the group’s moral standards. -
Paleoethnobotany of Kilgii Gwaay: a 10,700 Year Old Ancestral Haida Archaeological Wet Site
Paleoethnobotany of Kilgii Gwaay: a 10,700 year old Ancestral Haida Archaeological Wet Site by Jenny Micheal Cohen B.A., University of Victoria, 2010 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Anthropology Jenny Micheal Cohen, 2014 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. Supervisory Committee Paleoethnobotany of Kilgii Gwaay: A 10,700 year old Ancestral Haida Archaeological Wet Site by Jenny Micheal Cohen B.A., University of Victoria, 2010 Supervisory Committee Dr. Quentin Mackie, Supervisor (Department of Anthropology) Dr. Brian David Thom, Departmental Member (Department of Anthropology) Dr. Nancy Jean Turner, Outside Member (School of Environmental Studies) ii Abstract Supervisory Committee Dr. Quentin Mackie, Supervisor (Department of Anthropology) Dr. Brian David Thom, Departmental Member (Department of Anthropology) Dr. Nancy Jean Turner, Outside Member (School of Environmental Studies) This thesis is a case study using paleoethnobotanical analysis of Kilgii Gwaay, a 10,700- year-old wet site in southern Haida Gwaii to explore the use of plants by ancestral Haida. The research investigated questions of early Holocene wood artifact technologies and other plant use before the large-scale arrival of western redcedar (Thuja plicata), a cultural keystone species for Haida in more recent times. The project relied on small- scale excavations and sampling from two main areas of the site: a hearth complex and an activity area at the edge of a paleopond. The archaeobotanical assemblage from these two areas yielded 23 plant taxa representing 14 families in the form of wood, charcoal, seeds, and additional plant macrofossils. -
Global Trends, Local Contradictions − Challenges of Transnational Sámi Politics in 2000S
79 Anni-Siiri Länsman & Veli-Pekka Lehtola Global Trends, Local Contradictions − Challenges of Transnational Sámi Politics in 2000s Today the Sámi have a relatively strong status in all Nordic countries, although the situation in everyday life can be inconsistent in many ways. Active Sámi-related legislation work has resulted in multilevel and fruitful development on local and regional levels especially in 1990s. Special institutions have emerged for the Sámi self-government, such as the Sámi Parliaments in each Nordic country. Sámi culture is a matter of pride for many, because different forms of Sámi art, for example, are internationally renowned. The Sámi also have a significant role in the politics of indigenous peoples of the world.1 The success of the Sámi has been due to transnational activities, shuttling from local and national levels to the Nordic Sámi community and to the cooperation of indigenous peoples. From the beginning, Sámi politics in Nordic countries has looked for international parallels and solutions. Already in the beginning of 20th century, the civil activity through Sámi organizations in Nordic countries was strongly influenced by international labor movement and youth association movement.2 In Finland, efforts for establishing protection areas for Sámi culture in Utsjoki and Skolt Sámi community were argumented by “Sámi friends” with parallels from Indian policies in United States and European human rights movement. 3 In the same way, Nordic Sámi cooperation from 1950s on referred e.g. to European minority policies where the linguistic rights were central.4 The ethno- political movement of young Sámi activists in 1960s and 1970s, highlighting the land rights and Sámi self-determination, orientated itself more and more to global 1 See e.g. -
CDC) Dataset Codebook
The Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) Dataset Codebook (Version 1.0, 2015.07) (Presented in Bartusevičius, Henrikas (2015) Introducing the Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) dataset. Forthcoming in Conflict Management and Peace Science) The Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) Dataset provides a categorization of 331 intrastate armed conflicts recorded between 1946 and 2010 into four categories: 1. Ethnic governmental; 2. Ethnic territorial; 3. Non-ethnic governmental; 4. Non-ethnic territorial. The dataset uses the UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflict Dataset v.4-2011, 1946 – 2010 (Themnér & Wallensteen, 2011; also Gleditsch et al., 2002) as a base (and thus is an extension of the UCDP/PRIO dataset). Therefore, the dataset employs the UCDP/PRIO’s operational definition of an aggregate armed conflict: a contested incompatibility that concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths (Themnér, 2011: 1). The dataset contains only internal and internationalized internal armed conflicts listed in the UCDP/PRIO dataset. Internal armed conflict ‘occurs between the government of a state and one or more internal opposition group(s) without intervention from other states’ (ibid.: 9). Internationalized internal armed conflict ‘occurs between the government of a state and one or more internal opposition group(s) with intervention from other states (secondary parties) on one or both sides’(ibid.). For full definitions and further details please consult the 1 codebook of the UCDP/PRIO dataset (ibid.) and the website of the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University: http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/. -
Gitksan Plant Classification and Nomenclature
Journal of Ethnobiology 19(2): 179-218 Winler 1999 GITKSAN PLANT CLASSIFICATION AND NOMENCLATURE LESLIE MAIN JOHNSON Department ofAnthropology, University ofAlberta Edmonton, Alberta, Canada T6G 2H4 ABSTRACT.- The Gitksan of northwestern British Columbia are speakers of an Interior Tsimshianic language. They live in a mountainous, densely forested environment transitional between the Northwest Coast and the Boreal interior plateau. Traditionally the Gitksan pursued a mixed fishing/hunting/ gathering subsistence strategy. The Gitksan have a roughly hierarchical classification of plants. The general domain 'plant kingdom' or 'floral form' is recognized but not overtly labelled. Within this, several broad groupings of the life form sort can be distinguished. Three of these are large groupings composed ofa number of named subordinate generics: gan 'trees,' sgan 'plants,' and maa'y 'berry' or 'fruit plants.' 'Plants' include a diverse mixture of forms ranging from small trees to some perennial herbs, and prostrate sub-shrubs. The 'plant' and the 'berry' groups overlap extensively. The remainder are residual taxa which are empty, containing few or no named subtypes, though encompassing morphological and taxonomically diverse forms: habasxw'grass' or'hay,' 'yens 'leaves' or 'herbaceous plants,' majagalee 'flowers,' umhlw 'moss,' and.gayda ts'uuts 'fungi.' A mixture of morphologic and utilitarian characters seems to underlie the system of plant classification. The relationship of partonomy to utility and classification is explored. Ninety distinct generics have been documented. Eighty-four represent vascular plants and six represent mosses, fungi and lichens. Keywords: classification, Gitksan, ethnobotany, Canada, Northwest Coast RFSUMEN.- Los Gitksan hablan una Iengua tsimsiana interior. Viven en una region montaflosa y de bosques densos. -
THAI-YUNNAN PROJECT BULLETIN NUMBER 7 MARCH 2005 Editorial
THAI-YUNNAN PROJECT BULLETIN NUMBER 7 MARCH 2005 Editorial In the seventh issue of this online Bulletin we carry a fascinating continuation of Wasan Panyagaew’s travels (see Bulletin no. 5, 2003) among the diasporic Lue of the upper-Mekong borderlands. Nicholas Farrelly takes us even further afi eld with a stimulating and critical account of the way in which Thai scholars have approached the Tai groups of northeastern India. This builds on his previous critique of Thai writing on the Shan, which was submitted as an Honours Thesis at the Australian National University in 2003. And Runako Samata, in an extract from her Master’s Thesis at Chiang Mai University, gives a detailed account of some aspects of cabbage production by the Karen of Thailand, pointing to close relations with neighbouring groups and complexifying the often trite identifi cations of commercial production with non-Karen peoples. For recent discussions of this important issue see, for example, Yos Santasombat’s “Karen Cultural Capital and the political ecology of symbolic power” in Asian Ethnicity 5:1, 2004 and Andrew Walker’s comment Phra Upakhut, Wat Upakhut, Chiang Mai. Andrew Walker in the subsequent issue; Pinkaew Laungaramsri’s It is a belief that Phra Uppakut walks the streets of Chiangmai important critique of Thai forest policy, Redefi ning on the full moon of the ninth month as a monk seeking alms. The fi rst one to make an offering is blessed with good fortune. Nature (Earthworm Books 2001); Claudio Delang’s There is a story in Chiangmai that the future Luang Anusarn edited collection, Living at the edge of Thai society had walked overland to Chiangmai from China and was earn- (RoutledgeCurzon, 2003) and Yoko Hayami’s ing his living as a pedlar on the streets of Chiangmai. -
3 Sides to Every Story
33 SSIIDDEESS TTOO EEVVEERRYY SSTTOORRYY A PROFILE OF MUSLIM COMMUNITIES IN THE REFUGEE CAMPS ON THE THAILAND BURMA BORDER THAILAND BURMA BORDER CONSORTIUM JULY 2010 Note on the Title: The “three sides” refers to the three self-identified sectors of Muslim communities in the camps, defined by the reasons for their presence in the camps (see “Muslim Lifestyle Practices and Preferences/ Socio-Cultural/ Self-identity”). Cover design: http://library.wustl.edu/subjects/islamic/MihrabIsfahan.jpg 2 33 SSIIDDEESS TTOO EEVVEERRYY SSTTOORRYY A PROFILE OF MUSLIM COMMUNITIES IN THE REFUGEE CAMPS ON THE THAILAND BURMA BORDER THAILAND BURMA BORDER CONSORTIUM JULY 2010 3 CONTENTS PAGE EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ……….......………………………………………………….……………………………. 7 SUMMARY OF STATISTICS BY RELIGION/ CAMP ……………………………………………………………....... 9 PREFACE ……….......………………………………………………….……………………………………… 13 BACKGROUND INTRODUCTION OF ISLAM TO BURMA ………………………………………………………………………...... 15 DISPLACEMENT OF BURMESE MUSLIM COMMUNITIES INTO THAILAND ……..……………………………………… 15 Border-wide Camp-Specific Other Influxes CURRENT SITUATION PREVALENCE OF MUSLIM COMMUNITIES IN AND AROUND THE REFUGEE CAMPS ……..……………………. 19 Muslim Communities in Camps Muslim Communities Around the Camps Impacts on Camp Security LIFESTYLE PRACTICES AND PREFERENCES: SOCIO-CULTURAL: ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 21 o The “Three Sides” o Religion and Faith o Gender Roles o Romance, Marriage and Divorce o Social Inclusion FOOD AND SHELTER: ………….…...………………..…………………………….…………………….. 29 o Ration Collection/ Consumption -
The Karen People from Burma the Origin of Karen
The Karen People From Burma The Origin of Karen • Descended from same ancestors as Mongolian People. • They travelled all the way through China and entered Burma. History From there, migrated southwards and gradually entered the land now known as Burma/Myanmar about 739 BC Believed that first settlers in this new land named this land kaw-lah, meaning the Green Land changed the name of the land to Kawthoolei, a land free of all evils, famine, misery and strife. History Con’t Mon were the next to enter this area, followed the Burmans, Mon and the Burmans brought with them feudalism The Burmese won the feudal war, and they subdued and subjugated all other nationalities in the land. The Burmese Lords, Persecuted, tortured, killed, suppressed, oppressed and exploited the Karen History Con’t many Karen had to flee for their lives to the high mountains and thick jungles 1824 British entered Burma, the conditions of the Karens gradually improved With the introduction of law and order by the Colonial Central Authority, the Karen began to earn their living without being hindered, and could go to school In 1942, the Japanese invaded Burma with the help of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) History Con’t These BIA troops took full advantage of the situation by introucing that the Karen were spies and puppets of the British With the help of the Japanese, they began to attack the Karen villages, using a scheme to wipe out the entire Karen populace The Karen sent a Goodwill Mission to England in August 1946, to make the Karen case known to the British Government and the British people, and to ask for a true Karen State.