R. A. J. Packer
University of South Wales Bound by Abbey Bookbinding Co. 2059386 116 Cathays Terrace, Cardiff CF24 4HY South Wales, U.K. Tel: (029) 2039S882 WELSH MEDIUM EDUCATION IN SOUTH EAST WALES 1949-1962: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF DEVELOPMENT
RfflANNON AJ.PACKER
A submission presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Glamorgan/Prifysgol Morgannwg for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
January 1998 CYDNABYDDIAETH
Hoffwn gydnabod y cymorth a'r cyngor a roed i mi gan Dr David Adamson a'r Athro David Dunkerley. Yn fwy na heb, roedd eu ffydd ynof, nid yn unig i ymgymryd a swmp y gwaith, ond i'w cwblhau, yn sbardun mawr imi.
Yr wyf yn gwerthfawrogi cyngor amgen a pharodrwydd cyson yr Athro Colin H.Williams i drafod fy ngwaith.
Mawr yw fy nyled i'm teulu a'm ffrindiau am eu hamynedd dihafal a'u cefnogaeth frwd.
Yn arbennig, i Dr Val Rees - un a'm hysbardunodd yn ystod yr oriau tywyll.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my supervisors, Dr. David Adamson and Professor David Dunkerley for their guidance, advice and faith in my ability to undertake, and more importantly, complete this thesis.
I am grateful to Professor Colin H.Williams for his erudite advice and willingness to- discuss my work.
I am indebted to my family and friends for their constant patience and encouragement.
To Dr Val Rees - for her timely advice and consistent support. Abstract
Concern for the maintenance of the Welsh language has increased since the middle
years of the twentieth century and the demand for educational provision is a reflection
of this. The use of education as a means to promote the status of a minority language in
a bilingual community is a social phenomenon which is paralleled in other places and
has considerable research interest.
Minority groups often invoke the development of schools which work in the medium of
their local language. Such programmes attempt to reverse language shifts which affect
the status of minority groups adversely. They have a significant cultural and political
dimension as the resulting schools offer a protected linguistic domain for children and
young people and tend in consequence to increase the vitality of the given language.
These matters have been widely researched in Wales and elsewhere, though few studies
of the educational and social development of the bilingual child have considered the
contribution of these programmes to the sociological status of the language concerned
even though it is recognised that increased use of a minority language in natural daily
communication is an effective empowerment of its users in the surrounding community.
This study begins to address this omission. It examines a critical phase in the
emergence of Welsh medium schools in the anglicised region of south eastern Wales between 1949 and, when the first Welsh medium schools was established in the old county of Glamorgan, and 1962, when the first secondary school was established. The
establishment of the schools is discussed in relation to concurrent economic, social, and
educational developments and the linguistic trends which permeated the local
environment.
The study considers the first stages of development in south eastern Wales which
reflects aspects of a developing consciousness of the language issue which has become a
significant feature of public debate some forty years later. It is noted that the movement
began at a late stage of a complex historical process in the attempt to preserve the
immediate family and cultural values and that it has since expanded to a wider section
of the community. The eventual success of the Welsh medium school movement has
contributed to subsequent changes in official and public attitudes to the Welsh language.
While the political and legal changes embodied in the Welsh Language Act of 1994 lie well beyond the scope of this discussion, its argument suggests that the early phase of the schools movement embedded a factor which has contributed critically to the shaping of contemporary Welsh awareness. Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Minority Language Education: The Quest for an Educational Autonomy in Wales
Emanating Demands for Minority Language Education 1 Problems of a Minority Language Education Movement 7 The Emergence of a Welsh Medium Education System 10 Language and Society in Wales 12 The Focus of the Study 14
Chapter 2: Evaluating Theories concerning Bilingual Education
Investigating Bilingual Education Theories: An Introduction 24 The Argument for Bilingual Education Provision 26 Empowering Minority Language Use 36 Shifting Perspectives: Attitudinal Change and Consequence 39 The Utilitarian/Instrumental Function 40 The Ego-defensive Function 42 The Value Expressive Function and the Knowledge Function 43 The Success of Bilingual Education Programmes 44 Promoting Linguistic Competencies 46 Bilingual and Biliteracy Attainment: Initial Findings 49 Reasserting Evidence regarding Bilingual Achievement 52 The Emergence of Successful Bilingual Education Programmes 54 Minority Language Education: A Welsh Perspective 57
Chapter 3: Social and Political Developments in Wales: A Background to Change
Establishing Identities: The Notion of Ethnic Separatism 60 Social Structure and Political Background: South East Wales during the Nineteenth Century 62 Emerging Industrialisation 70 The Politicisation of Religion, and the Growth of Liberalism in Wales 76 A Growing Assertion of Difference 78 The Origins of Cymru Fydd and Changing Ideologies 85 Politics, economy and manifestations of national identity in Wales: The Growth of Socialism in South Wales 88 The Emergence of a Welsh Nationalist Party 96 Post-War Developments, and Growth in Nationalist Consciousness 104 Chapter 4: Historical Background
Educational Provision in Wales: Implications 109 Education System in Wales up to 1847 110 The Emergence of Charity Schools 111 The Sunday Schools of Thomas Charles 114 A Populist Education 116 The Introduction of a State Education 118 The Place of the Welsh Language in Education 119 Educational Reforms and Subsequent Implications 123 The Implications of the 1847 Commissioners Report 127 General Attitudes towards the Welsh language 131 The Effects of Educational Legislation 134 Trend Reversal and Influences Promoting the Welsh language 137 Instigators of Bilingual Education: Dan Isaac Davies 140 Owen M.Edwards 143 Initial Arguments - Educational Bodies in Wales 147 The Case for Teaching through the Medium of Welsh 152 The Emergence of Welsh Medium Schools 156
Chapter 5: A Review of the Literature regarding Welsh Language Research
Investigations into Bilingualism: Suppositions and Limitations 158 The Argument for Bilingual Education 161 Early Reflections on the Development of the Bilingual Child 163 A Re-analysis of Research Findings 165 Changes in Public Opinion and Administrative Attitude towards the Welsh Language 169 School Influence on Attitude towards the Welsh Language 172 Reversing Negative Trends: Policy and Practice 175 Sustaining Welsh Language Use 179 An Evaluation of Research into Welsh Medium Education 181 Language Interference: Maintaining the Status Quo 183 Examining the Linguistic Ability of Bilingual Pupils 186 Parental Motivation in School Selection 188 Assertions of Welsh Medium Education 189 Chapter 6: Methodology
Background to the Investigation 192 Aims and Objectives 193 Difficulties of Interpretation 196 Research Strategies and Methodological Problems 200 Section 1: Administration 206 Section 2: Institutions 209 Section 3: Individuals 212 Section 4: Public Sources 218 Conclusion 219
Chapter 7: Resolving a Problem
Initial Impetus 221 The Origins of Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth 225 Opposition to the School 229 Children from Non-Welsh Speaking Backgrounds 233 The Success and Development of the School 236 The Influence of the Aberystwyth Venture 239 Opening Welsh Medium Schools in Wales 243 Social Status of the Welsh Language 245 Religious Influences on Welsh Medium Education 251 The Struggle to Open Welsh Medium Schools 255 The Influence of the Welsh Schools on the Chapels 260 Opening the First Schools 263 Education Authority Reaction 266 Petitioning Parents 267 Reaction to Petitions 269 Establishing Voluntary Schools 273 Individuals with a Vision 276
Chapter 8: School Maintenance; The Growth and Management of the Welsh medium schools between 1947 and 1963
Difficulties Encountered: An Introduction 282 Administration Problems 287 School Accommodation 288 The Welsh 'School' 291 The Welsh 'Unit' 295 Transport Arrangements 297 Educational Problems 302 Pupil Admittance Regulations 303 Appointing Teachers 312 Preparation of Teaching Resources 314 The Eleven Plus Examination 320 The Influence of the Welsh Schools 322 Social Attitudes 327 Reversing Negative Trends 331
Chapter 9: Ddoe, Heddiw ac Yforv (Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow)
Welsh Medium Education: Conclusions of a Critical Analysis 335 Education as a Means for Language Revival 339 The Political Nature of the Educational Demand 341 Societal Attitudes: Establishing Functional Values 343 The Development of a 'Comprehensive' Educational Provision 347 Nursery Schooling 349 Secondary Education Provision 351 Schooling, Language and Nationalism 354 Developments from 1963 to Present Day 357 Creating New Domains for Welsh Language Use 363 Complexity of Interpretation 367 Welsh Medium Education - Implications of Research and Future Developments 371
Appendices
Bibliography 378 List of Tables. Figures and Maps
Chapter 1
Map The Location of Welsh Medium Schools in South East Wales 19 1:1 Welsh Medium Schools opened in South East Wales (South Glamorgan, Mid Glamorgan and Gwent) 20/21
Chapter 2
2:1 Ten types of Language Education 3 0
Chapter 3
3:1 Glamorgan Immigrants 1861-1911 71 3:2 Changes in Political Representation in Wales 1885-1970 92
Chapter 5
5:1 Attitudes to Bilingualism 174
Chapter 7
7:1 Welsh Schools opened between 1947-1951 224 7:2 Growth of Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth 232 7:3 Welsh Speakers in the Population of Wales 248 7:4 Decline in the Population of Welsh Speakers 252 7:5 Welsh Medium Schools opened 256 7:6 Accommodation of Welsh Schools 258 7:7 Dockland Petition 271
Chapter 8
8:1 The Distribution of Welsh Medium Education in South East Wales 1949-1955: Schools and Units 290 8:2 Changes in Linguistic Background of Pupils attending Welsh Medium Schools in the Rhondda 311 8:3 Work of the Panel (Welsh Books for Schools Scheme) 319
Chapter 9
9:1 Welsh Medium Schools opened in South East Wales 1949-1963 336 9:2 The Number and Location of Welsh Medium Schools/Units in South East Wales 359 9:3 Persons aged 3 and over Speaking Welsh 362 Chapter One Chapter 1
Minority Language Education: The Quest for Educational
Autonomy in Wales
Emerging Demands for Minority Language Education
The emergence of an educational provision through the medium of the minority, albeit, indigenous, language of Wales commenced as increased ease of communication and interaction between nations served to reduce the power of the image of the world as a global expanse. As Kalantzis observes,
'it has been a powerful tendency of modern industrial culture to make the
experience of life uniform. From the beginning of the industrial epoch,
imperialism, colonialism, economic expansion and the internationalization
of labour, capital and commodities and technology have had this effect'.
Attempted amalgamation or fusion of nations within a designated framework, such as witnessed by the creation of the European Union, have increased tension and conflict regarding the maintenance of nation identity. The conventional components of national identity which may include language, religion, shared common territory, and a sense of exploitation, have all been subjected to significant revision as a result of changing socio-political forces, including the integration of Europe and the Cold War. As
Williams notes,
1 Mary Kalantzis, Bill Cope & Diana Slade Minority Language and Dominant Culture London, Palmer Press 9:1989 'the advent of the centralizing state, of the 'social totality' of majority
cultures, of mass public education, and most recently of an international
telecommunication network for commerce, information and entertainment
have all served to reduce the preservation element embodied in territorial
distinctiveness'.
This thesis is concerned with the interpretation of the emergence of Welsh medium
education in the anglicised region of South East Wales located within the wider context
of contemporary economic, social, linguistic and educational developments.3 The
development of these schools was one, albeit central, agency of socio-cultural
reproduction reflecting a growing assertion of identity. The demand for educational
provision through the medium of the minority language was a factor pertaining to, and
subsequently became a catalytical element in obtaining, a greater recognition and
improvement of status for the language.
The declaration of identity by ethnic groups has increasingly become a source of
conflict, which has been reflected in vicious acts of counter-assertion on the behalf of
minorities, examples of which are the tensions in the Basque country deriving from a
demand for autonomy, and the friction between Protestants and Catholics in Northern
Ireland. Growing nationalist claims by ethnic minority groups constrained by a
dominant nation have become more prolific in the aftermath of the Second World War.
As Williams and Kofman note,
2 Colin H.Williams 'Maintenance and Loss of Minority Languages' Studies in Bilingualism Vol.1 307/8:1992 3 Henceforth, the terms 'Welsh medium education' or 'Welsh medium schools' will refer to schools whose daily life is characterised by the use of Welsh, in contrast to that of'English medium education'. 'the significance of nationalism is that, although it may be a global
phenomenon, it is place specific in its appeal. It promises to unite under its
political leadership a constituent body of people who could conceive of
themselves as a nation. Thus linguistic, religious and territorial affiliations
are pressed into service to liberate subject peoples from the bondage of
being ruled by those perceived as being non-nationals'.
The emerging nationalistic tendencies expressed by minority groups are
manifested according to those elements which are most apparent in the identification of
a separate group. Affiliation to language, territory or culture for example, strengthen a
nation's hold upon its individuality. In France, for example, the policy of linguistic and
cultural standardisation discouraged the use of regional languages subsequent to the
French Revolution in an attempt to assimilate disparate groups. Active discouragement
of the use of Flemish, Corsican and Breton, and the enforcement of French as the
official language was employed as a means of gaining national unity. The employment
of a 'national' language, and the 'nationalism of the citizenry through formal education,
conscription, print capitalism and the social construction of state space was an essential,
if debatable, element in the transition from localism to provincialism and beyond to
state nationalism'.5 In antithesis is the retaliation by minority groups, in this instance exemplified by the emergence of the Diwan schools in Brittany, and the achievement of equality of status of Flemish with French (in what is now Belgium).
4 Colin H.Williams & Eleonore Kofman 'Community, Culture and Conflict' in Colin H.Williams & Eleonore Kofman (eds.) Community Conflict. Partition and Nationalism London, Routledge 2:1989 5 ibid. 10 Language is a tool of social interaction. The issue of language becomes complex
when intertwined with the struggle for success at the level of economic and social
progress, which in turn has effect upon the language of expression utilised by an
individual. The language choice of individuals in bilingual or multilingual settings has
many implications, which are not only linguistic, but political, psychological and
sociological. As Bourdieu comments,
'...one must not forget that the communication par excellence - linguistic
exchanges - are also relations of symbolic power in which the power
relations between speakers or their respective groups are actualized. In
short, one must move beyond the usual opposition between economism and
culturalism, in order to develop an economy of social exchanges'.6
Use of a minority language within the realm of the dominant language, thus emphasises
linguistic difference, with profound connotations for both the speaker, and the
surrounding social situation. As Stubbs notes,
'language attitudes and perceptions are of course fundamental in influencing
patterns of use. In a minority language situation it is just as crucial to know
about the attitudes of people who do not know the language, because many
of the attitudes of minority language users are influenced by those held by
the dominant majority'.7
The existence of negative attitudes towards a minority language thus thwarts its
development, favouring majority language use and associated benefits. The resulting
6 Pierce Bourdieu Language and Symbolic Power Cambridge, Polity Press 37:1992 7 Michael Stubbs 'Bilingualism in Society' in Michael Stubbs (ed.) The Other Languages of England. Language Education and Society Linguistic Minorities Project, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul 118:1985 language shift is, according to Baker, 'not a natural evolutionary process. Rather, it reflects economic, political, cultural, social and technological change'.8
Reversing language shift, in an attempt to increase minority language use must
address the demands that initially caused its decline. The term 'minority language' is
defined in the context of this thesis as a language co-existing alongside a dominant
language which is spoken by the majority of the population. Individuals fluent in the
minority language are also obliged to have significant communicative competence in the
dominant language for general daily interaction. Necessary competence in the dominant
language may result in a shift in language loyalty and use, as Baker notes, 'when
minority language speakers become bilingual and prefer the majority language, the
penalty for the minority language may be death ... language shift often reflects a
pragmatic desire for social and vocational mobility, an improved standard of living'.9
Fishman further defines the term 'minority language' as encompassing, 'ethnolinguistic
minorities that have already undergone the process of language shift, due to insufficient
boundary maintenance of the intra- and intercommunal kinds...'. 10 Such minorities,
'frequently attempt to ensure intergenerational continuity of their erstwhile mother
tongues (now often referred to as 'heritage languages' to connote their past - rather than
their present - currency as languages of everyday life), so that these can be utilized for , 11 specific and delimited ethnicity-encumbered 'special events'
8 Colin Baker Foundations of Bilingualism and Bilingual Education Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 41:1993 9 ibid.47 10 Joshua A.Fishman Reversing Language Shift: theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 362:1991 " ibid. The institutionalisation of language by means of educational provision is one method of securing intergenerational socio-cultural and linguistic continuity of the minority group. Education as a force for cultivating cultural diversity, fostering the ethnic identity, and permitting social adaptability within a linguistic frame of the minority group is a powerful agency, with ensuing political and economic consequences. Education thus creates a strong initial domain for language maintenance, and consequently is a viable agency for language planning. The challenge facing minority language education once established, is an acceptance of, or at least, tolerance towards the movement by speakers of the dominant language group, rather than fostering a perception of direct challenge to the status of the hegemonic language and culture. However, the establishment of educational provision through the medium of the minority language does not guarantee the reversal of language shift. It should be regarded as but one element among many processes attempting to ensure a new vitality and purpose for the language within the sociological and economic framework of the minority language. As Baker observes,
'initial activity to reverse language shift will normally derive solely from the
minority language community. The language community needs to be awoken
and mobilized to support its language, especially at a family and community
participative level. However, there may come a time when the majority
language government will support that community's effort to survive.
Through the provision of bilingual education, government services and a minority language television service, the central government may come to
support its minority languages'. 12
Consideration should be given to the fact that granting such supportive measures
towards the minority language by the hegemonic state is dependent upon the
significance and weight of demand enforced by the minority group.
Problems of a Minority Language Education Movement
A critical feature to the demand for minority language provision within compulsory
state education for the age group 5-16, is, of course, a central concern with the
pedagogical, methodological, and content aspect of language teaching both as an
educational goal and as a means of maintaining national identity. Compulsory
education has resulted in a change of outlook regarding its purposes by moving away
from its initial interpretation of solely equipping an individual with the ability to read
and write. The function of education, therefore, has adopted a pluralistic role within
society, the boundaries of which are constantly being challenged and asserted. As
Lewis notes,
'modernization meant the differentiation of education as an independent,
autonomous and specialised function no longer adequately fulfilled by the
home with its diffused responsibilities. Thus the ground was prepared for
the disassociation of the language of the school from that of the home.
Functions which hitherto had been part of the general unarticulated role of
12 Colin Baker Foundations of Bilingualism and Bilingual Education Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 63:1993 the home were not taken over by the school simply because the pressure of
new knowledge, its massiveness and abstractness as well as changed
attitudes to knowledge which reinforced the discontinuity of the new
knowledge with personal experience made the home as an educational
institution outmoded'. 13
The school is of vital importance in its capacity to influence and effect the upon social,
cultural and moral values within the localised community. In essence, its function is the
attempt to form, whether considered as a constricting or an emancipating process, a
future society, 'educated' in the terms of acceptance and understanding the norms and
cultural values of present society.
Thus the maintenance of cultural affiliations and artitudinal development,
encompassing linguistic choice within a bilingual or multilingual setting, occurs within
the school environment. Spolsky notes three possible outcomes from a bilingual
education,
'it might involve either language maintenance or language shift and in either
case it may also call for language development (modernization and
standarization). The goals of a bilingual program may be transitional
bilingualism, partial bilingualism (one form of which is monolingual
bilingualism), or full bilingualism'. 14
13 E.Glyn Lewis 'Modernization and Language Maintenance' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays in Welsh Society, 1840-1980 Bangor, British Sociological Association, Sociology of Wales Study Group 154/5: 1983 14 Bernard Spolsky 'The Establishment of Language Education Policy in Multilingual Societies' in Bernard Spolsky and Robert Cooper (eds.) Frontiers of Bilingual Education Rowley, MA, Newbury House 7:1977 The intended outcome of a bilingual education therefore may have either negative or
positive repercussions upon the vitality of the minority language and culture. The
influence of educators, aside from the promotion of linguistic competence, upon thought
and attitude development of the younger generation is profound. For educators
operating in a minority language, the demands and needs which are presented in
schooling strongly assert recognition of the minority language and its associated culture
at the root of school curricula. The school is, perhaps, the strongest representative of a
domain for successful language revitalisation. Criticism stems from the perception that
the minority language school purports the development of a younger generation with
strong sympathies towards the minority language, and thus are armed with intentions for
asserting minority language rights, whether for cultural, linguistic, political or economic
autonomy.
The role of education through the medium of the minority language, while
essential in the reconstruction of language status, however, is only one means of
maintaining the language. As Williams notes, 'the key to survival for lesser used
language is a set of distinctive functions within clearly specified domains, in which the
routine use of the 'minority' language is reinforced by popular behaviour'. 15 The
construction and expansion of further domains, thus appropriates the language to wider
natural social surroundings. The importance of media transmission conducted through
the minority language creates accessible domains for public utilisation. Increased use of
the language within social and economic frameworks emphasises the functional
15 Colin H.Williams 'Maintenance and Loss of Minority Languages' Studies in Bilingualism Vol.1 307:1992 employment of the language, rather than maintenance for cultural or heritage
affiliations. The promotion and popularity of adult language learner courses further
emphasises the social and economic value of the language in the eyes of many adults.
Thus, expanding the framework for language use assists with the re-assertion of status
within community networks.
The Emergence of a Welsh Medium Education System
The development of an educational system operating through the medium of Welsh
emerged in South East Wales during the 1950s. The cultivation of a separate
educational system in light of the hegemonic influences of the English language and
culture seems remarkable. An analysis of the founding and initial growth of the
schooling system in the anglicised area of South East Wales is therefore a necessity, not
only from an historical perspective, but for the consequent developments and influences
upon the present day educational system in Wales. The modern education system in
Wales came into being without especial concern for, or reference to, the national
language in its composition. However, during the later decades of the twentieth century, there has been a concerted effort to recover the position of the language within the educational framework. The emergence of a viable and successful educational system through the medium of an ethnic, albeit indigenous language, in the face of mounting resistance, raises multifarious questions as to the nature, determination, purpose and motivation for such provision.
10 The declaration of the language as a serious impediment on the character of the
Welsh people, which was heralded by the Commissioner's Report on the State of
Education in Wales in 1847, led to a determined and a gradual realisation that the
slighted national language was of far greater importance to the maintenance of Welsh
identity. This in turn prompted several movements for national recognition. The
conflicts experienced during this period arose through cultural identification with the
Welsh language, and the realisation that English was the medium for economic and
social advancement. As Okey notes, 'the Welshman's recognition of the necessity of
knowing English, and the inadequacy of the Sunday School for general education,
clashed with the powerful social bonds and 'affection' which maintained the older
tongue'. A later outcome of this realisation was the formation of the Cymdeithas yr
laith Gymraeg (Society for the Utilisation of Welsh) in 1885, to promote the use of the
language within the classroom environment, and establish its status as a subject worthy
» Q ____ of examination. The creation of the Welsh Department of the Board of Education in
1907, under the direction of O.M.Edwards (the first chief Inspector of Schools for
Wales), led eventually to the recommendation that every child should receive an
education in the mother tongue. However, the department was limited in its powers,
and thus prevented from ensuring that Welsh became established as a compulsory
16 Prys Morgan (ed.) Brad y Llyfrau Gleision. Ysgrifau ar Hanes Cvmru Llandysul, Gwasg Corner 1991 leuan D.Thomas Addysg vng Nghymru vn y Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bymtheg Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1972 17 Robin Okey 'Education and Nationhood in Wales 1850 - 1940' in J.J.Tomiak, Schooling. Educational Policy and Ethnic Identity Vol.1 Aldershot, Dartmouth 39:1991 18 Dan Isaac Davies Yr laith Gymraeg 1785. 1887, 1985! Dinbych, T.Gee a'i fab 1886 J.Vymwy Morgan Welsh Political and Educational Leaders in the Victorian Era London, J.Nisbet 1908 The Society For Utilising the Welsh Language Summary of its Proposals Cardiff, South Wales Printing Works 1888 subject in all Welsh schools. The comparatively recent establishment of a
comprehensive education provision, available to all children between the age of five and
fifteen promoted a growing awareness of the link between education and social
mobility. In Wales, language was also entwined with social consequences, as
increasingly English was economically and socially associated with success. Concern
that the Welsh language would therefore be a hindrance to academic achievement and
consequent employment opportunity led to opposition to its use within the school
curriculum by parents. The issue did not however disappear from the public agenda,
and similar proposals were again put forward for the inclusion of Welsh within the
education system in a Board of Education Report 'Welsh in Education and Life'
published in 1927.
Language and Society in Wales
The negative social attitudes towards the Welsh language had their origins in post-
conquest times and for some are best reflected in the legal amalgamation of England and
Wales with the Act of Union in 1536. The Welsh language was resilient in resisting attempts to diminish its use by the increasing influence and utilisation of English within official social, religious and educational realms. However, 'by the Restoration most boroughs were bilingual, with a preference for Welsh; Welsh-language Anglican
19 Leslie Wynne Evans The Genesis of the Welsh Department, Board of Education 1906-7 Reprinted from 'The Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion session 1969' Denbigh, Gee & Son, Part II 1970 Hazel Walford Davies Syr O.M.Edwards Cardiff, Cyfres Bro a Bywyd, Cyngor Celfyddydau Cymru 1988 Robin Okey 'Education and Nationhood in Wales 1850 - 1940' in J.J.Tomiak Schooling, Educational Policy and Ethnic Identity Vol. 1 Aldershot, Dartmouth 39:1991
12 services were commonplace throughout the country; and Jesus College probably did more to spread Welsh influence in Oxford than transmit English culture back to the principality'. Penetration of the English language into monoglot Welsh speaking communities, was not an obvious feature in society until the late eighteenth century, with the emergence of industrialisation and consequent surge in population migration
from England. Prior to the industrial revolution the tendency towards the English
language as a means of social mobility and class acceptance was prevalent among the
upper Welsh classes, as Williams explains,
'the position of the gentry in Wales had changed in the sense that their
actions tended not to be defined by reference to Welsh culture and society
but rather to the position which they occupied as adjuncts of English society.
During the industrial revolution the actions of the gentry became
comprehensible only in terms of the stratification of the wider capitalist
system, they were integrated into the English aristocratic and ruling class'.21
Demographic change, and the dominant influence of anglicisation upon the
Welsh speaking population had a dramatic effect upon the linguistic nature of the
industrialised areas of Wales (notably the South East and North East regions). As
Williams and Kofman note,
'The sovereign control of territory by the state ensures that the dominant
culture can circulate freely throughout the space over within its boundaries.
It can divide and rule its territory so as to hinder or prevent attempts by
20 Philip Jenkins History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 60:1992 21 Glyn Williams 'On Class and Status Groups in Welsh Rural Society' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society 1840-1980 Bangor, British Sociological Association, Sociology of Wales Study Group 134: 1983
13 subordinate cultures from developing a solid base from which to reproduce
their own culture.'22
Throughout the nineteenth century, substantial immigration into South Wales
consequent to the expanding coal and steel industries had a profound effect upon the
demographic, linguistic and cultural nature of the area, permeating to present day. The
establishment of the industrial communities, essentially Welsh from the outset, were
heavily impregnated with anglicised tendencies, distinct in the language shift from
Welsh to English. Employment difficulties in Wales further exacerbated the language
imbalance between Welsh and English, the promotion of English perceived by the
majority as a vital component in employment security and social mobility. The
importance of competence in the English language was predominantly associated with
improving individual employment prospects in light of the local transience of work
opportunity in Wales, as Williams, Roberts and Isaac note, 'the scarcity of employment
within Wales meant that the search for work inevitably took Welsh people to England
where a knowledge of the English language was essential'.23
The Focus of the Study
This thesis is primarily concerned with the growth of education provision through the
medium of Welsh in South East Wales, analysed critically from contemporary social,
economic and linguistic perspectives. The multidisciplinary nature of the thesis will
22 Colin H.Williams & Eleonore Kofman 'Community, Culture and Conflict' in Colin H.Williams & Eleonore Kofman (eds.) Community Conflict. Partition and Nationalism London, Routledge 5:1989 23 Glyn Williams, Ellis Roberts and Russell Isaac 'Language and Aspirations for Upward Social Mobility' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Social and Cultural Change in Contemporary Wales Routledge & KeganPaul 194:1978
14 also attempt to provide a description of the emergence of an separate educational movement within the international framework of the minority education. Chapter 2 will delineate the literature and research that has been conducted regarding minority language education, which will provide an insight into the role of education regarding the empowerment of minority language use. While education provision through the minority language is not the sole factor conducive to the successful reversal of language shift, the focus of this chapter is the catalytical effect of education as a means of minority language promotion and of retaining intergenerational continuity. From an international perspective, the socio-functional use of language and analysis of the language development of the bilingual individual has been the focus of increasing interest and comment.
The mobilisation of a minority group creating opportunities for children to receive an education through the indigenous language predisposes critics to suggest that the establishment of Welsh medium education encourages the creation of a Welsh elite and fosters a nationalist climate of opinion. As will be discussed in Chapter 3, political developments in Wales at the turn of the century concentrated upon the cultural and linguistic nature of Wales, and was primarily concerned with the attempt to halt anglicisation and to reinstate the Welsh language within the social and economic strata of Wales. The advance of industrialism during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was catalytical in the dislocation of the Welsh language in areas of Wales, notably
North East and South East Wales. The emergence of an educational movement operating through the medium of Welsh will be viewed as an element of the social, political, economic and linguistic changes occurring in Wales during the twentieth
15 century. The aftermath of the Second World War witnessed the reassertion of identity,
culture and language of indigenous groups, not only in Wales, but throughout Europe.
The movement for educational provision through the medium of Welsh in South
East Wales emerged during the 1940s, although earlier attempts to establish schools
operating through the medium of Welsh had been made during the early 1920s. The
argument for educational provision through the medium of Welsh has been a
contentious issue since initial attempts to equip the population with literacy skills, as the
discussion in Chapter 4 will illustrate. The establishment of Welsh medium schools in
South East Wales, and its perceived success is in direct contradiction to early research
findings and investigations on bilingualism conducted primarily in Wales, and
elsewhere at the turn of the century as will be deliberated upon in Chapter 5.24
Rationalising the methodological approach adopted in analysing the emergence
of Welsh medium education in South East Wales will be noted in Chapter 6.
Interpretation of the information collated requires consideration of possible
ramifications associated with the assertion for a separate medium of schooling.
Awareness of preceding associations and circumstances surrounding the information
24 Early research into bilingualism in Wales was primarily conducted by Saer, Smith and Barke - Ethel M. Barke 'A Study of Comparative Intelligence of Children in Certain Bilingual and Monoglot Schools in South Wales' British Journal of Educational Psychology Vol.3 1933 Ethel M. Barke & D.E.Parry Williams 'A Further Study of the Comparative Intelligence of Children in Certain Bilingual and Monoglot Schools in South Wales' British Journal of Educational Psychology Vol. 8 1938 D.J. Saer 'An Inquiry into the Effects of Bilingualism on the Intelligence of Young Children' Journal of Experimental Pedagogy Vol.6 1922 D.J. Saer 'The Effect of Bilingualism on Intelligence' British Journal of Educational Psychology Vol. 14 1923 Frank Smith 'Bilingualism and Mental Development' British Journal of Psychology Vol. XIII 1923 This is discussed in more detail in Chapter 5.
16 collated, assists in the development of an interpretative framework. The traditional binding association of the Welsh language with religious and cultural activities has been the antecedent of accusations that the development of Welsh medium education has
provided a 'breeding ground' of support for nationalist sympathies. Chapter 7 will
discuss the emergence of educational provision through the medium of Welsh; from the opening of the first Welsh medium school in 1939 at Aberystwyth; its reverberations
upon developments in South East Wales; and the nature of opposition and support for
the schools. As Packer and Campbell note, parental motivation for Welsh medium
education arose primarily out of a concern for 'the continuation of the historic language
of Wales both as a cultural force and as a part of their family culture'.25 The consequent
surge in numbers attending Welsh medium schools, and demands by English monoglot
parents for an education through the medium of Welsh gives rise to the question as to
general perceptions towards the development of such a provision. School choice may
include a mixture of reasons from linguistic concern (the preservation of the language),
social class association, convenience (the influence of friends and neighbours, and the
location of the school). The early growth and maintenance of the first schools will be
described and analysed in Chapter 8, revealing that the success of the schools prompted
interest from an increasing number of parents, many of whom were not Welsh speaking.
The former three counties of South Glamorgan, Mid Glamorgan and Gwent, are
the most populous and the most anglicised counties of Wales. The emergence and successful growth of educational provision through the medium of Welsh in South East
25 Anthony Packer & Cefm Campbell Parental Motivation and the Choice of Welsh-medium Schooling University of Wales, College Cardiff 3:1992
17 Wales portends well for prospective developments. It is suggested that the fate of the
Welsh medium school in these areas is a crucial determinant for the future of the Welsh
language. Thus, Chapter 9 will consider the development of the Welsh medium schools
in light of the political and social changes that have occurred since the 1960s, and will
also highlight areas where significant research is needed before accurate criticism or
analysis may be made concerning the role of Welsh medium education in present
society.
The creation of a specific domain promoting the Welsh language, and secondly
Welsh culture forming enlarging islands of a traditional 'Welshness' within a sea of
anglicisation thus is a challenge heralding a change in the fortune of the Welsh
language. The prosperity of the development has rendered Welsh medium schools as an
accepted feature of the present educational system in Wales as Table 1:1 exemplifies.
The majority of the schools have localised catchment areas, and thus may be regarded
more appropriately as community schools. Access to Welsh medium education is
therefore facilitated for parents desiring Welsh medium education for their children. At
present full education provision is available for children from the age of two and a half
to eighteen. This education provides pupils with the opportunity of studying the majority, if not all, school curriculum subjects through the medium of Welsh.
Contemporary provision record some fifty Welsh medium primary schools, and six
Welsh medium secondary schools operating in the area under investigation, as the map on the following page reveals. There are also countless Ysgolion Meithrin, nursery schools associated with Cylchoedd Ti a Fi [You and Me Circles] and Mam a Phlentyn
18
Table 1:1
Welsh Medium Schools opened in South East Wales (South Glamorgan, Mid Glamorgan and Gwent) Year School 1949 Ysgol Gynradd Cynwyd Sant, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Aberdar, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Caerdydd, South Glamorgan 1950 Ysgol Gynradd Pont-y-gwaith, Mid Glamorgan (later known as Ysgol Llwyncelyn) Ysgol Gynradd Ynys-wen, Mid Glamorgan 1951 Ysgol Gynradd Pontsionnorton, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd St. Ffransis, South Glamorgan 1952 1953 Ysgol Gynradd Pontycymer, Mid Glamorgan 1954 1955 Ysgol Gynradd Rhymni, Mid Glamorgan Uned Gynradd Tonyrefail, Mid Glamorgan 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 Uned Gynradd Garth Olwg, Mid Glamorgan 1961 Ysgol Gynradd Pen-y-bont, Mid Glamorgan (previously Ysgol Gynradd Pontycymer Ysgol Gynradd Ifor Bach, Mid Glamorgan 1962 YSGOL GYFUN RHYDFELEN, MID GLAMORGAN 1963 Ysgol Gynradd Bargod, Mid Glamorgan 1964 1965 1966 1967 Uned Gymraeg Rhisga, Gwent 1968 Uned Gynradd Gwaelod y Garth, Mid Glamorgan 1969 1970 Ysgol Gynradd Caerffili, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Penarth, South Glamorgan Uned Gynradd Dolau, Mid Glamorgan 1971 Uned Gynradd Brynmawr, Gwent Uned Gynradd Highcross, Gwent 1972 Ysgol Gynradd Santes Tudful, Mid Glamorgan 1973 Uned Gynradd lolo Morgannwg, South Glamorgan 1974 YSGOL GYFUN LLANHARI, MID GLAMORGAN Uned Heol y Celyn, Mid Glamorgan
20 Ysgol Gynradd Sant Baruc, South Glamorgan 1975 1976 Ysgol Gynradd Rhyd-y-Grug, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Llantrisant, Mid Glamorgan Uned Gynradd Penderyn, Mid Glamorgan Uned Gynradd St. Dial, Gwent 1977 Uned Gynradd Coed-y-brain, Mid Glamorgan Uned Gynradd Creigiau, Mid Glamorgan Uned Trelyn, Mid Glamorgan 1978 YSGOL GYFUN GLANTAF, SOUTH GLAMORGAN 1979 Ysgol Gynradd Bodringallt, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Melin Gruffydd, South Glamorgan 1980 1981 YSGOL GYFUN CWM RHYMNI, MID GLAMORGAN Ysgol Gynradd Coed y Gof, South Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd y Wern, South Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Bro Eirwg, South Glamorgan 1982 Ysgol Gynradd y Ferch o'r Sger, Mid Glamorgan 1983 1984 1985 Uned Gynradd Tiryberth, Gwent Ysgol Gynradd Llyn-y-forwyn, Mid Glamorgan Uned Gynradd Sofrydd, Gwent Uned Gynradd Pontnewynydd, Gwent Ysgol Gynradd Castellau, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Evan James, Mid Glamorgan 1986 1987 Ysgol Gynradd Treganna, South Glamorgan 1988 YSGOL GYFUN GWYNLLYW, GWENT Ysgol Gynradd Cwm Garw, Mid Glamorgan 1989 YSGOL GYFUN Y CYMER, MID GLAMORGAN Ysgol Gynradd Abercynon, Mid Glamorgan 1990 Ysgol Gynradd y Gelli, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Cwmbran, Gwent (previously Uned St. Dial) 1991 Ysgol Gynradd Cwm Gwyddon, Gwent (previously Uned Sofrydd) Ysgol Gynradd Ystrad Mynach (previously Uned Trelyn) 1992 Ysgol Gynradd St. Curig, South Glamorgan 1993 Ysgol Gynradd Casnewydd, Gwent (previously Uned Highcross) 1994 Ysgol Gynradd y Fenni, Gwent Ysgol Gynradd Mynydd Bychan, South Glamorgan 1995 YSGOL GYFUN RHYDYWAUN, MID GLAMORGAN Ysgol Gynradd Pencae, South Glamorgan 1996 Uned - Unit (usually a few designated classrooms within an English medium school) Ysgol - School Gynradd - Junior Gyfun - Comprehensive
21 [Mother and Child] meetings introducing the majority of children to the Welsh
language.In general, Welsh medium education has been considered a vital element as a
means of cultural preservation, as Packer and Campbell note,
'many individuals and families feel, sometimes rather keenly, that their
inability to speak the Welsh language is a personal loss. This widespread
sentiment was the foundation of the original extension of recruitment by
Welsh-medium schools. Such families uphold the objective of maintaining
the Welsh language in common with the Welsh-speaking families. Some
indeed may wish to reclaim the ability to speak Welsh for their families, and
there are many examples of families attempting this. Even when a project as
ambitious as this is not accomplished the motivation to select Welsh-
medium education is, for this group, based in a cultural evaluation centred
on the Welsh language itself. 6
The initial demand for Welsh medium education was not solely an attempt for language
restoration, despite the importance of this feature in halting language decline. The
complexity in analysis of the movement lies with the symbolic nature of language, with
political, social, psychological and linguistic interpretations and obligations surrounding
language maintenance and restoration. As Baker succinctly summarises,
'locating and defining the origins of the development of bilingual education
can never rest with simple influences... the development of bilingual
education in Wales is not purely an educationally derived phenomenon. It
does not develop from simple arguments about the educational virtues of
bilingual education. Rather, such growth is both an action and reaction in
26 ibid.
22 the general growth of consciousness about the virtues of preserving an
indigenous language and culture. Such growth cannot be viewed in simple
terms. Conflicts with authority, protests, non-violent but militant action all
have been a part of the equation of change.' 77
27 Colin Baker 'Bilingual Education in Wales' in Hugo Baetens Beardsmore (ed.) European Models of Bilingual Education Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 9:1993
23 Chapter Two Chapter 2
Evaluating Theories Concerning Bilingual Education
Investigating Bilingual Education Theories: An Introduction
Discussion surrounding minority language education provision highlights a cultural resurgence among ethnic communities heightened by an increased awareness of
identity. Current education programmes developed for minority language children have been instigated across the western world during the latter half of the twentieth century.
The United States of America, Canada, Scotland and Wales are among examples,
although the phenomenon of an education through the medium of two languages is not
new. 1 This 'ethnic awakening' according to Khleif,2 who researched into minority
language growth in Wales during the late 1970s, came as a consequence of increasing
population movement which emphasised diversity of culture and language among
individuals.3 The assertion for ethnic autonomy was realised in a demand for cultural,
linguistic and community acknowledgement, the most significant manifestation of
1 Hugo Beatens Beardsmore (ed.) European Models of Bilingual Education Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 1993 Jim Cummins & Fred Genesee 'Bilingual Education Programmes in Wales and Canada' in Dodson, C.J. (ed.) Bilingual Education: Evaluation. Assessment and Methodology Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1985 John Edwards 'The Context of Bilingual Education' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.2 No.l 1981 John Murray & Catherine Morrison Bilingual Primary Education in the Western Isles Scotland Acair, Storaoway 1984 2 Bud B.Khleif 'Ethnic Awakening in the First World: the Case of Wales' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Social and Cultural Change in Contemporary Wales London, Routledge and Keegan Paul 102:1978 3 Mary Kalantzis, Bill Cope & Diana Slade Minority Language and Dominant Culture London, The Palmer Press 1:1989
24 ethnic recognition being expressed by attempts to preserve and promote the growth of
the indigenous language of that group.
Since the 1960s much research has been conducted into the demand,
maintenance and success of minority language education provision. The term minority
is used in this context in reference to a bilingual community where the minority
language is the indigenous language of a lower status group. In attempting to raise
language status and reverse possible decline, education through the medium of the
minority language is a means of ensuring acquisition among the younger generation.
However, within mixed language communities, mastery of the dominant language is
essential for economic survival. The focus of this chapter is to analyse the literature and
research conducted into minority language education, its role in reversing language shift
and promotion of ethnic identity within communities. Analysis of investigations into
bilingual education programmes, and the development of the bilingual child viewed
from multifarious angles provides a valuable perspective from which the development
of Welsh medium education in South East Wales may be examined and critiqued.
Reflection upon general developments and theories regarding minority education provision, provides a macrocosmic background for focus upon developments in Wales.
4 Bob Morris Jones & Paul Ghuman (eds.) Bilingualism. Education and Identity Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1:1995 5 A.G.Gaarder 'Organisation of the Bilingual School' Journal of Social Issue Vol. XXIII, No.2. 1967 Joan Rubin & BjOrn Jernudd (eds.) Can Language Be Planned? Sociolinguistic Theory and Practice for Developing Nations Honolulu, University of Hawaii 1971 Tove Skutnabb-Kangas & Jim Cummins Minority Education: from Shame to Struggle Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 1988 Llinos Dafis (ed.) Yr leithoedd Llai - Cvmathu Newvdd-Ddvfodiaid: trafodion cynhadledd a gynhaliwvd yng Nghaerfyrddin. 1991 Lesser used Languages - Assimilating Newcomers: proceedings of the conference held at Carmarthen 1991 Caerfyrddin, Cydweithgor Dwyieithrwydd yn Nyfed 1991
25 Thus the rationale for the emergence of Welsh medium education in South East Wales is placed within an international framework.
The Argument for Bilingual Education Provision
The language spoken by the indigenous nation, community or group is a key feature of their society and marker of their identity. As Spolsky and Cooper note, 'language is the primary means of socialization and the most sensitive image and guardian of the social system'. When the indigenous language becomes threatened by another, more powerful language, an attempt to restore the minority language is invariably instigated in the form of bilingual education provision. Education is perceived as a vital component in the attempt for language revitalisation primarily for its importance in retaining and transmitting not only linguistic but cultural values for future communities.
As Williams comments, 'Education is central to the cultural reproduction of minority groups because it serves as the basis for ideological formation and the legalisation of values and positions within society'.7 Many arguments have been presented evaluating the effectiveness of bilingual education. Early research concentrated on intellectual ability of bilingual children in comparison with fellow monolinguals.8 However, as
Cummins notes,
Bernard Spolsky & Robert L.Cooper Frontiers of Bilingual Education Rowley MA., Newbury House 2:1977 Colin H.Williams Called unto Liberty! On Language and Nationalism Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 163:1994 Examples of research conducted include: Rudolf Pinter & Seth Arsenian 'The Relation of Bilingualism to Verbal Intelligence and School Adjustment' Journal of Educational Research Vol.1 1937 D.J.Saer "The Effect of Bilingualism on Intelligence' British Journal of Educational Psychology Vol.14. 1923 D.J.Saer 'An Inquiry into the Effects of Bilingualism on the Intelligence of Young Children' Journal of Experimental Pedagogy Vol.6. 1922
26 'the inappropriate use of psychological tests with linguistic and cultural
minority students has served both to reinforce educators' misconceptions
about the detrimental consequences of bilingualism and to justify the active
eradication of the students' first language (LI) in the school context'.9
Since the 1950s, international research and literature has expanded in outlook
encompassing cultural, social, political and economic aspects of the developing
programmes of schooling. 10 A wide variety of bilingual groups have been examined
comprising indigenous language minority communities; in-migrants following second
language acquisition programmes and majority language children in minority language
education. The development of bilingual education and its stated objectives 'like other
areas which lie at the conjunction of social science and social policy is a complex and
often confused issue'. 11
Lewis notes that the primary concern of bilingual education is 'to promote
emerging ethnic groups and their languages or to preserve them in a rapidly changing
universe'. 12 The distinction between an education which promotes two languages of
equal status and an education for language minority children needs to be clarified, as
Natalie T.Darcy 'A Review of the Literature on the Effect of Bilingualism upon the Measurement of Intelligence' Journal of Genetic Psychology Vol.82. 1953 9 Jim Cummins & Merrill Swain Bilingualism in Education. Aspects of Theory, Research and Practice London, Longman 183:1986 10 Examples include: S.Ben-Zeev 'The Effect of Bilingualism from Spanish-English low economic neighbourhoods on cognitive development and strategy' Working Papers on Bilingualism 14, 83-122:1977 J.A.Fishman Bilingual Education: An International Sociological Perspective Rowley MA., Newbury House 1976 Beatrix Arias & Ursula Casanova (eds.) Bilingual Education: Politics. Practice and Research Chicago, University of Chicago Press 1993 11 John Edwards The Context of Bilingual Education' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.2. No. 1 27:1981 12 E.Glyn Lewis 'Bilingualism in Education - Cross National Research' International Journal of the Sociology of Language 14, Mouton Publishers 27:1977
27 'programmes which are designed to reflect existing social linguistic
pressures may need to have a very different pattern from those meant to
create or revive a former bilingual society. In each case the studies can
reflect differences in the weight attached to such variables from literate as
opposed to simple oral competence in one or both languages. The only
necessary stipulation for a programme for bilingual children is that it should
in some way or other have regard for two languages'. 13
One means of clarifying the many models of bilingual education is by analysing the
purposes of such provision. Baker purports that the two aims of bilingual education are transitional and maintenance. The aim of a transitional bilingual education is to 'shift
the child from the home, minority language to the dominant, majority language'. 14 The ultimate goal is cultural and social assimilation into the majority language. Contrary to this maintenance, bilingual education endeavours to 'foster the minority language in the
child, strengthening their sense of cultural identity and affirming the rights of an ethnic minority group in a nation'. 15 For example, language immersion programmes for
Spanish speakers in the United States of America aim to preserve the Spanish language among the in-migrant Spanish population. In contrast, the primary objective of
bilingual schooling in Brittany is to safeguard the future of the language. Within both transitional and maintenance bilingual education lie complex aims surrounding the educational programmes instigated, reflecting sociocultural, economic and political issues. Baker manifests these issues in a simple typology of bilingual education
13ibid.8 14 Colin Baker Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism. Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 152:1993 15 ibid.
28 illustrating all aspects and intended outcomes of the programmes, as outlined in Table 2:1. 16
Education programmes typified under 'weak forms of education for
bilingualism' have the primary aim of linguistic assimilation, thereby negating the use
of the minority language in favour of the majority language. Programmes of this type
can be exemplified by the enforcement of teaching through the medium of English to
monoglot Welsh children during the nineteenth century, and similarly French instruction
in many schools throughout Brittany at the turn of the twentieth century. 17 The 'strong
forms of education for bilingualism and biliteracy' are programmes which focus on the
outcome that equal competence in both minority language and majority language is
preserved. In attempting to reverse minority language shift within a bilingual
community, bilingual education programmes are vital in ensuring the success of the
attempt. Such education programmes function to encompass a wider understanding of
the culture, as 'the imperatives and meanings of culture cannot be shared or understood
at the symbolic level of language, but only through living practices for which that
language is a tool'. 1 8
Reversing the shift of a minority language requires consideration of the intended outcome. Minority language monolingualism is usually an unfeasible objective within a bilingual community where the majority language has a far higher social, economic and
16 ibid. 153 17 John Davies Hanes Cymru London, The Penguin Press 439:1990 18 Mary Kalantzis, Bill Cope & Diana Slade Minority Language and Dominant Culture London, London, The Palmer Press 2:1989
29 Table 2:1
Ten types of language education
WEAK FORMS OF BILINGUALISM Type of Programme Typical Type Language of the Societal and Aim in of Child Classroom Educational Aim Language Outcome SUBMERSION Language Majority Language Assimilation Monolingualism (Structured Minority Immersion) SUBMERSION Language Majority Language Assimilation Monolingualism (with Withdrawal Minority with 'Pull-out' L2 Classes/Sheltered Lessons English) SEGREGATIONIST Language Minority Language Apartheid Monolingualism Minority (forced, no choice) TRANSITIONAL Language Moves from Assimilation Relative Minority Minority to Monolingualism Majority Language MAINSTREAM Language Majority Language Limited Limited with Foreign Majority with L2/FL Lessons Enrichment Bilingualism Language Teaching SEPARATIST Language Minority Language Detachment/ Limited Minority (out of choice) Autonomy Bilingualism STROU* FORMS QF EDlpAi IQN FOR^ BWJNGUAMSM A|^ BILIlllRMY Type of Programme Typical Type Language of the Societal and Aim in of Child Classroom Educational Aim Language Outcome IMMERSION Language Bilingual with Pluralism and Bilingualism & Majority Initial Emphasis on Enrichment Biliteracy L2 MAINTENANCE/ Language Bilingual with Maintenance, Bilingualism & HERITAGE Minority Emphasis on L 1 Pluralism and Biliteracy LANGUAGE Enrichment TWO-WAY/ DUAL Mixed Minority and Maintenance, Bilingualism & LANGUAGE Language Majority Pluralism and Biliteracy Minority & Enrichment Majority MAINSTREAM Language Two Majority Maintenance, Bilingualism & BILINGUAL Majority Languages Pluralism and Biliteracy Enrichment Notes: (1) L2 = Second Language; LI = First Language; FL = Foreign Language.
Colin Baker Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 153:1993
30 cultural status. As Kelman suggests, 'from the point of view of individuals, familiarity
with the dominant language is a key to genuine participation in the system, to social
mobility, and to enactment of a variety of social and economic roles'. 19 Kelman further
endorses his viewpoint that an individual's attachment to a language manifests itself in
two ways, sentimentally and instrumentally. Sentimental attachment to a language
reveals an inherent link between national identity and a commitment to cultural and
social values. This language attachment is exemplified in the development of the
Naionrai voluntary pre-school in Ireland during the late 1960s.20 The emphasis of an
instrumental attachment to a language is that the individual regards the language as 'an
effective vehicle for achieving his own ends and the ends of members of other
systems'. The growth in demand for Japanese teachers is an obvious indication of
instrumental attachment due to Japanese economic expansion in the Western world.
Within the community of a minority language, opportunities may be created which are equated to increased individual social and economic mobility, thus promoting attachment to, and use of, the designated language. Making decisions about increasing minority language use, or minority language planning should therefore, according to
Fishman, be administered with the objectives of
19 Herbert C.Kelman 'Language as an Aid and a Barrier to Involvement in the National System' in Joan Rubin & Bjorn Jernudd (eds.) Can Language Be Planned? Sociolinguistic Theory and Practice for Developing Nations Honolulu, University of Hawaii 32:1971 20 Joshua A.Fishman Reversing Language Shift: theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 136:1991 'It is true that their 'graduate' acquire proficiency in both comprehension and expression, often go on to (and therefore foster the growth of) all- Irish primary schools, acquire strongly positive attitudes toward the language and reinforce or gratify such attitudes in their parents as well, the play-groups certainly provide clear evidence of great dedication and concern for the future of the Irish language in an active and resourceful segment of the adult community'. 2l Herbert C.Kelman 'Language as an Aid and a Barrier to Involvement in the National System 1 in Joan Rubin & Bjorn Jemudd (eds.) Can Language Be Planned? Sociolinguistic Theory and Practice for Developing Nations Honolulu, University of Hawaii 25:1971
31 're-establishing local opinions, local control, local hope, and local meaning
to life. It reveals a humanistic and positive outlook vis-a-vis intergroup life,
rather than a mechanistic and fatalistic one. It espouses the right and the
ability of small cultures to live and to inform life for their own members as
well as to contribute thereby to the enrichment of human kind as a whole'.22
The emphasis of language planning should focus, therefore, on the maintenance and
promotion of the minority language and culture, with full competence in the majority
language as an equal objective. The aim of this provision is to promote additive
bilingualism whereby the addition of a second language does not attempt to supersede
or dislocate the first language in any way.23 Research has found that this method of
bilingual schooling is 'the only educationally meaningful way to help the immigrant
child learn the school language efficiently and to succeed in school from the outset'.24
Canada's bilingual education policy, described as 'heritage language learning' (HL), is
thus constructed with the aim of promoting competence in both French and English.25
Research on the education of children conducted in this manner,
'has shown that the gaining of literacy in the mother tongue, and its use in
the literacy-related tasks, forms the cognitive basis for verbal skill transfer.
The increased confidence with language ensues from additive bilingual
schooling seems consistently to spill over into all areas of cognitive
development and of knowledge acquisition. Hence, it is not at all surprising
22 Joshua A.Fishman Reversing Language Shift: theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 35:1991 23 W.E.Lambert 'The Social Psychology of Language' in H.Giles, W.P.Robinson & P.Smith (eds.) Language: Social Psychological Perspectives Oxford, Pergamon Press 1980 24 Marcel Danesi 'Revisiting the Research Findings on Heritage Language Learning: Three Interpretative Frames' Canadian Modem Language Review Vol.47 Part 4 652:1991 25 Clinton D.W.Robinson 'Is Sauce for the Goose Sauce for the Gander? Some Comparative Reflections on Minority Language Planning in North and South' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.15 Nos.2&3 138:1995
32 to find that the research on HL training - in whatever form (from simple
cultural enrichment to the use of the HL for learning school subjects) - has
allowed the vast majority of minority-language children to adjust rapidly
and efficiently to the academic demands of their new education milieu'.26
The term additive bilingualism is used in contrast to subtractive bilingualism whereby
the introduction of a majority second language is manipulated to weaken the minority
first language. This is exemplified when in-migrants express a preference in use of the
dominant language rather that the home language.
Bilingual education programmes, if implemented with the purposes of ensuring
bilingualism, are not simply operations of promoting community language use. Rubin
states that, 'as a discipline, language planning requires the mobilization of a great
variety of disciplines because it implies the channelling of problems and values to and
through some decision-making administrative structure'. The implications of
maintaining minority language use involves an assertion of ethnic identity which
reverberates in the economic, social and cultural status of the language community.
According to Edwards, support for maintenance bilingualism, the equal promotion of
the minority language and the majority language, 'rest upon the basic view that cultural
pluralism is good, that assimilation is bad, and that ethnic diversity (especially as this is
•^ o __ manifested through language maintenance) is to be encouraged within societies'. The
assertion for an individual ethnic identity, manifested within an indigenous linguistic
26 Marcel Danes! 'Revisiting the Research Findings on Heritage Language Learning: Three Interpretative Frames' Canadian Modern Language Review Vol.47 Part 4 652:1991 27Joan Rubin & Bjorn Jernudd (eds.) Can Language Be Planned? Sociolinguistic Theory and Practice for Developing Nations Honolulu, University of Hawaii xvi: 1971 28 John Edwards 'The Context of Bilingual Education' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.2 No. 1 1981
33 and cultural group, is a reflection of a group identity, one separate from that of the
majority, dominant group.
Vygotsky, suggested that bilingualism enables a child 'to see his language as one
particular system among many, to view its phenomena under more general categories,
and this leads to awareness of his linguistic operations'.29 The realisation of
competence in more that one language, with the inclusion of a developing cultural
awareness is an important influence on the self-perception of an individual. Research
regarding ethnic awareness and the interaction between language and ethnicity began in
the late 1960s, and has now been described as a 'world-wide social phenomenon'.30
Psychological and sociological research has shown language to be one of the most
important aspects in the assertion of individual identity.31 Research by Bourhis, Giles
and Lambert, conducted in 1973, is a clear example of positive reaction to same group
identification. The study asked native speakers, learners and non-speakers of Welsh to
attribute certain characteristics to voices heard on tape. From their reactions to the
taped excerpts, it was concluded that native speakers and learners of a minority
language identified positively towards in-group identity by linguistic means.
The way in which language is manipulated as a means of group and individual
identification can be analysed from two angles. The two classifications concerning the
29 L.S, Vygotsky Thought and Language Massachusetts, The M.I.T.Press 110:1962 D.M.Taylor 'Ethnicity and Language: A Social Psychological Perspective' in H.Giles, W.P.Robinson, & P.Smith (eds.) Language: Social Psychological Perspective Oxford, Pergamon Press 133:1980 31 R.Cle"ment 'Ethnicity, Contact and Communicative Competence' in H.Giles, W.P.Robinson, & P.Smith (eds) Language: Social Psychological Perspective Oxford. Pergamon Press 148:1980 32 R.Bourhis, H.CH.Giles, & P.Lambert 'Language as a determinant of Welsh Identity' Journal of Social Psychology 1973
34 role of language in relation to ethnic identity are 'objectivist' and 'subjectivist'. The
objectivist theory is that language is but one element of the cultural institutions and
process delineating the ethnic boundary of a minority group. Through the establishment
of cultural, social, political and commercial institutions which act as clear markers of
national identification, the individualism of the Scottish people is recognised. The
subjectivist school of thought held by some ethnic groups argues that 'language, as an
issue is important, not in itself, but as a symbol of an underlying image of group
purpose and identity'. This is indicated by the attempts of Bretons in establishing an
education system through the medium of Breton, thus reinforcing cultural identification.
Establishing educational programmes operating through the medium of the
minority language is one method of attempting to reverse possible language shift
towards sole majority language use. Using the language as a medium of instruction
nurtures positive trends towards the ethnic identity of a minority group. It also
promotes a self-awareness of the indigenous group which questions the value of
bilingual provision, further emphasising minority language maintenance. From the
subjectivist angle, endeavours to re-establish the status of a minority language are essential. However, many queries are raised questioning negative and positive aspects of minority language provision. Baker stresses the importance of undertaking the restoration of a lower status language:
'Attempting language shift by language planning, language policy making
and the provision of human and material sources can all come to nothing if
33 Paul A.Singh Ghuman 'Acculturation, Ethnic Identity and Community Languages: A Study of Indo- Canadian Adolescents' in Bob Morris Jones & Paul Ghuman (eds.) Bilingualism. Identification and Identity Cardiff, University of Wales Press 232:1995 34 ibid.233
35 attitudes are not favourable to change. Language engineering can flourish or
fail according to the attitudes of the community. Having a favourable
attitude to the subject of language attitude becomes important in bilingual
policy and practice'.35
Research has proven therefore, that in planning an education programme for the
promotion of minority language, consideration must be given to the intended outcome
of such provision. The promotion of minority language use encompasses a social and
cultural awareness of belonging to a specific group. Pike regards language use as being
'extraordinary close to a person's psychological structure - it is a communication center
for interchange of ideas, description of actions, and articulation of longings, fears,
beliefs and dreams'.36 Drawing upon such aspirations, reviving the status of a minority
language is dependent on successful language planning processes.
Empowering Minority Language Use
In evaluating considerations for bilingual education, the ever-changing phenomenon of
language is of vital importance during the construction of educational programmes. The
type of language taught must be of continuing relevance to daily life and be of economic
value to the intended user. According to Kalantzis et al, describing linguistic
developments in Australia, in analysing the place of minority languages within a
dominant culture,
35 Colin Baker Attitudes and Language Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 21:1992 36 Kenneth L.Pike 'Social Linguistics and Bilingual Education' System Vol.7 100:1979
36 'the dilemma of language maintenance is that the living context other than
English in Australia is a shifting one, and the language forms that develop
are ones that are not always readily applicable or functionally successful in
their place of origin. 11
The social and economic use of a minority language is of paramount importance if the
language is to improve its status and community worth within the hegemonic society.
The revival of a minority language is affected by the extent of its use within public and
private institutions. An increase in general use and demand for the minority language,
its use as a tool of widespread personal communication and as a medium of educational
instruction heightens the value of the language within the bilingual communities.
The assertion for minority language education therefore challenges the
hegemony of existing pedagogical provision and associated ramifications. As Bourdieu
notes,
'In order for one mode of expression among others (a particular language in
the case of bilingualism, a particular use of language in the case of a society
divided into classes) to impose itself as the only legitimate one, the
linguistic market has to be unified and the different dialects (of class, region
or ethnic group) have to be measured practically against the legitimate
language or usage. Integration into a single 'linguistic community', which
is a product of the political domination that is endlessly reproduced by
institutions capable of imposing universal recognition of the dominant
37 Mary Kalantzis, Bill Cope & Diana Slade Minority Language and Dominant Culture London, The Palmer Press 4:1989
37 language, is the condition for the establishment of relations of linguistic
domination'.
Commencing educational provision through the medium of the minority language thus
empowers language use, reasserting its value within the wider community. Instilling the
viability of a language through educational provision can therefore assist in the
empowerment of the minority language alongside, or within the realm of, the dominant
language and culture.
The successful implementation of language policy and planning can draw upon
insights from the social psychology of attitude change. The attempt to extend group and
individual use of the indigenous minority language within multiple linguistic domains
requires the change of promotion of positive attitudes towards the language. The
creation of successful minority educational programmes is dependent upon increasing
confidence towards the language shown by native speakers and non-speakers of the
language. However, the development of minority language education programmes is
inherently political in nature. The provision of an educational programme through the
medium of a minority language generates an awareness and knowledge of that specific
culture. Thus, the assertion of minority language education provision, with consequent
promotion of the associated culture, may be viewed as a challenge by members of the
hegemonic culture, and therefore nationalistic.39 The role of the school teacher within
this pedagogical realm, as noted by Davy,
38 Pierre Bourdieu Language and Symbolic Power Cambridge, Polity Press 45/6:1992 39 This was a prominent feature of opposition towards the first Welsh medium schools (discussed in Chapters 7 and 8).
38 'by virtue of his function, works daily on the faculty of expression of clear,
fixed language to children who know it only very vaguely or who even
speak various dialects or patois, he is already inclining them quite naturally
to see and feel things in the same way; and he works to build the common
consciousness of the nation'.40
The educational system thus plays a decisive role in the legitmation, construction and
the stabilisation of language within society.
Shifting Perspectives: Attitudinal Change and Consequence
Instigators of successful minority language educational programmes need, therefore, to
be aware of the interaction between language empowerment and the political and
economic climate of the community. The political and economic climate has
repercussions upon public perception of attempts towards language maintenance. In
endeavouring to reverse negative trends towards a minority language, beliefs and
attitudes held by groups and individuals need to be changed. Katz, purports that, 'the
theory of psychological consonance, or cognitive balance, assumes that man attempts to
reduce discrepancies in his beliefs, attitudes and behavior by appropriate changes in
these processes'.41 This assumption proposed by Katz can be interpreted with the
notion that an individual is unable to identify with being of a particular nationality
without having a positive attitude towards the markers of that nationality such as the
language and culture. The attitudes expressed by an individual are his predisposition 'to
40 Georges Davy 'Elements de sociologie' Paris, Vrin 233:1950 cited in Pierre Bourdieu Language and Symbolic Power Cambridge, Polity Press 49:1992 41 Daniel Katz 'The Functional Approach to the Study of Attitudes' Public Opinion Quarterly Vol.24 166:1960
39 evaluate some symbol or object or aspect of his world in a favorable or unfavorable manner'. Efforts to change or promote positive attitudes towards a minority language is perceived by Katz to operate at four functional levels, namely the utilitarian or instrumental function, the ego-defensive function, the value-expressive function, and the knowledge function. Each have important implications regarding the improvement of a minority language status and growth.
The Utilitarian/Instrumental Function
The utilitarian or instrumental function is essentially a means by which individuals receive some benefit from the maintenance of their beliefs or attitudes. They operate as a 'means for reaching the desired goal or for avoiding the undesirable one'.43 This function may be identified as the cause of the linguistic decline of Gaelic in Scotland, as expressed by Dorian:
'The economic base which supported the East Sutherland Gaelic (ESG)
linguistic community disappeared with the end of the local fishing industry
in the years between the two World Wars, and the patterns of residential
segregation and endogamy which had kept the Gaelic-speaking fisherfolk
apart began to weaken as a result. English, the language of the social elite
locally as well as nationally, has the support of virtually all national
42 ibid. 168 43 ibid. 171
40 institutions as they affect local life: law, education, government, the
military, and (preponderantly) the media'.44
Factors contributing to the linguistic decline of Gaelic were the economic and social
advantages increasingly attributed to English, thus reinforcing the dominance of the
language in the area. Such factors strengthen Katz's assertion that, 'both attitudes and
habits are formed toward specific objects, people and symbols as they satisfy specific
needs. The closer these objects are to actual need satisfaction, the greater are the
probabilities of positive attitude formation'.45
In order to reverse a trend of negative attitude towards a minority language, thus
attempting to halt its decline, the utilitarian function needs to provide rewards for the
maintenance and promotion of the minority language. As 'the masses of any speech
community speak the way they do - monolingually or bilingually - because of their
dependence on reward systems requiring such speech', it is important that the minority
language maintains areas where rewards are to be had and also develops new ones
within social, fiscal, political and religious realms.46 By improving methods of
encouraging language loyalty and expressing the necessity of language retention as a
measure of preserving identity, the prestige and status of a minority language will be
further enhanced. Increased use in public domains such as the media,47 pop music and
festivals, current literature and newspapers highlight the profile of a language, thus
44 Nancy Dorian 'Language Shift in the Community and Individual: the Phenomenon of the Laggard Semi-Speaker' International Journal of the Sociology of Language Vol.25 87:1980 45 Daniel Katz 'The Functional Approach to the Study of Attitudes' Public Opinion Quarterly Vol.24 171:1960 46 Joshua A.Fishman 'Minority Language Maintenance and the Ethnic Mother Tongue School' Modern Language Journal Vol.64 167:1980 47 The nine radio stations currently operation in Brittany are an example of this, Alter Nantes (Naoned), Radio Bro Wened, Radio Kreizh Breizh, Radio Breizh-Izel, Radio an Arvorig, Radio-Bro, Frequence Mutine, Radio Sklaerder, Radio Startijenn.
41 increasing its economic value and status within the public domain. Within such a
situation, schools are microcosms of the social world, dealing with 'young,
impressionable and weak organisms to begin with - organisms aware of few other
memberships or reward systems - and dispense to them rewards such as approval,
grades, prizes and promotions'. However, it is important to perceive correctly the type
of reward which will result in successful promotion of the minority language.
The Ego-defensive Function
The second function noted by Katz in retaining changing attitudes is the 'ego-defensive
function'. Katz's theory is that an individual develops attitudes which promote greater
personal security and lessen any anxieties. The attitudes of an individual may change
should the perception that attitudes expressed cause discomfort and embarrassment for
the individual within the peer-group or community. In an attempt to become a full
member of a group, an individual may adjust his beliefs in order to identify with that
particular group. In defending one's self image, a majority group may denigrate a
minority group in order to defend their identity, and own self-worth. Within the social
atmosphere of a bilingual school, the individual's attitudes are influenced by the
majority within that social confine. Thus the promotion of positive attitudes towards the
minority language is maintained. However, in the process of development the pupil's
social sphere widens, thus increasing interaction with 'social processes that do not
originate from their home-and-community base'. As the pupil becomes more aware of
48 Joshua A.Fishman 'Minority Language Maintenance and the Ethnic Mother Tongue School' Modern Language Journal Vol.64 167:1980 49 Joshua A. Fishman 'Minority Language Maintenance and the Ethnic Mother Tongue School' Modern Language Journal Vol.64 168:1980
42 outside influences which may be less tolerant of prevailing idiosyncratic attitudes, a
change, review or analysis may occur, reasoning the maintenance of such beliefs.
The Value Expressive Function and the Knowledge Function
Thirdly, the value expressive function operates within an individual 'giving positive
expression to central values and to the type of person he conceives himself to be'.50 The
attitudes of an individual are dependent on an idiosyncratic perception of self-image.
Within peer groups this is prone to distortion and change as the individual attempts to
assimilate attitudes with that of contemporaries for group acceptance and membership.
Attitudinal change among bilingual adolescents can move towards or away from
identification with the minority language and culture. As Baker notes, 'if social
comparison occurs with major cultural forms (e.g. the Anglo-American pop culture),
then self-concept and attitudes may change accordingly'.51 Social comparison with the
minority language promotes positive attitudinal change as is exemplified with the novel
success of Welsh pop culture in recent years. The fourth reason for the performance of
attitudes listed by Katz is the knowledge function. This is based upon the need of
f*\ individuals to create meaningful organisation of their surroundings. Developing an
awareness and a growing enlightenment of a minority culture, society and language can
50 Daniel Katz 'The Functional Approach to the Study of Attitudes' Public Opinion Quarterly Vol.24 173:1960 51 Colin Baker Attitudes and Language Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 101:1992 52 Daniel Katz "The Functional Approach to the Study of Attitudes' Public Opinion Quarterly Vol.24 175:1960
43 affect attitude change. Participating in activities which promote the minority language or culture can aid in encouraging positive attitudes towards that language.53
The four functions attributed by Katz in the maintenance of attitudes, which may
also be manipulated in the change of attitudes play an important role in reversing
negative beliefs towards minority language, as exemplified. Attitudes held by society in
general, are of paramount importance regarding the status and role of a lower status
language within the framework of a bilingual community. Changing or developing
positive attitudes towards a minority language and culture needs to be 'self-directed and
purposefully planned, as well as through the need for security and status within a group
and through societal demands'.54
The Success of Bilingual Education Programmes
Many aspects surrounding the development of bilingual education programmes with a
multiplicity of intended outcomes have been analysed increasingly since the 1960s.55 It
is intended to regard the success of bilingual education programmes from three aspects:
linguistic, educational and social. All three aspects are interdependent in the overall
For example, the emergence of a Welsh youth culture positively identifies the Welsh language as a forward thinking, contemporary feature of Welsh life, rather than viewed as a reflection of traditional culture and past values. 54 Colin Baker Attitudes and Language Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 105:1992 53 Examples include: Brigit Harley 'After Immersion: Maintaining the Momentum' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.15 Nos. 2&3 1994 Peter A.Hornby (ed.) Bilingualism: Psychological, Social and Educational Implications London, Academic Press 1977 Raymond Mougeon & Edourad Beniak 'Should the French-Canadians open their Schools to the Children of the Anglophone Majority?' in J.N.Jergensen, E.Hansen, A.Holmen & J.Gimbel (eds) Bilingualism in Society and School Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism Vol.5 Multilingual Matters Ltd 1988
44 development and progress of the individual bilingual child. The prestige of a language
is 'often a reflexion of education potential', which in turn has implications for social
aspirations. Lewis summarises that,
'the most immediate educational consequences of language contact or
linguistic heterogeneity are those that concern the behaviour of individual
children. There are influences upon their development - cognitive, affective,
social, linguistic and academic - and especially upon their response to
whatever system of schooling is offered to them - in other words, their ability
or willingness to attend schools. Bilingualism creates specific individual
needs that have to be met...'.57
Vasquez, in a sociocultural analysis of lessons at a Spanish medium school in
the United States, notes that 'the language that children use and the purposes for which
they use it reflect their cultural background and by extension their access to particular
fa socializing experiences'. In a bilingual society, where one language is considered of
superior importance than the other, members of the dominant language community, in
general, display no interest or desirability to learn the language of inferior status.59
However, should the status of the language improve within the community, the fact that
'parents want their children to be bilingual rather than monolingual in English because
William F.Mackey 'The Implementation of Bilingual Education Models' in James E.Alatis (ed.) International Dimensions of Bilingual Education Georgetown University Round Table on Languages and Linguistics 7:1978 57 E.Glyn Lewis Bilingualism and Bilingual Education Oxford, Pergamon Press 321:1981 58 Olga A.Vasquez 'A Look at Language as a Resource: Lessons from La Classe Magica' in M.Beatriz Arias & Ursula Casanova (eds.) Bilingual Education: Politics. Research and Practice Berkerley MA, McCutcheon 201:1993 Raymond Mougeon & Edouard Beniak 'Should the French-Canadians open their Schools to the Children of the Anglophone Majority?' in J.N.J0rgensen, E.Hansen, A.Holmen & J.Gimbel (eds) Bilingualism in Society and School Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism Vol.5. Multilingual Matters Ltd 167/8:1988
45 they see personal, academic, social and economic advantage in that accomplishment' is an important consideration. 60 The amelioration in status of the minority language
within a bilingual community augments its economic worth and cultural power. Thus the demand for educational programmes instructing through the medium of both
languages increases.
Promoting Linguistic Competencies
In developing teaching strategies for bilingual education programmes, the question of
overall language competence in both languages should be addressed. Programmes
focusing on minority language maintenance thus promote 'additive' bilingualism,
ultimately culminating in the production of a 'balanced' bilingual. The term is applied
loosely in this context, as Fishman argues, in that equal competence in all linguistic
situations is a rare phenomenon.61 Romaine's interpretation of the 'ideal bilingual' is
considered, in the attempt to discern language competence and language standardisation
in minority language education programmes. She describes the 'ideal bilingual' as
having 'two full containers, while again the ideal child bilingual has two partially, but
essentially full containers on the assumption that the child is developing equal
proficiency in two languages'.
60 M.Beatriz Arias & Ursula Casanova (eds.) Bilingual Education: Politics. Research and Practice Berkeley MA, McCutcheon 2:1993 61 Joshua A.Fishman 'The Sociology of Language' in Joshua A.Fishman (ed.) Advances in the Sociology of Language Vol.1 Basic Concepts. Theories and Problems The Hague, Mouton Publishers 1971 62 Suzanne Romaine Bilingualism Oxford, Basil Blackwell 235:1989
46 Initial mother tongue use of the minority language comes from within the domain of the home, dominant language influence becoming greater as the child grows older and comes into contact with increasing and expanding linguistic situations.
Difficulties in preserving language use occur 'when there are no other language
maintenance orientated outside of the home-and-community that can foster language maintenance in the school'. The attainment of equal competence in the minority and
majority language, inclusive of language maintenance, is dependent on the type of
bilingual education provided, as previously illustrated. In attempting to reach a higher
threshold of bilingual competence it is essential that the language skills taught 'are a
fundamental prerequisite of education at any level'. 4 The increase of minority
language use in domains other than the school, home and community relies on
comprehensive curricula development regarding literacy.
An awareness of the language taught, inclusive of all its varieties is needed in
order to ensure that an acceptable standard of language is uniformly taught. As Spolsky
notes in his paper investigating the implementation of education policies within
multilingual societies,
'when there are differences in the varieties that the children coming to
school speak, or when the children's home variety differs from the one that
63 Joshua A.Fishman 'Minority Language Maintenance and the Ethnic Mother Tongue School' Modern Language Journal Vol.64 169:1980 (Increasingly this is a dilemma facing the Welsh medium schools in the anglicised areas of Wales at present). 64 William F.Mackey 'Bilingual Education and its Social Implications' in John Edwards (ed.) Linguistic Minorities. Policies and Pluralism London, Academic Press 158:1984 65 Joshua A.Fishman 'Bilingualism and Biculturalism as Individual and as Societal Phenomena' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.1 169:1980 'If there is ever to be effective mother tongue use in most out-of-home-and-community domain, such use will require the school's active assistance to assure ethnic mother tongue literacy (as well as to assure acquisition of those varieties that are proximate to literacy i.e., formal speech). Schools are crucial literacy-imparting institutions even though they need outside help, even in this respect, if what they teach is to be maintained later in life'.
47 societies think they should speak, the essential dimensions of the choice of
language education policy are whether to use one or more languages for
instruction and which language or languages should be used. For each
language chosen a number of questions must be resolved: Which variety of
the language should be used? For how long? For what purposes and for
what subjects? By what persons and by what means?'66
The success of the linguistic aspect in bilingual education programmes serves primarily to promote minority language use within the school education programme.
Language standardisation across the curriculum is fundamental in establishing a criterion for competent literacy in the minority language as,
'its written code of correct usage enshrined in its grammars, dictionaries,
pronunciation and style manuals, can be handled in the sort of curriculum
planning which public education requires in a more orderly and less
ambiguous fashion than can a language where the difference between what
is correct and what is unacceptable has not been established'.
However, an awareness of individual linguistic varieties should be noted as the continuation of language variation is an indication of the depth of vitality of the language. Teaching through the medium of a minority language asserts the considered
x o 'accepted' written and spoken standard language.
66 Bernard Spolsky 'The Establishment of Educational Policy in Multilingual Settings' in Bernard Spolsky & Robert Cooper (eds.) Frontiers of Bilingual Education Rowley MA, Newbury House 4:1977 William F.Mackey 'Bilingual Education and its Social Implications' in John Edwards (ed.) Linguistic Minorities. Policies and Pluralism London, Academic Press 158:19,84 68 Much debate has surrounded the teaching of Welsh as a second language regarding the nature of the language to be taught. The development of a second language course known as 'Cymraeg Byw' (Living Welsh) during the late 1960s caused controversy, many regarding the linguistic forms advocated as an inadequate amalgamation of a variety of forms of Welsh.
48 Bilingual and Biliteracy Attainment: Initial Findings
The linguistic outcome created by different models of bilingual education programmes
is an important factor in the attempt to reverse minority language shift. However, the
success of the programmes are dependent on the educational attainments of the schools
and consequent pedagogical values placed on the school. The belief that to be bilingual
had a detrimental effect on intelligence was held by academics from the early nineteenth
century until the 1960s.69 Wales was at the forefront in the investigations into
bilingualism and the development of the bilingual child during this period.70 Early
research conducted on bilingual individuals, concentrated on intelligence testing, which
found monolinguals to be superior in aptitude than bilinguals. Saer, conducted a series
of tests, examining intelligence, dextrality, rhythm, vocabulary and composition of
monolingual and bilingual schoolchildren in rural and urban areas of Wales.71 In
comparing the IQ frequencies of the respondents, he found that there was a 'significant
inferiority of the bilingual children in rural districts'.72 He interpreted his results in two
ways. Firstly, that the inferiority of the bilingual children was primarily due to
difference in language used at school and in play. The second interpretation came as a
consequence of the results from the dextrality test, that the inferiority was due to
69 Colin Baker Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 108:1993 70 Saer, Smith, and Barke's findings are discussed in more detail in correlation with later research conducted in Wales in Chapter 5. 71 D.J.Saer 'An Inquiry into the Effect of Bilingualism upon the Intelligence of Young Children' Journal of Experimental Pedagogy Vol.6 232-240:1922 72 D.J.Saer "The Effect of Bilingualism upon Intelligence' British Journal of Education Psychology Vol. 14 28:1923
49 'mental confusion ... resulting from the use of two languages before a power of using
one effectively has been acquired'.73
Further research conducted by Pinter and Keller in Ohio, during the same period,
also drew similar conclusions from the same intelligence test (Standard-Binet Scale).
Their results revealed that children from homes where the language spoken was
different from that of the school, the test scores were much lower.74 Smith in his
research on the mental development of bilingual children between eight and eleven
attending rural schools in South Wales, found that monoglot individuals proved superior
in intelligence. Changes in opinion as to the negative effect on intelligence of
bilingualism were noted by Barke in her reportcomparing the intelligence of children
attending bilingual and monolingual schools in South Wales.75 She noted that
conclusions drawn in previous studies on bilingualism were dependent on tests
administered involving the use of language. Her hypothesis was that,
'although linguistic ability may afford an indication of general intelligence,
in estimating the intelligence of bilingual children, whose progress may
have been hindered by the early introduction of a second language, it seems
advisable to apply mental tests of a non-verbal character'.76
73 D.J.Saer 'An Inquiry into the Effect of Bilingualism upon the Intelligence of Young Children' Journal of Experimental Pedagogy Vol.6 274:1922 74 op. cit. R.Pinter & R.Keller 'Intelligence of Foreign Children' Journal of Educational Psychology 13, pp. 214-222, 1922 in Natalie T.Darcy 'A Review of the Literature on the Effects of Bilingualism upon the Measurement of Intelligence' Journal of Genetic Psychology Vol.82 26:1953 75 Ethel M.Barke 'A Study of the Comparative Intelligence of the Children in Certain Bilingual and Monoglot Schools in South Wales' British Journal of Educational Psychology Vol.3 237-250:1933 76 ibid.238
50 The study therefore comprised non-language mental tests and the Northumberland
Test. As well as noting the linguistic background of the participating pupils, their
social environment was recorded by noting fathers' occupations. The conclusion was
that it seemed,
'probable that the home environment of the pupils in the three bilingual
schools was rather superior to that of the pupils in the monoglot schools;
...that in the bilingual area though wages were low, many of the miners
owned the houses that they occupied, whereas in the other mining area
selected it was stated that families moved frequently and that parents did not
show much interest in their children's education'. 78
Barke concluded that the bilingual children who participated in the non-verbal
intelligence tests appeared slightly superior to the monoglot children. The verbal tests
revealed a general inferiority of the bilingual school children. However, this was
attributed by Barke to 'language difficulties and in particular to their imperfect
comprehension of the English language'.7 The verbal tests were administered in both
English and Welsh, and the results of the tests were concluded without any reference to
the two languages that were used. A study conducted by Mitchell investigated the
possibility that there would be a difference in IQ results of bilingual children depending
on the language used in the administration of the tests. He conducted 'The Otis Group
77 These non-language mental tests were designed by R.Pinter and were used 'frequently in U.S.A. for comparing the intelligence of American children and those of foreign parentage, and for testing deaf children'. The Northumberland Tests 'comprise nine tests entitled respectively, Understanding Instructions, Opposites, Similarities, Mixed Sentences, Completing Sentences, Selecting Reasons, Simple Reasoning, Following and Argument and Absurdities' in Ethel M.Barke, 'A Study of the Comparative Intelligence of the Children in Certain Bilingual and Monoglot Schools in South Wales' British Journal of Educational Psychology Vol.3 239:1933 78 ibid.241 79 ibid.249
51 Intelligence Test' in both Spanish and English to 236 Spanish-speaking pupils in
Minnesota. A substantial difference was found in the mean IQ scores, with the results
of the Spanish test being greater that the English tests. Mitchell's conclusion was 'that
bilingual children work under a serious handicap...and that the difficulty appeared to be
a general language handicap rather that one in any specific phase of intelligence which
OA the tests measured'.
Reasserting Evidence regarding Bilingual Achievement
Developments in the research on bilingualism and its relation to intelligence have since
found flaws in previous research conducted. The earlier studies did not ensure matched
groups in the comparison of bilingual and monolingual children, i.e. differences of
socio-economic status were not taken into consideration. The research also had a
tendency to use simple averages in the comparison of monolingual and bilingual groups,
and statistical tests were often not utilised to ascertain whether the difference between
the average school was actual or attributable to the element of chance.81 A turning point
in the general opinion that bilingualism caused inferiority in intellect over
monolingualism came initially as a consequence to a study conducted by Peal and
Lambert in 1962. The study was conducted using a sample of 110 pupils aged ten,
elicited from middle-class French schools in Montreal, Canada. The group was divided into two, a bilingual and a monolingual group and were matched by socio-economic class, and were administered intelligence tests. Peal and Lambert concluded that
80 Natalie T.Darcy 'A Review of the Literature on the Effect of Bilingualism upon the Measurement of Intelligence' Journal of Genetic Psychology Vol.82 34:1953 81 Colin Baker Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 109:1993
52 bilingualism enabled an individual greater mental flexibility; the ability to think in a more abstract manner; superiority in ideological formation; and that the experience of a bicultural and bilingual environment, with the positive transfer between the two languages enhances the development of an individual's IQ.82
The findings recorded by Peal and Lambert were unique in that they were the first to suggest that bilingualism was to the advantage of an individual rather than a handicap. Subsequent research findings have reiterated Peal and Lambert's assertions.83
Further research conducted on bilingualism from this period onwards has veered away from intelligence testing and has tended towards a multicomponent view of cognitive functioning. The research into bilingualism since the 1960s has encompassed other features of bilingual education such as the sociological, psychological and cultural elements that are affective in an individuals use of two languages and associated cultures. With educational capabilities of bilingual children proved to be of an equal if not more than equal standard to that of monolingual children, the social climate for the
82 ibid. 112 83 Examples include: Marcel Danesi 'Revisiting Research Findings on Heritage Language Learning' The Canadian Modern Languages Review Vol.47 Part 4 1991 Raymond Mougeon & Edouard Beniak ' Should the French-Canadian Minorities open their Schools to the Children of the Anglophone majority?' in J.N.J0rgensen, E.Hansen, A.Holmen & J.Gimbel (eds) Bilingualism in Society and School Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism Vol.5. Multilingual Matters Ltd 1988 James Cummins 'The Influence of Bilingualism on Cognitive Growth: A Synthesis of Research Findings and Explanatory Hypotheses' Working Papers on Bilingualism Vol.9 1976 84 Ursula Casanova & M.Beatriz Arias 'Contextualizing Bilingual Education' in B.Arias & U. Casanova (eds.) Bilingual Education: Politics. Research and Practice Berkeley CA, McCutchan, 22:1993 Casanova and Arias note the studies of the effects of bilingualism have rested on two paradigms: 1) that they are 'modelled after Peal and Lambert, comparing bilingual children to monolingual children and requires careful attention to variables such as language proficiency, socioeconomic status, and any other possibly confounding variables'. 2) that they seek 'to assess the effects of bilingualism by studying variables in second language proficiency among bilingual children. In this case a child's 'degree of bilingualism' becomes the independent variable and different cognitive measures constitute the dependent variables', allowing the researchers to study the relationship between second language proficiency and cognitive ability.
53 promotion of bilingual education needs to be favourable. A consequent increase in
awareness of the positive aspects associated with the ability of simultaneous use of two
languages has promoted the growth of bilingual education, thus emphasising the rights
of minority ethnic languages for an education in their mother tongue with equal status to
oc the dominant language.
The Emergence of Successful Bilingual Education Programmes
Within bilingual or multilingual communities, tensions can arise between members of
each linguistic group in the assertion of dominance or control. The consequence of
increasing pressures by a dominant language and culture can either cause assimilation of
the minority group, in that they become a part of the major culture, or a pluralistic
society may develop. The divergence of one linguistic community from the other serves
to highlight the autonomy of that group, and its assertion of difference from the
dominant group. One manifestation of ethnic identity, and a means of promoting the
minority language and culture is by providing an education through the medium of the
minority language. As Lewis states,
'the motivation for promoting bilingual education is more often than not
derived from within a minority group, and to that extent the rationales for
bilingual education tend to be somewhat ethnocentric. Justifiably, ethnic or
85 Joshua A.Fishman Reversing Language Shift: theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 319:1991 'In the educational arena, the number of schools in which Catalan is the main medium of instruction is constantly growing, particularly in the Barcelona industrial belt where over 600 such schools have been established and are achieving encouraging results vis-a-vis attaining early bilingual competence'.
54 national groups seek the satisfaction of their own self-interest and the
rationales for a bilingual education reflect their own particular aspirations.' 86
The emergence, and consequent social acceptance of bilingual education programmes whether divergent or convergent is viewed by Lewis as following a sequential pattern. J47 He perceives that the pattern of development generally, in state controlled systems of most countries took place in four phases, each one dependent on
social and economic change. The first phase is the implementation of bilingual education programmes derived from an essential need to instruct through the medium of the mother tongue to newcomers as a means of introducing the dominant language
subsequently. This has been described as subtractive bilingualism, where the aim is to promote use of the dominant language through initial use of the mother tongue. For
example, in many multi-ethnic schools in inner-city areas of Britain, instruction is
provided through the medium of the child's mother tongue as an aid in the teaching of
English. As the child grows older, so the use of the mother tongue in the school
environment diminishes.
The subsequent development, according to Lewis, is one of assimilation,
whereby the dominant language attempts to submerge the minority language, with the
third phase setting a more 'individualistic rationale'. This is attributed as a 'logical
00 consequence of the success of the first two phases'. During this stage, questions
concerning the appropriateness of bilingual education are raised, with the overall
86 E.Glyn Lewis 'Bilingualism in Education-Cross National Research' International Journal of the Sociology of Language Mouton Publishers 14. 7:1977 87 ibid. 13/14 88 ibid. 14
55 development of the bilingual child being taken in to consideration. The fourth phase,
which affect for social change in bilingual communities is the recognition of political
and economic implications of a bilingual education. It is alleged, that bilingual
children,
'are to be educated not simply to make their way in the world and be good
citizens, nor simply to absorb the benefits of a great cultural tradition, nor
for that matter simply to become mature and integrated personalities, but
rather to ensure, in addition to all these, group maintenance and group
equality. This is the pluralist and political vision for bilingual education'.
Bilingual education programmes for minority languages, can be seen to be successful
with social acceptance of language use, and the consequent increase in language
domains. Employment of language within certain confines has restricted the increase of
language use. For example, language in Quebec has been synonymous with religion,
'so much so that the entire educational system was designed for a population
made up exclusively of English Protestants and French Catholics; so that,
except in private schools or big cities, some French-speaking Protestants and
some English-speaking Catholics had to choose between their language and
their religion'.
Tolerance and acceptance of ethnic minorities within a multiculutral society is essential
for the minority language to prosper.
89 ibid. 90 Bernard Splosky & Robert Cooper Frontiers of Bilingual Education Rowley MA, Newbury House 160:1977
56 Minority Language Education: A Welsh Perspective
For the promotion of minority language use within bilingual education programmes,
many aspects of the linguistic, economic, educational and social outcomes must be
considered. The development of suitable educational programmes is essential in
maintaining levels of bilingualism. Research conducted into the development of
bilingual education programmes within multilingual and bilingual societies, 'often
reveal how the delicate balance within a community among ethnic attitudes,
administrative requirements, general educational practice and the concern of parents for
the future of their children may lead to compromises resulting in some types of bilingual
schooling.' In the consideration of minority language education provision, the
multitude of factors attributable to the maintenance and survival of the language must be
addressed.
In ascertaining the viability of a critical analysis of the instigation of Welsh
medium education in South East Wales, it is vital that the development is located within
a framework of similar bilingual education programmes as identified in Canada and
Brittany, for example. Early assertions that bilingual schooling hindered intellectual
and cognitive development have overwhelmingly been refuted in recent years.
Methodological defects found in the earlier studies have since rendered initial investigations questionable. Recent confirmation that the transitional stages of
91 W.F.Mackey 'Bilingual Education and its Social Implications' in J.Edwards Linguistic Minorities, Policies and Pluralism London, Academic Press 175:1984
57 becoming bilingual may hinder some aspects of cognitive development should also be questioned, as Cummins notes,
'Negative effects have been reported most frequently in the areas of verbal
and scholastic achievement and it thus seems reasonable to infer that many
of the bilingual subjects in these studies failed to overcome difficulties in
coping with two languages'.92
Contemporary studies conducted (with the employment of stricter seclection methods in
choosing bilingual and monolingual subjects) have concluded that there is a positive
correlation between bilingual children and cognitive development. It is pertinent to note
that the findings of the majority of investigations concentrated upon individuals exposed
to two languages before receiving formal education. However, Cummins considers that
the acquisition of a second language primarily through the education system may also
promote cognitive development, commenting that 'there is also evidence that exposure
to an immersion or bilingual education program, in addition to promoting high levels of
functional bilingualism, might positively affect some cognitive process'.93
Schooling through the medium of Welsh in South East Wales therefore provides
one example, albeit remarkable, representative of features existing elsewhere. Closer critical analysis of the development in South East Wales, is therefore necessarily viewed
concurrently from; a social and political aspect; the historical development; and in light of research conducted both prior and subsequent to the emergence of Welsh medium
92 James Cummins 'The Influence of Bilingualism on Cognitive Growth: A Synthesis of Research findings and Explanatory Hypotheses' Working Papers on Bilingualism Vol.9 5:1976 93 ibid.7 Cummins refers to the pilot class in the St. Lambert project (M.Bruck, W.E.Lambert & G.RTucker 'Cognitive and attitudinal consequences of bilingual schooling: The St. Lambert project through grade six' Unpublished research report, McGill University, 1973)
58 education. Such contextualisation provides an overall, and comprehensive, framework for a critique of the emergence of the movement. Detailed investigation has subsequent ramifications concerning the linguistic, social, cultural and political development of
Welsh within the anglicised region of South East Wales.
59 Chapter Three Chapter 3
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN WALES:
A BACKGROUND TO CHANGE
Establishing Identities: The Notion of Ethnic Separatism
The opening of the first Welsh medium schools under the auspices of Local Education
Authorities discussed within the wider social and political spectrum, places the educational initiative within a broader, more comprehensive framework of events occurring in Wales during this period. Social and political circumstances in Wales, in turn, have had reverberations on cultural, linguistic, and economic developments affecting communities. The burgeoning of educational provision through the medium of the indigenous minority language, while considered as an expression of ethnic separatism, was no isolated entity within the anglicised communities of Wales. 121 The concept of ethnic separatism, as defined by Smith, is rooted upon a claim
'to sovereignty or autonomy on the distinctive culture of the unit in
question. It is the difference between their culture and that of their rulers,
and very often the ensuing cultural discrimination, which provides the
wellsprings and justification for their bid for separation'.
121 Consider similar examples such as the linguistic struggles in the Basque country and Brittany. 122 Anthony D. Smith 'Nationalism, Ethnic Separatism and the Intelligentsia1 in Colin H.Williams (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 19:1982
60 The notion of ethnic separatism is juxtaposed to that of territorial' separatism, whereby
geographical location is the foundation for the declaration of separateness. 123
The desire for an autonomous unit, distinct from the hegemonic group can be
regarded as an expression of nationalism, an assertion of identity, which has been
described as 'the attainment of maximum autonomy and freedom for the chosen entity,
in addition to the other fundamental goals of cohesion and individuality which it strives
to attain'. The commencement of Welsh medium education provision was one
element, albeit significant within a pedagogical realm, representative of a growing
nationalist awareness occurring in Wales, the origins of which may be traced to the
closing years of the last century. It is therefore imperative that within the central
discussion of the development of an educational system through the medium of the
minority indigenous language, a theoretical framework of social and political events
occurring during the nineteenth and twentieth century is outlined. The relationship of
an indigenous minority group constrained within the framework of a dominant language
and culture reveals the distribution and consequent struggle for power between the two
groups. The situation in Wales, and the development of educational provision in the
minority language, is a reflection of an unequal distribution of power and control, and
an attempt of the minority group to establish a proportion of that control, thus asserting
123 Examples include the struggle for land between the Palestinians and the Jews in Israel, the territorial dispute in Cyprus between Greece and Turkey. Smith believes that 'there is no rigid distinction between these forms of nationalism/ As we have seen, a movement may start out as an attempt to secede from a larger unit, secure an independent base for the main part of the ethnic group, and then proceed to recover' the 'unredeemed' territories and populations. Or a movement of social renewal may involve a radial break with a larger unit in which it was incorporated, as was Turkey in the Ottoman empire'. Anthony D. Smith 'Nationalism, Ethnic Separatism and the Intelligentsia' in Colin H.Williams (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff. University of Wales Press 18:1982 124 ibid. 18
61 their own separate identity. 1 Consequent upon the increasing awareness of an
anglicised political and social hegemony within Welsh society at the turn of the
twentieth century, was the awakening of nationalistic, and separatist tendencies which, it
can be argued, later served to lay the foundation for a demand for Welsh medium
education provision. 126
Social Structure and Political Background:
South East Wales during the Nineteenth Century
Changes in the social structure of South East Wales and the ensuing emergence of
nationalist political activity during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century lie
with the commencement of industrialisation in the closing years of the eighteenth
century. The early industries, namely iron and copper production, had a catalytical
effect upon local communities and political structures, which according to Jenkins were
'far out of proportion to the strictly economic influence of the new mines and
factories'. 127 The growth of industry in Wales at this time was internal, with the
consequence that it created instability within previously secure and established
communities, by procuring sudden accumulations of wealth for enterprising individuals,
who had hitherto been of no significance within the societal framework. The
125 Glyn Williams & Catrin Roberts 'Language and social structure in Welsh education' in Jacquette Megarry et al Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 148/9:1981 126 As will be discussed in Chapter 4, the provision of an education through the medium of Welsh was not pinpointed as a direct focus of nationalist and separatist demands. Rather, the demand was for the equalling of status of the Welsh language with English, the inclusion of which was educational provision through the medium of Welsh. 127 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 213:1992
62 developing scale of industrialisation in Wales was attributable to a total change in the
organisation of society. As Adamson notes:
'The conditions which brought a Welsh working class into existence
developed in the first two decades of the nineteenth century, which were
years of rapid social, economic and political change as Wales responded to
the emergence of manufacturing capitalism'. 128
The initial development of industry in South Wales between 1790 and 1815 created an
economic 'explosion', and with the increasing demand for a specialised workforce,
caused a divide between the established rural communities and the evolving, precarious
industrialised communities. The difference between both communities is clearly
illustrated by Williams,
'At one moment in the early nineteenth century a man in Merthyr could be
living within the world of a highly skilled worker in an integral firm,
probably the largest and most advanced of its kind on earth, while another
man trampling after sheep in some cloud capped and barren valley, could be
living in a world whose morals were fixed by the medieval kindred and
tribal laws of Hywel Dda. More disconcerting is that these men might well be brothers'. 129
Such a description also serves to highlight the fact that although initial population growth in the new industrialised areas was predominantly from the rural hinterlands of Wales, the migration was that of workers. The owners, or entrepreneurs
128 David L.Adamson Class. Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 110:1991 129 Gwyn A. Williams 'Locating a Welsh Working Class: the Frontier Years' in David Smith (ed.) A People and a Proletariat London, Pluto Press 22:1980
63 of the new industries were predominantly wealthy Englishmen. 130 John attributes this to the fact that Wales lacked any 'tradition of industrialism' during the first stages of industrialisation, and therefore was dependent on the 'outside' leadership shown by individuals such as Sir Humphrey Mackworth, a Shropshire squire who, through marriage, acquired land in Glamorgan, and Anthony Bacon the founder of ironmaking in Merthyr Tydfil, who although originating from Maryland, had settled in England. 131
Those ironmasters who chose to reside within the industrial localities, 'represented the pinnacle of the local class structure, often imitating the life-styles of the Welsh gentry'. 1 ^7 Despite this, the new ironmasters remained increasingly distinct from the remaining, ever-increasing, population with regard to occupational class, language and religion. Such divisions were to widen, with the advancing industrialisation of specific areas in Wales resulting in the doubling of the population between 1750 and 1851, from a total population of around 500,000 to 1,163,000. Such demographic growth was also
130 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 215/6:1992 'Also, Welsh industrial growth was unusual in the revolutionary years in the extent to which it was based on mercantile capital. Generally, the prosperity of Welsh regions was intimately connected with their neighbouring cities. English financiers and entrepreneurs were the making of the Welsh industrial boom after 1780. This may suggest a backwardness in Welsh industrial society, but it would be more appropriate to explain it in terms of the metropolitan role that English cities had long played for Welsh regions. Glamorgan and Monmouthshire were chiefly developed by finance from 'their' metropolis of Bristol, just as Liverpool or Whitehaven money financed the industries of north-west England.' A.H.John The Industrial Development of South Wales 1750-1850: an essay Cardiff, Merton Priory Press (second edition) 24:1995 'Owing to the lack of any tradition of industrialism on the coalfield and to the personal structure of the capital market during the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth century, the migration of capital meant also the movement of industrialists. Later, after the first flush of industrialism, the coalfield was able to provide from its industrial community, which by then had been established, which of the enterprise for its subsequent development. These later industrialists in much the same way as their predecessors obtained from the immediate circle of their acquaintances such capital as they could not themselves provide. The problem of financing Welsh industrialism thus possesses two aspects. The first deals with the origin of the men who moved into the area and the second with the wider problem of the development of an efficient capital market, highly fluid, competent in judging, and willing to assume the risks of industrial enterprise.' 132 David L.Adamson Class. Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 111:1991
64 an indication of change in the general pattern of the Welsh labour force, from that of
agriculture to heavy industry. 133
The traditional social structure of Wales thus was slowly being dismantled, both
in the rural and the new industrial regions. Williams asserts that the two factors which
'supplied the dynamics of Welsh life' during the nineteenth century were
Nonconformity and industrialisation. 134 Both factors were pivotal in attempting to
reinforce an awareness of nationalism and in ameliorating levels of literacy in Wales.
Rural areas, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, were witnessing heightening friction between the indigenous peasant classes and the landed Anglicised Welsh (if not
English) gentry. Factors, attributable to a worsening economic climate, which included increasing rent charges for small holdings, landlord absenteeism, and eviction caused unrest in rural communities. 1 Difficulties were not constrained to the agrarian areas, the major social changes occurring within the developing industrial regions (such as Tredegar and Merthyr Tydfil 137) which reflected discontent regarding the invasion of capitalist ideologies concerning production. Expanding schisms, within the social
133 Davies believes that the demographic increase that occurred during this period was an internal growth within Wales, and not augmented by external in-migration. He also notes that in 1770 the majority of Welshmen worked within the agricultural sphere, by 1851 only a third of the workforce were dependent on agriculture. John Davies Hanes Cvmru London, The Penguin Press 307:1990 134 Glanmor Williams Religion. Language and Nationality in Wales: historical essays Cardiff, University of Wales Press 140:1978 135 The Anglicised Welsh landowning class are described by Williams as: "The multitudinous lesser gentry of Wales, product of its kindred social structure and critical to any distinct identity, was decimated, lost its foothold in public life, dwindled into a merely local and poverty stricken prestige...' Gwyn A. Williams 'Locating a Welsh working class: the Frontier Years' in David Smith (ed.) A People and a Proletariat London, Pluto Press 23:1980 136 David L.Adamson 'Social Class and Ethnicity in Nineteenth Century Rural Wales' Sociologica Ruralis Vol.XXIV Part 3/4 204:1984 'The vast majority of landlords farmed only a small proportion of their holdings, the greatest part of their estates being rented out as small holdings to a tenant farming class...Little opportunity existed for the accumulation of capital and there is a consensus that their standard of living was little better than that of their hired labourers'. 137 John Davies Hanes Cvmru London, The Penguin Press 335:1990 Due to a decreasing demand for war equipment the price of iron fell from £12 a ton to £8 a ton between 1815 and 1816.
65 framework of both industrial and rural Wales, were further compounded, as Morgan notes, for,
'superimposed on this simple economic division between the landowning
and occupying classes was a growing divergence of social attitudes; the
owners remained church, Tory and English speaking, while their tenants to
an ever increasing degree were becoming nonconformist and radical as well as Welsh'. 138
It was these combinations, coupled with discontent caused by increasing poverty, which
'provided the social base from which a nationalism, Nonconformist in nature could grow' among the rural peasant class. 139
Social change in Wales during the nineteenth century, described by Adamson as a 'virtual cauldron of social change', witnessed the political, economic and linguistic elements playing an increasingly important and powerful role voiced by means of the growth of industrialisation and Nonconformity. 140 By the 1830s, the heartland communities were bases for 'dynamic and vibrant spirituality', while areas of rapid economic growth were located in the south and border regions. 141 Within the industrial regions, occurred the burgeoning of a new class structure as a consequence of the development of occupational hierarchies. This, according to Adamson, was
'determined, to the greatest extent, by the developing relations of capitalist,
138 Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics. 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 11:1970 139 Andrew Thompson The Social Construction of Welsh Identities Ph.D thesis, University of North Wales, Bangor 87:1994 140 David L.Adamson 'Social Class and Ethnicity in Nineteenth Century Rural Wales' Sociologica Ruralis Vol.XXIV Part 3/4 207:1984 141 Philip Jenkins A History of Modem Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 199:1992
66 manufacturing production'. Jones believes that the changing social infrastructure
occurring in Wales during this period was not the result of a sudden, conscious effort,
but rather an entity that evolved over 'an age of gestation and slow change in which
forces which would secure the future of the language were at work precisely at the time
when its rejection was imminent and inevitable'. 143 The maintenance of the Welsh
language at this juncture, was not due to any conscious effort, rather, the language of the
Nonconformism, the religion of the majority of the indigenous population, was Welsh.
This stands in contrast to the Established Church, which was perceived as operating
through the medium of English. 144 Strongholds of Nonconformist sects were to be
found in the heartland of Wales; religious revivals being a common occurrence, both at
a local and a national level mainly due to the apparent pertinence of the movements to
everyday life. As Jenkins comments,
'sudden and dramatic expansions, crises or collapses were familiar events in
the social and economic history of the time, especially in the industrial
areas; and so were extreme and incomprehensible scourges like epidemics.
It was natural that these people should turn to religious interpretations which
fitted these patterns'. 145
David L.Adamson Class, Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 111:1991 143 leuan Gwynedd Jones 'Language and Community in Nineteenth Century Wales' in D.Smith (ed.) A People and a Proletariat. Essays in the History of Wales 1780-1980 London, Pluto Press 55:1980 144 It should be noted that in some areas of Wales, Anglican services were conducted through the medium of Welsh or bilingually. As Pryce notes, '...Anglican clergy took special care to retain their congregations by ensuring that the language or mix of languages used in their churches was appropriate to local needs'. W.T.R.Pryce 'Wales as a Culture Region: Patterns of Change 1750-1971 in lan Hume & W.T.R.Pryce (eds.) The Welsh and their Country: Selected Readings in the Social Sciences Llandysul, GwasgGomer36:I986 145 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 200:1992 The success of Nonconformist sects in Wales is related by Jenkins (p. 190) 'Evangelicals and Methodists were definitely in a minority in 1750, but they formed a substantial majority of the population a century later. By the 1850s, Dissenters may have outnumbered Anglicans by four or five to one, and the evangelical zeal of Dissent seemed to increase with each new revival. This is one of the great transitions in Welsh history, one that had a profound influence on most aspects of politics, society, culture and everyday life'.
67 The growth in literacy among the Welsh adult population was due to the
emphasis laid by Nonconformism, on the importance of the word, whether spoken or
written. The nature of the education received, as is later discussed (in Chapter 4), was
steeped 'in an almost totally religious context. They learned to express themselves,
indeed define themselves, in the language, imagery and concepts of the Bible and
Protestant sectarianism'. 146 The Commissioners in 1846 were aware of an inherent
religious expression among the Welsh people, as noted by Southall,
'Henry V.Johnson, the North Wales Commissioner, gives some very
apposite remarks on the educational effect of these schools, and although it
would not be true to say that the resources of the language in every other
branch, except theology, are meagre, the character of the demand for current
Welsh literature is very considerably modified by the fact that the terms in
many books of a secular character are too unfamiliar to make them popular'. 147
Subsequent to an increasing literate population came a demand, rather a 'positive
explosion' for published literature in the Welsh language. 148 The majority of books
146 Gwyn A.Williams When Was Wales? A History of the Welsh Harmondsworth, Penguin Books 155:1985 147 John E.Southall Wales and her Language Newport, Southall 54:1892 Southall proceeds to quote from Johnson's report: 'The language cultivated in the Sunday Schools is Welsh; the subjects of instruction are exclusively religious: consequently the religious vocabulary of the Welsh language has been enlarged, strengthened and rendered capable of expressing every shade of idea, and the great mass of the poorer classes have been trained from their childhood to its use. * * They have enriched the theological vocabulary, and have made the peasantry expert in handling that branch of the Welsh language, but its resources in every other branch remain obsolete and meagre, and even of these the people are left in ignorance'. Glanmor Williams Religion, Language and Nationality in Wales: historical essays Cardiff, University of Wales Press 141:1978
68 published, were naturally, of a religious nature. For example, some 370 editions of the
Welsh Bible were published during the nineteenth century, in comparison with only 31 editions previous to this period. In addition to numerous theological publications, such as sermons, religious histories and biographies, many books of a secular nature also appeared, such as accounts of eminent Welshmen, Welsh poetry, and the like. As
Williams notes, the elevation of interest in reading material, 'for the only time in history, probably, a Welsh author could expect to make something like a decent profit out of his writings'. 1 The flux of Welsh language periodicals during the first half of the nineteenth century, with articles principally of a religious, literary or contemporary nature, served to provide the emerging literate Welsh with a developing awareness of concurrent political developments. 150 Though the quality of literature published was not academically high, and considered 'pitifully inadequate in the eyes of Oxford graduates', it nevertheless was an 'expression of a people venturing to educate itself. 151
The bias of the literature published was obviously of a dissenting nature, the avocation of literacy in Welsh arising from such quarters. Consequently, as Jenkins notes,
'adherents of the movement attached a high premium to literacy, to the skills of rhetoric, and the capacity to make a public presentation'. During the middle of the nineteenth century with the emancipation of the press from government censorship controls, reading material became far cheaper. Expanding rail communications facilitated the distribution of books, magazines, periodicals and the like, and as a consequence there
149 ibid. 142 150 John Davies Hanes Cymru London, The Penguin Press 345:1990 151 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 121:1992 152 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 195:1992
69 was an increase in publishing houses, and associated companies attempting to satiate the
demand.
Emerging Industrialisation
The emerging industrialisation of Wales was the catalytical element in 'transforming the
potentialities of Welsh social and cultural life'. 154 The development of the coalfields in
North and South East Wales resulted in escalating inward migration, from the rural
hinterlands of North and West Wales. However, the greatest growth of industry was
witnessed predominantly in the south of the country. As Rees & Rees note,
'the potential for capital accumulation was so great here that the existing
population was unable to reproduce anything like the labour-power
necessary to support the exceptionally rapid expansion of production that
was sought by the 'in Welsh terms' new class of industrial capitalist'. 155
Despite the obvious dangers and precariousness of industrial employment, the
expansions attracted huge migration into the developing coalfields of South Wales,
especially Glamorgan, as exemplified in Table 3:1. 156 As can be seen, initial migration
into industrial South Wales, between 1851 and 1871, came from the rural western areas,
leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 17:1992 Glanmor Williams Religion. Language and Nationality in Wales: historical essays Cardiff, University of Wales Press 140:1978 Gareth Rees & Teresa L.Rees 'Migration, Industrial Restructuring and Class Relation: An Analysis of South Wales' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society 1840- 1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 106:1983 ibid. The following statement exemplifies the rate of migration into the coalfields of South Wales: 'Thus, the Welsh coal-mining areas gained some 313,000 people through net migration between 1851 and 1911, the period of greatest expansion, and by the beginning of the century was absorbing in- migrants at a rate not much less than the United States of America during the same period: an annual rate of 4.5 per thousand population, as against 6.3 per thousand'.
70
4.7
85.6
60.6
43.3
49.6
land
Mig
Eng
from
rants
on on
33
53
78
44
43
Welsh
Total
Grand
%of
Essays Essays
16.3
55.4
48.2
31.4
42.9
rants
Mig
Welsh
Total
of
Ideology: Ideology:
1.3
1.4
0.7
0.7
0.4
and and
Radnor
5.5
7.1
5.5
5.8
3.7
origin
broke
Pem
of of
Economy Economy
of of
1.4
1.4
2.2
4.1
0.4
areas areas
gomery
Mont
Crisis Crisis
to to
2.3
11.6
13.5
10.5
10.1
(ed.) (ed.)
Mon-
mouth
168:1983
1.1
1.6
2.5
0.2
0.1
according according
ionydd
Meir-
1861-1911 1861-1911
Williams Williams
Group Group
G. G.
0.13
0.3
0.4
0.1
in in
3:1
Flint
Study Study
71
1.1
0.3
0.7
0.2
0.1
Table Table
Wales Wales
percentages percentages
Immigrants Immigrants
bigh
Den
of of
Maintenance' Maintenance'
and and
6.8
9.3
5.7
4.9
11.6
arthen
Carm
Sociology Sociology
1.5
2.9
3.8
7.6
4.1
Language Language
Glamorgan Glamorgan
igan
Card
and and
thousands) thousands)
1.0
1.9
3.9
0.3
(in (in
SSRC/BSA SSRC/BSA
narfon
Caer-
3.8
3.6
4.2
4.3
2.1
London London
Brecon
'Modernization 'Modernization
Numbers Numbers
1.0
0.4
0.6
sey
Lewis, Lewis,
Angle
1840-1980 1840-1980
Glyn Glyn
76.7
21.0
128.5
105.0
108.8
E. E.
organ
Glam
to
ration
Mig
of
Total
Grand
Society. Society.
of
91
81
71
1911
1901
1901/
Source: Source:
1891/
1881/
Welsh Welsh
1871/
1851/
Return
Census Date Date Carmarthen (5,700), Cardigan (1,500) and Pembroke (3,700). The total inward
migration from Wales during this period amounted to seventy-eight per cent of the total
number of immigrants into Glamorgan. In 1851, agrarian and industrial work were the
two major employers in Wales, with over half (52 per cent) the employed male workers
occupied in these two sectors (35% worked in Agriculture, and 17% were employed in
Mining and Quarrying). 57 By 1914, the situation on the surface seems to have
remained static, with relatively little change in employment patterns, the majority of
working males employed in the two prevailing sectors. However, closer examination
reveals a huge expansion in the numbers employed, from 386,000 in 1851 to 808,000 in
1911, and a virtual reversal in the percentages working in the two sectors, with 32%
1 fO occupied in mining and quarrying, and 12% in agriculture.
The Welsh language and nonconformist religion were maintained by the internal
population movement, along with traditional and cultural features, and thus
strengthened, or bonded, a rural sense of community within the new industrial towns.
As Jenkins notes,
'in the industrial areas, the chapels established their social and cultural
hegemony by providing a comprehensible form of community in these
radically new societies. It was here that the uprooted found mutual support
157 John Williams 'The Economic Structure of Wales since 1850' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society 1840-1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 37:1983 158 ibid.38 Williams also comments, 'moreover, during this time the actual numbers in agriculture had declined from 134,000 to 96,000 whilst those in mining had increased in a most spectacular fashion from 65,000 to 256,000'.
72 and encouragement, socialisation and education, social services, political
organisation, culture and recreation'. 159
The huge number of indigenous in-migrants into the industrial areas, despite having left
their rural communities, had not been forced to abandon their own culture and language,
and as a consequence recreated traditional, close-knit communities within their new
realm. Nonconformist chapels became a notable, and unique feature in the new
industrial towns, providing not only religious centres, but also social institutions. The
different denominations within the dissenting faction were unique in that they were
scarcely partial to sectarianism, united in that 'their Protestantism, like that of their
forefathers, stood four-square on the Bible as the revealed Word of God, on salvation by
faith, on the priesthood of all believers, and it was rooted in a sense of history'. 161 The
dissenting denominations were integrated into the 'new' and developing communities,
and interacted alongside the 'kind of counter-culture of the pub and the street-corner, of
sport and whippets and there still survived an active tradition of critical thought about
society and politics which had nothing to do with the denominations'.
As the chapels began, increasingly, to embrace the working class population in
the industrialised southern valleys, their role within the social framework of the
communities became increasingly complex. 163 The numerous facets operating within
159 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 202:1992 160 As Williams notes, the 'Welsh were colonizing their own country, and most of the inhabitants of the industrial areas were Welsh by origin, speech and culture'. Glanmor Williams Religion. Language and Nationality in Wales: historical essays Cardiff, University of Wales Press 140:1978 161 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 15:1992 162 ibid. 16 163 As Smith notes, '...most chapels in the valleys were strongly working-class from their formation'. David Smith (ed.) A People and Proletariat Essavs in the History of Wales 1780-1980 London, Pluto Press 32:1980
73 the organisational structure of the chapels meant that they not only served to maintain religious observance among the population, but provided moral guidance to which the majority adhered. Cultural expression was to be found by way of the popular Sunday
schools with their musical and literary precedence providing. These were also social
institutions providing a public forum for self-expression and rectitude which, according to Williams was provided elsewhere by 'politics of conspiracy or riot'. 165 The strength
of the chapel organisation, had a profound influence upon the nature of the developing
industrial society, and first provided the initial framework for political expression.
Social activities, which had previously been regarded with scepticism and doubt, such
as political activity, the eisteddfod and the patriotic society, were beginning to be
accepted into the religious realm of nonconformism. 166
The encompassing control and popularity of religious dissent in Wales, but more
particularly in the industrial south, was according to Jones, 'the maturest example of a
mass religion, of popular religious Dissent, to be found in Britain'. It is also
important to note that the lack of statistics regarding actual membership make judging
164 Examples of meetings conducted within the chapels include the 'Seiat' (fellowship meeting), prayer meetings, and teetotaller gatherings. As Jenkins notes, 'In the 1890s, one large Rhondda chapel offered at least one function every day except Fridays and Saturdays. Monday night was the prayer meeting, followed by the students' circle; Tuesday was the Band of Hope, and the Young People's Society; Wednesday the Prayer Meeting and the 'Spiritual Class'; Thursday the 'Religious Class'. On Sundays, the spiritual extravaganza included the young people's devotional meeting, the regular service, sermon and children's worship, the children's singing school and the Sunday School gatherings. The day concluded with evening worship and congregational singing practice. This routine did not include extraordinary events of thanksgiving, temperance meetings or the gymanfa ganu'. Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 202:1992 165 Glanmor Williams Religion, Laneuaee and Nationality in Wales: historical essays Cardiff, University of Wales Press 141:1978 166 ibid. 167 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 16:1992
74 the levels of support for the nonconformity very difficult. 16K However, the increasing
divide between the nonconformist, Welsh speaking working class and the Anglican,
English speaking industrial owners, reflects the structure of a capitalist society, whereby
the 'owners hold power and control the activities of non-owners, who produce in order
to generate profits which consolidate the material distinctions between the two groups,
and thus contribute to the power of one over the other'. 169 During the early part of the
nineteenth century, there was a growing consciousness among the working classes,
attributable overall to three factors, firstly, 'debt as the forcing-house and negative
definition of a working class; a shift from consumer to producer awareness and
concurrent with the latter, a shift from protest to control as the objective.' 170 Such
dimensions of inequality regarding class and identity, the polarisation of interests, thus
causes friction and conflict between the two groups. A growing self-consciousness
among the working class, realising the negativity and subordinate levels of their status
within the wider community, prompted a process of change. The provision for this
expression, manifested politically, initially arose from the chapels, as noted by Jones,
'the politicization of this religion, the bringing to political ideas and
philosophy the same clarity and discrimination, the same conviction and the
same commitment as was brought to religious ideas, and the replication in
secular life of the democratic forms adopted in religious organizations,
168 David L.Adamson Class. Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism: A Theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 113:1991 159 Glyn Williams & Catrin Roberts 'Language and social structure in Welsh education' in Jacquette Megarry et al Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 149:1981 170 David Smith 'Introduction' in David Smith (ed.) A People and Proletariat Essays in the History of Wales 1780-1980 London, Pluto Press 28:1980
75 would result in the sweeping away of the old politics and the creation of an
informed electorate in a mature radical democracy'. 171
The Politicisation of Religion, and the Growth of Liberalism in Wales
The emergence of a new class structure brought about by industrialism, ensuring
economic developments and the growth in nonconformism, also included an
intermediary class. This class included independent farmers and those who farmed over
50 acres, thus employing a labour force, representatives or individuals involved in estate
management, schoolteachers, the clergy and some traders and merchants. 172 One
fraction of this class,
'formed the leadership of the nonconformist movement, through which it
expressed an opposition to the gentry thereby leading to a struggle for the
support of, or control over, the proletariat and the peasantry. The vehicle for
this opposition was Welsh ethnicity in general and nonconformism in particular'. 173
The appearance of this new elite, the indigenous and petty bourgeoisie, in particular
from the emerging industrialised areas, served to effectively mobilise the subordinate
classes politically. The challenge to the old political order began to be voiced through
the Liberation Society, which was founded in 1844. In origin, it was an English
movement, but in partnership with Welsh dissent, which for the first time 'possessed an
171 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 16:1992 172 Glyn Williams & Catrin Roberts 'Language and social structure in Welsh education' in Jacquette Megarry173 .,., et al ————————————Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 151:1981 ibid.
76 intelligible creed and an efficient machinery' it grew in popularity, initially in the
industrial areas then amassing support in rural areas. 174 The new emerging elite in
Wales, were pivotal in challenging the landlord class as, 'Liberals in politics and non
conformist in religion they were well placed to form a class alliance with the tenantry in
their shared need to defeat landlord hegemony'. 175 The fusion of Liberal politics with
nonconformism was not only confined to the industrial areas of Wales, some of the most
prominent and influential figures within the movement, such as Thomas Gee, Samuel
Roberts and Michael D. Jones were based in the rural areas of north Wales.
These individuals, aided by others such as Gwylim Hiraethog, Robert Ambrose
Jones (Emrys ap Iwan) and the future MP for Merthyr Tydfil, Henry Richard were
active in attacks against The Corn Law Repeal and landlordism. These public
denunciations, according to Adamson have been cited as one of the first incidences of
open agitation and conflict of interests between the landlord and peasant classes. 176 As
Williams notes, 'the farmers were shown that their economic interests did not coincide
with those of the great Tory landowners who opposed repeal and the peasantry were
weaned thereby from their traditional political allegiance to the ruling families'. 177
Representation of the proletariat, and an assertion of civil rights, further developed an ever increasing consciousness of an irretrievable clash of interests between the two classes. Subsequent to the declarations expressed by the Liberals, which also included individual campaigns against the Church rate and the burial laws, there was an increase
174 Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics. 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 17:1970 175 David L.Adamson, 'Social Class and Ethnicity in Nineteenth Century Rural Wales' Sociologica Ruralis Vol.XXIV Part 3/4212:1984 176 ibid.211 177 D.Williams A History of Modern Wales London, John Murray 212:1950
77 in the popularity of the movement among the rural and industrial working classes.
During this period, electoral statistics were compiled, along with the completion of
registration programmes. By 1867, Registration Leagues had been formed, initially in
South Wales, and later in the North of the country. By the General Election of 1868,
'Welsh nonconformists possessed the nucleus of coherent political organization, well
financed, with a constant stream of speakers and of political literature. Without this
organizational basis, Welsh radicalism would have remained subdued and
ineffective'. 17R The general trend in favour of the Liberal Party, and its increasing
power within both the rural and industrial areas was reflected in the 'electoral support of
Liberal candidates by the tenants in the General Election of 1868 resulted in numerous
allegations of eviction and punitive rent increases by Tory landlords'. 179
A Growing Assertion of Difference
Also relevant in the growing assertion of separate identity, and the awakening of
national pride among the Welsh people, was the reaction that came as a consequence of
the publication of the Blue Books in 1847. The expansion of education, and the
tensions between the Established Church Schools (known as 'National' Schools) and
'British' Schools (which offered a non denominational education) led to a political and
cultural crisis culminating in an enquiry into the state of education. As Morgan notes,
the inquiry that had begun as an investigation into the state of educational provision in
Wales, was to become 'the most effective starting-point for a revival of Welsh national
178 Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics, 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 17:1970 179 David L.Adamson 'Social Class and Ethnicity in Nineteenth Century Rural Wales' Sociologica Ruralis Vol.XXIV Part 3/4211:1984
78 1 nt\ __ self-consciousness1 . The findings of the Commissioners were counter-productive, rather than gaining an overall acceptance of the English as the only medium of education, the 'first real eruption into mass public debate of questions of Welsh
language and national identity'. 181 The criticism of the Welsh culture, religion and
language by the English Commissioners, were, as suggested by Coupland, catalytical in
making 'the Welsh more conscious of their nationhood'. 182 This was manifested
educationally in the development of a national system of Normal Schools and Training
Colleges, whereby Welsh and Welsh studies were included on the curricula. 183
Examples of colleges founded during this period are Trinity College, Carmarthen
(1848), St. Mary's College, Bangor (1856), and Bangor Normal College (1858).
Welsh educational debate in the subsequent years concentrated on the issues of
state funding, religious instruction and the role of the Welsh language. However, these
issues as expressions of Welsh nationalist aspirations commanded greater respect than
that prevailing during 1847. W.E.Gladstone's administration was also supportive of this
changing climate, by making serious efforts to appoint Welsh-speaking Welshmen into
the clergy. Joshua Hughes became the first Bishop whose ability to speak Welsh was a
necessary condition of his appointment into the diocese of St. Asaph. 184 The
180 Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics. 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 16:1970 181 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 309:1992 182 Reginald Coupland Welsh and Scottish Nationalism. A Study London, Collins 195:1954 However, as noted in Chapter 4, the implementation of the Education Act (Forster) of 1870, with state control of elementary education, financial provision was given to the National Schools. With the introduction of payment by results, following Robert Lowe's Revised Code in 1861, the use and teaching of Welsh in schools, dwindled significantly. 184 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 296:1992 Jenkins also notes that the Welsh speaking clergy appointed demonstrated a close resemblance to nonconformist ideology. He cites Joshua Pritchard Hughes (son of the first Welsh speaking bishop) who 'held the see of Llandaff from 1905 to 1931: he was a strict sabbatrian and temperance advocate, an enemy of ritualism, and an advocate of Welsh culture'.
79 conclusions arrived at by the Aberdare Committee in 1880 in their study of education in
Wales was fundamentally different from the Commissioners' Report in 1847. As
Jenkins notes, 'Wales was recognised as a distinctive nation with its own religious
traditions, a proud cultural heritage and a language that was emphatically worth
retaining'. 18^ The changing attitude towards the Welsh language and culture, reflecting
an ethnic awareness, resulted in the demand for the increased use of Welsh in schools.
The Welsh Intermediate Act of 1889 further reinforced the strength of ethnic awareness
within the educational provision. The measure accorded county council control over
education, which were heavily dominated by Liberals and nonconformists. The
evolving recognition of Wales as a nation, according to Morgan, 'from the days of
Gladstone onwards, was conditioned in large measure by political change'. 1 Rfi
The power and leadership of the subordinate classes was directed by the new
intermediary classes, who had now become, 'fully bourgeois, owners of capital and
direct exploiters in their own right'. 1 8*7 As a consequence there was an opportunity for
these established entrepreneurs to achieve status and power within the developing local
and central state system. Thus, they attempted to represent their communities, emerging
as nonconformist in religion, Welsh speaking and Liberal in politics. As a movement,
the dissenting religions were fundamentally preoccupied with the disetablishment of the
Church of England in Wales, and to a lesser degree, campaigns for temperance. By the
second half of the century, it was claimed that the vast majority of the proletariat were
I85 ibid.313 186 Kenneth O.Morgan Modern Wales Politics. Places and People Cardiff, University of Wales Press 3:1995 187 David L.Adamson Class. Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism: A Theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 117:1991
80 nonconformist, or at least, it can be said that nonconformist ideology had infiltrated into i R8 Welsh society. The chapels, in their capacity as social institutions, formed a support
system within the communities, 'which did not carry the customary stigmatic
connotations of the welfare system administered by the local authority, since they
tended to be presented in terms of community membership and humanitarian assistance
I OQ ____ for worthy and needy chapel members'. These institutions were also 'focused on a
collective ethnic identity' led by the new bourgeoisie class. 190 Also, as Adamson notes,
'with the demise of Chartism, working-class politics became intimately connected with
Nonconformity and its leadership, despite the objective class antagonisms that
relationship obscured'. 191 Thus, in refuting the hegemony of the landed class in social
and ideological institutions as well within local government, the actions, and opinions
expressed by the intermediary classes was representative of the general public. As
Cooke comments, in the formation of the central state system,
'and what might be termed the 'gravitation' of certain kinds of crisis -
solutions into the regional and local state there is a clear recognition of the
processes by which instabilities in the social relations of production,
themselves often regionalized or localized, have a bearing upon the forms
taken by the state and the changing content of local state and regional state policies'. 192
188 There is some dispute as to the lack of statistical evidence revealing precisely how many individuals attended the dissenting chapels. See Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 203-207:1992 189 Glyn Williams & Catrin Roberts 'Language and social structure in Welsh education' in Jacquette
Megarryinn et al ————"———————————~————————Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 152:1981 190 ibid..... 191 David L.Adamson Class. Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism: A Theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 117:1991 192 Philip Cooke 'Class interests, regional restructuring and state formation in Wales' International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Vol.6 Part 2 190:1982
81 The extension of the electorate in 1867, and again in 1884, brought about an
opportunity for 'small tenants of large Tory or Whig landowners, and workers in the
mines and foundries' to protest against poor social and working conditions. This, and
the introduction of the secret ballot contributed directly to the rapid demise of the Tory
party during the latter decades of the nineteenth century. 193 New developments which
succeeded in enlarging the electoral base, ensured that 'alongside the Tory landowners
who had traditionally dominated the political arena in Wales, there was also a new
group of MPs, industrial magnates such as H.H.Vivian and Lewis Dilwyn in
Glamorgan, who like their constituents, were opposed to the political and religious
control which the Tory party and the Anglican Church respectively, exerted over
Wales'. 194 The election of Henry Richard, a nonconformist Welsh radical minister from
Tregaron to the seat of Merthyr Tydfil in the 'great election' of 1868 reflected the
culmination of nonconformist and Liberal ideals and commenced an era of Liberal
ascendancy that was to last until the end of the First World War. The town of Merthyr,
had a tradition of 'community solidarity' and was renowned as a 'centre for newspapers
expressing the most radical views of the day: Chartist in the 1830s, Socialist after
1900'. 195 The expanding electorate were receptive to Henry Richard's campaign, which
despite the industrial nature of his constituency 'had been based on the plight of the
193 Alan Butt Philip The Welsh Question Nationalism in Politics 1945-1970 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 3:1975 Butt Philip also notes S.M.Lipset's suggestion (Political Man London 1960) 'that left wing voting behaviour is to be explained in terms of insecurity of income, the lack of satisfying work, and the need for status. All these were acutely felt in late nineteenth century Wales and in early twentieth century Wales' 194 Andrew Thompson The Social Construction of Welsh Identities Ph.D thesis, University of North Wales, Bangor 94:1994 195 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 257:1992
82 rural tenantry and had articulated opposition to the Anglicized characteristics of the language gentry'. 196
Henry Richards triumph was viewed as a 'dramatic departure in the history of
Wales' parliamentary representation'. 197 It is interesting to note that his main contender in the election was not a Tory industrialist or tyrannical landowner, but rather
H.A.Bruce, Lord Aberdare, himself a powerful Liberal who served under Gladstone's administration and who strongly identified with, and propagated, Welsh cultural and educational causes. Richard's success in Merthyr Tydfil demonstrated 'that idealist populist Liberalism did have an appeal in industrial Wales'. 198 The election of 1868 revealed a changing era, electoral returns recorded the social and political changes occurring in Wales, as the domination of landlordism was rudely halted. Liberal ideology at this time was dominated by the central issues of temperance, peace and individual rights, and within a nonconformist framework, was embraced by the general public in Wales, as it offered a radical alternative to Tory domination. Within Wales, these central issues took upon a distinctive nationalist flavour, which during the 1860s became increasingly difficult to ignore, the ideas of Welshness (expressed by the demand for Home Rule) and disestablishment of the Church becoming manifestation of a fundamental cultural identity. However, as Williams and Roberts note,
'it was not a movement which offered many radical alternatives to
capitalism - although a degree of socialism was evident from time to time -
19A David L.Adamson Class, Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism: A Theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 117:1991 197 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 322:1992 198 ibid. 323
83 but rather, it tended to involve a struggle over the control of capitalism
within Wales'. 199
The industrial proletariat, supportive of the Liberal hegemony of the new bourgeoisie
created an overlap between the leadership shown by this group and that of the unions.
As Williams suggests, 'within such communities the link between economic ownership
and religious and political leadership extended to patronage ties which linked work and
politics. Under such circumstances it is difficult to develop a political opposition to
economic ownership'.20
The close relationship between the ascending Liberal leadership, with its
demands for disestablishment, Home Rule which integrated a self-consciousness of
identity, and the proletariat thus denied much opportunity for unionism. Despite an
attempt by the Chartists to establish a Miners' Foundation in 1844, its reception in
Wales was not a success. As Jenkins notes, from industrial difficulties recorded, the
strength of affiliation between individual workers within a company or town might have
been strong, but this did not expand to encompass a wider federation.201 The central
concern of the few unions that were established during the 1860s and 70s were
nonconformism and Liberalism, the most radical groups assisting Henry Richard to
victory in 1868. Thus any developments of independent Labour politics were a long
way off. There is some surprise at the relative tranquillity of the union groups during
this period, when considering the militancy and strength of unity exhibited by the
199 Glyn Williams & Catrin Roberts 'Language and social structure in Welsh education' in Jacquette Megarry et al Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 152:1981 200 Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society, 1840-1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 5:1983 201 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 275:1992
84 Chartists, Scotch Cattle and the Rebecca movement in previous years. It could be
argued, that the lack of unionism on a wider scale has its origins in the development of a
new class structure following the emergence of industrialism. The transition from
traditional Tory capitalist dominance formed an alliance between the new bourgeoisie
and the working classes, with the bourgeoisie as a leading force. Focusing on issues
pertinent to the working classes, the Liberal industrial magnates were felt to be just
representatives of the workers, and therefore no need was felt for unionism.
The Origins ofCymru Fydd and Changing Ideologies
The ascending strength of the Liberal party in Wales provided a basis for the emergence
of overtly political nationalism and consequently, the pivotal place occupied by the
Welsh Liberals in Parliament by the 1890s allowed the articulation of specifically
Welsh demands and legislation. However, from the mid 1880s, a second feature of
Welsh Liberalism emerged, with increased nationalistic vigour. Inspired by the explicit
nationalism expressed by the Irish in their demand for land reform, repercussions for
similar demands were rising among the intellectual strata of Welsh society. The
establishment of the University of Wales colleges during the 1870s and 1880s had
brought about a new cultural nationalism, which was gaining in vibrancy under the
guidance of a new generation of historians and literary scholars. Unsurprisingly, the
202 The founders of the Cymru Fydd movement were greatly impressed with the actions and political expressions of Thomas Davis, the leader of the Young Ireland movement. As reiterated by Morgan the establishment of the new National Universities was also an important element in raising national self- consciousness: 'The young patriots who were associated with the University College at Aberystwyth in the early 1880s were profoundly influenced by the idea of nationalism and more intuitively sympathetic to the ideals of Young Ireland' (Kenneth O.Morgan, Wales in British Politics. 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 69:1970)
85 formation of Cymru Fydd (The Wales that is to be' or 'Young Wales') in 1886, had
close links with the new University of Wales. However, the initial Cymru Fydd
societies were formed by Welsh exiles residing in Liverpool, London, Birmingham and
Middlesborough. The London contingency, in particular were influential in promoting
the nationalistic element of Cymru Fydd, as well as firmly supporting Lloyd George's
political advance. The description which Morgan provides of this second feature of
Liberal ascendancy, 'was that the human instruments of Welshness thrust themselves
aggressively upon English political consciousness as the alien outsiders they were'.203
Cymru Fydd was greatest in its appeal to those who were part of the Liberal
populism that emerged during the 1880s. Its chief concerns were the maintenance of the
Welsh language and the preservation of the traditional culture. The establishment of
Cymru Fydd can be interpreted, alongside the founding of the Universities at
Aberystwyth (1872), Cardiff (1883) and Bangor (1884), and the creation of The Society for the Utilisation of the Welsh Language (1885), as a quest for greater recognition of
the individual needs of the population of Wales. The nationalistic mission expressed by
the movement therefore, initially concentrated upon the maintenance and development
of 'native and cultural traditions'.204 However, following the growth of Cymru Fydd throughout Wales, attributable in part to the dynamic stimulus of Lloyd George, the aspirations of the movement began to acquire a more political nature, in the demand for disestablishment and Home Rule. The desire for an independent Wales did not serve to unite the population, rather it succeeded in emphasising the growing schism between
203 Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics. 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 7:1970 204 ibid.l05
86 rural and industrial Wales, thus described as a 'massive and disastrous fiasco'.205 The
intent of Lloyd George's 'new Liberalism', as reflected by the Cymru Fydd movement,
was not for Welsh Home Rule, but for equality for Wales within the British and
Imperial framework. Membership of the movement was almost entirely Liberal, and as
Davies notes, never succeeded in gaining general public support, remaining almost
entirely Liberal in membership.206
Towards the close of the nineteenth century a dangerous rift was developing
between the Liberals of the North and the South Wales Federation. As noted by
Morgan,
'a distinct attitude had emerged in Glamorgan and Monmouth, a realization
that the wealthiest and most populous counties might have interests that
might diverge from those of the rest of Wales, that the concept of Welsh
nationality required reappraisal, if not revision'.207
Within Welsh society, emerging differences in political ideology and priority were
slowly beginning to challenge the Liberal ascendancy. Despite the outward dominance
of the Liberal party in Welsh politics, by the 1880s 'socialism was attracting the Welsh
working class and increasingly the legitimacy of the Liberal coalowners as
7 OR representatives of the mine-workers was being challenged'. The concerns of
disestablishment and land reform, which had previously captured the interest of the
205Kenneth O.Morgan Modern Wales: Politics. Places and People Cardiff, University of Wales Press 10:1995 2(V» Charlotte Aull Davies 'Welsh Nationalism and the British State' in Glyn Williams (ed.), Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society. 1840-1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 203:1983 207 Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics. 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 161/2:1970 208 David L.Adamson Class. Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism: A Theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 119:1991
87 electorate, no longer held the same relevance, despite the Liberal Party's adherence to
these campaigns. The preoccupation with disestablishment in particular, appeared to be
of little relevance in light of the political developments occurring in South Wales, as
Jones explains, 'large numbers of men became disillusioned with a religion which failed
to speak out clearly on social issues of real relevance to ordinary men and which could
organise only on political issues, such as disestablishment, which had become
meaningless'. OflO Despite the developing industrial areas of South East and North East
Wales, the Liberal Party was 'conspicuously silent on industrial matters', and it was the
Party's failure to keep abreast with the needs and aspirations of the electorate which
finally lead to its demise.
Politics, economy and manifestations of national identity in Wales:
The Growth of Socialism in South Wales
Failure to recognise the growing economic needs in the industrial areas by the Liberal
party, and the 'steady evolution of a class structure in the economic relationships
between employers and workers' led to the rejection of the party in South Wales, which
fy i l __ became apparent during the early years of the twentieth century. The success of the
challenge by Liberalism to the feudal system during the nineteenth century had been
complete. However, the new developing structure of the class system had created a
middle class Liberal hegemony, who were not necessarily true representatives of the
209 leuan Gwynedd Jones 'Language and Community in Nineteenth Century Wales' in David Smith (ed.) A People and Proletariat Essays in the History of Wales 1780-1980 Pluto Press 68:1980 210 Kenneth O.Morgan Modern Wales Politics. Places and People Cardiff, University of Wales Press 62:1995 211 Alan Butt Philip The Welsh Question Nationalism in Politics 1945-1970 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 9:1975
88 working industrial class, as professed in earlier election campaigns. Many staunch
Liberal supporters were to be found among the leading coal magnates in South Wales,
such as D.A.Thomas, H.H.Vivian and David Davies, men who, in addition, may also
have been strong nonconformists. Since the success experienced at the 'Great Election'
of 1868 by the Welsh Liberals, the relationship between the industrial magnates and
their employees had been solid, the support of the latter, becoming a key factor in the
maintenance of Welsh Liberal hegemony. However, towards the turn of the century,
this relationship had become strained. The notorious sliding scale implemented in the
southern coalfields in 1875 (reflecting the fluctuating socio-economic climate) which
determined that wages would be paid in relation to the price received for coal caused an
'inherently disastrous system for the workers, as it encouraged overproduction to keep
prices at a minimum'. Additional factors following the implementation of the sliding
scale system were low wages and decreased safety precautions. This was detrimental in
ensuring the continuance of safety precautions and pit maintenance procedures. As a
consequence there was an increase in the number of pit related deaths. Between 1900
and 1914 at least 1000 men were killed in colliery accidents, and the figure augmented
to an excess of 1700 per annum from 1910 to 1913.
Increasing tensions and conflicts in the industrial regions of South Wales were
regarded by the Nonconformist bourgeoisie as a developing working-class radicalism,
and located its origins in the prolific Anglicisation of the area, and the erosion of
Nonconformity.213 Between 1891 and 1902, of the 105 thousand migrants into the
212 Philip Jenkins A History of Modem Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 351:1992 213 David L.Adamson Class. Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism: A Theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 119:1991
89 South Wales coalfield, 55.4 per cent came from the rural hinterlands, and 49.6 per cent
were English in origin. In the decade, 1901 to 1910, the total number of migrants from
England had increased to 85.6 per cent.214 With such a large influx in population from
outside Wales, there is small wonder at the decline in the enthusiasm in the quest for
disestablishment from the Church of England and Home Rule for Wales. The cultural
and national expression manifested as an inherent part of the Liberal cause in Wales, no
longer carried the weight of importance and relevance to the industrial electorate,
neither did the Liberal party in Wales attempt to adapt their outlook to accommodate the
demands of the industrial classes. Despite religious revivals during the early part of the
twentieth century, further exemplified by the Welsh 'revolt' against the Balfour
Education Act of 1902, which seemed 'to present a resurgence of the old nonconformist
radical tradition, a rebirth of the nationalist sentiment which had receded since 1895'
Liberal strength in Wales was slowly being dismantled. However, it was a gradual
process as Morgan notes, 'Men felt more immediate loyalty to their village or valley
than to their class'.216 Consequently, the inactivity witnessed in Wales during the
revival of the British Labour movement during the 1880s, was a reflection of general
public opinion and a 'natural' affiliation felt towards the Liberal party.
214 E. Glyn Lewis, 'Modernization and Language Maintenance' in Glyn Williams (ed.), Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society. 1840-1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 168:1983 The total migration into the coalfield during the decade 1901-1910 given by Lewis is 128,500, 85.6 of which amounts to 109,996. The escalating decline in the number of Welsh speakers during the period 1891-1921 further reiterates the influx of English monoglots into the industrial regions: 1891 - 898,914 (54.4%), 1901 - 929,824 (49.9%), 1911 - 977,366 (43.5%), 1921 - 929,183 (37.2%) (from Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics. 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 315:1970) 215 Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics. 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 196:1970 216 ibid. 199
90 could be found from within the working classes as well as from the petite bourgeoisie, many of whom were prominent Liberal spokesmen. However, changes, or rather emerging schisms occurring in the class structure of the industrial regions came as a result of the establishment of capitalist methods, which while increasing the labour workforce within a designated region, also causes the uneven distribution of production, as success is based on competition and profitability. 217 In the attempt to improve output, and limit costs of production, 'new spatial divisions of labour' are generated.218
Increasing population growth of external migrants into the industrial areas created irreconcilable differences within a previously homogenous Welsh speaking nonconformist society which Liberal leaders either neglected to address or refused to
*N 1 Q confront. This failure to recognise the diverging demands of the industrial regions, in comparison with the traditional and more stable hinterlands, coupled with the consistent maintenance of the naive view that the party in Wales was itself, and also reflected communities which were, socially and culturally homogenous, eventually was the cause of its speedy demise in South Wales, as revealed by Table 3:2. However, despite increasing unrest among the industrial populations of South Wales during the latter years of the nineteenth century and at the turn of the twentieth century, the Labour party in Wales grew in fits and starts. As the Table records, the strength of Labour in South
217 Gareth Rees and Teresa Rees 'Migration, Industrial Restructuring and Class Relations: An Analysis of South Wales' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society. 1840- 1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 105:1983 218 ibid. 219 As Butt Philip notes, 'The nonconformist leaders, with four exceptions, refused to take up social issues in the depressed coal and tinplate industries. Obsessed by the issue of disestablishment and stressing the homogeneity of interests between man and man in any community, they could not recognize of support the claims of organized labour against its employers'. Alan Butt Philip The Welsh Question Nationalism in Politics 1945-1970 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 9/10:1975
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15
15
19
18
.
5
Labour
21
21
21
Glamorgan
University
1885-1970
1885-1970
Cardiff,
Wales
in
. . .
.
13 10
1
. . .
.
9
Liberal
Commons
1945-1970
of
3:2
92
Politics
House
.
.
.
. . .
Table
1
.
.
.
. . .
Plaid
the
Representation
Welsh
in
in
Wales
.
Political
.
3 3
3
3 2 4
4 3
2
Conservative
West
in
Nationalism
Representation
and
Question
North
Changes
.
.
10
1
8
9
3 . 4
.
4
Labour
Welsh
The
Philip
1 1
3 18
6 17
17
6
9
9
Liberal
Butt
Alan
Jan.
1970
1955 1968
1945
Source:
1935
1929
1924
1910
1900
1885
Years
General Election Wales was not distinctly apparent until 1924. However, as Thompson comments,
despite the outward semblance of Liberal hegemony and industrial prosperity, 'changes
were taking place, most particularly in the political sphere'.220 Williams tentatively puts
forward the suggestion that the gains of Labour at a local level did not procure any
advancement universally 'in industrial Wales until ownership in the coal industry takes
the form of a depersonalised combine', occurring following the Defence of the Realm
Act whereby the government took control of the mines.221 The growth of socialism in
the industrialised areas united the working classes, regardless of nationality, culture or
language (although, increasingly the language of socialism in Wales was English).
Subsequently issues which had previously held the interest of the Welsh population lost
its appeal in the public domain. As Jones notes, increasing economic vitality in the
Southern regions of Wales, 'tended to reinforce the prestige value of English and to
lower the esteem of the Welsh among the classes most sensitive to the possibilities of
social change and mobility'.
Anglicisation of South Wales due to an increasing demand for labour as a
consequence of industrial development served also to transform the social structure and
culture of the society. As Rawkins notes, 'formerly individuals found their identity in
their place in the social structure, with their identity symbolized and reinforced in
culture'.223 The changes caused by an increasing majority influx from England into the
220 Andrew Thompson The Social Construction of Welsh Identities Ph.D thesis, University of North Wales, Bangor 102:1994 221 Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society. 1840-1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 5:1983 222 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 50:1992 223 Phillip M. Rawkins 'Uneven Developments and the Politics of Culture' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society. 1840-1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 222:1983
93 industrial regions of Wales culminated in the emergence of a culture and a social
structure which were incompatible with the traditional features of the homogenous
Welsh population. Liberal Nonconformism was incapable of adapting to the
deteriorating social conditions of industrial South Wales, and opposed new forms of
social protest vehemently. As Morgan notes, 'Nonconformist ministers inveighed
against the materialism and atheism of Socialist propaganda, and many young militants
left their congregations'. Furthermore, the emergence of socialism as an expression
of homogeneity by the working-classes came in light of the fact that Liberalism could
not offer any social policy, while socialism provided a potential political influence
which was of relevance to the needs of the industrial regions. Increasing disputes
between the industrial employers and the workforce necessitated greater organisation of
the labour force, and resulted in increasing membership of new trade unions. The
founding of the South Wales Miners' Federation (SWMF) in the aftermath of the 1898
strike, was the most crucial development with regard to political contribution that came
as a consequence to the policy of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain (MFGB), to
which the SWMF was affiliated, which allowed the proposal of miners' representatives
as candidates in local and general elections. Within a year of its foundation the SWMF had over 100,000 members, had established 200 lodges and was clearly political in its ambitions. By 1902, the SWMF was attempting to place its members in Liberal seats
•yyc throughout South Wales.
224 Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics, 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 211:1970 225 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 352:1992
94 Liberal Nonconformist homogeneity in the industrial regions, swamped by a
deluge of immigrants also resulted in a change in the nature of social interactions. The
chapels, institutions which provided a platform for political expression, and a location
for social entertainment in addition to its inherent religious focus, began to be replaced
by the union lodges. This social element provided, as Thompson notes,
'one interesting parallel between the early rise of Labour and the growth of
Liberal Nonconformism in the mid-nineteenth century, is that the emergence
of the former was accompanied by, and indeed was fostered by, intensifying
grass-roots organisation; a development which would serve to both replace
the popular appeal by chapel-based organisations and which, by the 1920s
would provide working class Wales with its political leadership'.226
This was further manifested with the creation of the Central Labour College movement,
which sponsored education programmes throughout south Wales, with the specific
intention of counteracting ruling class dominant ideology, arousing general awareness
of class issues within the political sphere. 777 Accepting that political representatives
from working classes were capable of challenging the traditional mainstream political
parties was fundamental issue essential for Labour to overcome. As Hopkins further
demonstrates,
'when Labour candidates first presented themselves they were met with
suspicion and scepticism, and generally rebuffed. How could a working
man, with not very much more in terms of skill or resource than the elector
226 Andrew Thompson The Social Construction of Welsh Identities Ph.D thesis, University of North Wales, Bangor 106/7:1994 227 Examples of products from the Central Labour Colleges are Aneirin Bevan, Morgan Phillips, Ness Edwards and James Griffiths who had an influential impact on the Labour movement in the twentieth century.
95 himself, possibly achieve that a well-to-do, powerful and influential Liberal
could not. Overcoming the inherent fatalism of the electorate, and that
deference which had been inculcated over centuries and which was only
partially obviated by religious Nonconformity was the greatest task facing
the pioneer socialists'. TOO
The Emergence of a Welsh Nationalist Party
In the years up to 1914, Welsh Nonconformist Liberals had made 'few concessions to
0*50 working class demands ... both in terms of programmes and personnel'. In addition,
there was increasing friction concerning the adoption of Labour candidates in traditional
Liberal constituencies. Liberal ascendancy was maintained until the outbreak of the
First World War in 1914 which caused a necessary sociological revolution that had
'such a convulsive impact upon the industrial South, particularly on the younger
generation', subsequently transforming the Labour party from local issues to the wider
'international cause of social revolution'. ° According to Morgan, one over-riding
factor in the immense gains for the Labour party, was due to the dramatic expansion of
the trade unions, whose membership number between 1914 and 1920 more than
doubled.231 In addition, the 'ideological fervour' arising from the Russian revolution
infiltrated and reinforced Labour's appeal among the working classes. During the
228 D. Hopkins 'The Rise of Labour: Llanelli 1890-1922' in Geraint H.Jenkins and J.Beverley Smith (eds.) Politics and Society in Wales 1884-1922 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 162/3:1988 229 Kenneth O.Morgan Modern Wales: Politics. Places and People Cardiff, University of Wales Press 68:1995 230 Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics. 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 255:1970 231 Kenneth O.Morgan Modern Wales: Politics. Places and People Cardiff, University of Wales Press 75:1995
96 wartime years, the Liberal party became increasingly divided, with many Liberal
idealists driven into either political isolation or exile due to their pacifists views, while
others, counteracting the ideology of their nineteenth century counterparts openly
advocated participation in the war, viewing it as a 'crusade for democracy and the small
nations'.232 In the aftermath of the First World War the miners' movement made
ambitious demands for improved wages and working conditions, in addition to
postulating for the nationalisation of the industry.233 These were rejected and resulted in
a three month lockout throughout south Wales in 1921. However, the industry was
entering a period of vital change, and as Jenkins explains, it was a 'period of serious and
possibly terminal depression, and the coalowners moved to the offensive, to claw back
whatever concessions they could from the workforce'.
The industrial depression during the 1920s, caused in part by the falling demand
for coal, coupled with the growing use of electric power and a mounting demand for oil,
resulted in increased unemployment in South Wales, thus leading to a resurgence of
industrial unrest between 1919 and 1921. The culmination of the miners' dispute
against wage and working hours was a national coal strike during May 1926. Industrial
decline during the 1920s was further exacerbated with the persistent deterioration of the
economic climate during the 1930s, particularly 'depressed areas' such as Dowlais and
Merthyr Tydfil experiencing unemployment levels of 73.4 per cent and 67.1 per cent
respectively.235 Labour maintained a focus of popular support in the industrial regions
232 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 357:1992 233 ibid.358 234 ibid..... 235 Gwyn Alf Williams When was Wales? A History of the Welsh Harmondsworth, Penguin Books 252:1985
97 of Wales, and even penetrated the staunchly Liberal seat of the University of Wales in
1923, which as Morgan comments,
'the mere fact that Labour could capture the national University, so deeply
permeated with the spirit of Tom Ellis and the great days of Cymru Fydd,
was surely a sign of a profound shift of mood in the character of Welsh
politics and society. However transient (George Maitland Lloyd Davies was
defeated by the Liberal Ernest Evans in 1924) Davies' victory suggests that
the university intelligentsia and professional middle class in Wales were no
longer automatically or instinctively Liberal'.236
The foundation of Plaid Cymru, the Welsh national party, originating from an
amalgamation of several nationalist societies, in 1925 at the Pwllheli eisteddfod,
commenced an expression of a 'new' nationalism, which poured scorn on the attempt by
the former Cymru Fydd movement for Home Rule. As Davies comments, 'the piquancy
of the situation was that home rule had never itself been an objective of the Liberal
Party, or even a major issue in Wales'. 7 Primarily, party membership was composed
of university lecturers, ministers of religion and teachers, but as Williams notes, it 'also
contained significant working class elements, especially slate quarry workers in
industrial Gwynedd'.238 Initially, the party operated only 'as a vehicle for the protection
and the promotion of the Welsh language and culture'.239 The immediate intention of
Kenneth O.Morgan Modern Wales: Politics, Places and People Cardiff, University of Wales Press 79:1995 237 D.Hywel Davies The Welsh Nationalist Party 1925-1945: A Call to Nationhood Cardiff, University of Wales Press 3:1983 23R Colin H.Williams 'Separatism and the Mobilization of Welsh National Identity' in Colin H.Williams (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 147/8:1982 9 David L.Adamson Class, Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism: A Theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 124:1991
98 the party, as Evans explains, 'was to secure a rapid political remoblisation of Liberal
nonconformity in order to win from the United Kingdom establishment those
institutional supports necessary to entrench a re-modelled Liberal nonconformist Welsh
Nationalism'. . Members of Plaid Cymru were aware that Wales was divided both
linguistically and spatially between a predominantly Welsh speaking rural hinterland in
the north and west, and a predominantly English speaking industrial suburbia in the
south and north-east. The intention, was to create 'a 'Welsh Wales' in which Welsh
would be the sole official language and its declared method was to work through the
local authorities and to refuse to have anything to do with Westminster'.241 However, it
was realised, that abstention from political participation in Westminster was not a
successful means of gaining support, and so it was decided by the party's executive
committee in 1930 that a successful parliamentary candidate could take a seat in
Westminster.
Essentially, therefore, the constitutional framework of the party was one of
'conservative traditionalism', addressing cultural and linguistic problems, and showed
little interest in the discussion of social and economic issues. Initially, Saunders Lewis,
the party's first president, opposed the development of any specific economic policies,
and as Davies notes, the party's summer school held in 1926 did not formally discuss
any financial policies, nor address the issue of the subsequent prolonged miners'
dispute.242 The party was, as Evans explains,
240 Emyr Evans 'The Dynamic of Welsh Identity' in Neil Evans (ed.) National Identity in the British Isles Coleg Harlech Occasional Papers in Welsh Studies No.3 53:1989 241 D.Hywel Davies The Welsh Nationalist Party 1925-1945: A Call to Nationhood Cardiff, University of Wales Press 71:1983 242 Charlotte Aull Davies Welsh Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: the Ethnic Option and the Modem State New York, Praeger 67:1989
99 'operating in a context in which the British establishment was attempting to
deny the existence of a Welsh identity, and to impose a British identity on
Wales'; attempting to re-assert its identity on what was increasingly
becoming an embattled culture.243
The poor results from the party's first parliamentary contest in the 1929 General
Election resulted in a 'profound politicisation' of the party.244 However, as the structure
of Welsh communities began to fragment, as a consequence of the social and economic
depression, the nationalist leaders became more acutely aware of the inherent
connection between economic reform and cultural survival. Wales, as a peripheral
region, controlled from a core, purports the notion of internal colonialism, which as
Smith describes, are the ethnic areas controlled from within the state frontiers of great
nation states (for example, Wales and Scotland within Great Britain).245 The
acceleration of interaction between the core and the periphery, the industrialisation of
Wales further enhanced the dependence of the 'peripheral region' and its cultural
stratification.246 The emergence of nationalism, originating from the bourgeoisie classes
and voiced by the intelligentsia, arises as a consequence of uneven economic growth,
and the influence of the more developed and dominant countries on the less, which is
deemed as an 'inevitable' outcome by Smith.
243 Emyr Evans 'The Dynamic of Welsh Identity' in Neil Evans (ed.) National Identity in the British Isles Coleg Harlech Occasional Papers in Welsh Studies No.3 53:1989 244 D.Hywel Davies The Welsh Nationalist Party 1925-1945: A Call to Nationhood Cardiff, University of Wales Press 71:1983 245 Anthony D. Smith 'Nationalism, Ethnic Separatism and the Intelligentsia' in Colin H.Williams (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 20:1982 246 ibid. 247 ibid.22
100 Central to the ideology of Plaid Cymru during the first five years of its existence
were the linguistic and cultural considerations of Wales. The decline in the numbers of
Welsh speakers, and the diminishing status of the language in society prompted the
party to publicise itself openly as a language movement. Displayed on the party's
membership forms were three policies, outlining Plaid Cymru 's aims in maintaining a
Welsh speaking Wales, which were:
1. To sustain Welsh culture in Wales;
2. To make Welsh the only official language in Wales, and therefore the
language of all local authority debates;
3. To make Welsh the medium of education in Wales from the elementary
schools to university.248
No mention was made for equality of status for both Welsh and English. Such
staunchly radical language nationalism, is according to Williams a common element in
ethnic group ideology, whereby the group's 'language becomes their symbol and the
instrument for a group's cultural survival in an otherwise assimilatory environment'.
However, language is not always identical to the culture of the minority group, as
exemplified by the Anglicised industrial regions of south and north-east Wales. The
definition of a homogenous culture within Wales is also questionable, as in the
industrial areas, due to the large influx of English immigrants, there had occurred, as
described by Aull Davies, a 'strong incentive for an identity switch, from the denigrated
ethnic identity so closely associated with economic and social failure to that of the
248 Saunders Lewis 'Egwyddorion Cenedlaetholdeb' cited in D.Hywel Davies The Welsh Nationalist Party 1925-1945: A Call to Nationhood Cardiff, University of Wales Press 75/6:1983 249 Colin H.Williams 'Separatism and the Mobilization of Welsh National Identity' in Colin H.Williams (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff. University of Wales Press 148:1982
101 majority culture'.250 By 1930, with the radical re-appraisal of the party's aims, the
language policy was radically amended and demoted, with political and economic issues
coming to the forefront.
In addition to the concern for the stability and promotion of the Welsh language,
the second element in nationalist ideology was the importance of Christianity on the
social welfare of Wales.251 Early Plaid records 'abound with arguments fusing the
Christian ethic with the promotion of a national consciousness, thus equating a Welsh-
speaking society with a Christian one'.252 The interpretation of a Welsh society within
the confines of Welsh speaking and religious homogeneity differed among party
members. Plaid Cymru's president, Saunders Lewis, heavily influenced by the right-
wing Catholic nationalist movement, Action Francaise, believed that nationalism in
Wales should be defined within the framework of the state nationalism which emerged
in the sixteenth century, 'to challenge the universal moral order of the Church'. 53 The
fundamental expression of Welsh civilisation as an unique 'nation' within a European
framework was the maintenance of the Welsh language. As Williams explains, 'Lewis justified its promotion in moral as well as in social terms; it was a testimony of Wales's continuing cultural contribution to a common European order'. Together with more representative nonconformist thinkers - prominent Catholics in the Nationalist
Movement shaped the initial development of the Party in a profound manner. In time
250 Charlotte Aull Davies Welsh Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: the Ethnic Option and the Modem State New York, Praeger 10:1989 251 Colin H.Williams 'Separatism and the Mobilization of Welsh National Identity' in Colin H.Williams (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 148:1982 252 ibid.•, . , 253 Colin H.Williams 'Minority Nationalist Historiography' in R.J.Johnston, David Knight and Eleonore Kofrnan (eds.) Nationalism. Self-determination and Political Geography London, Croom Helm 208:1988 254 ibid.
102 these divisions were to have long term implications for the articulation of social policy and may have served to marginalise the movement in the minds of mainstream academics and social leaders.255
Religion had a functional role within the party, as the Chapel and its associated
newspapers were avenues for nationalist dissemination, and the promotion of the party
within a confined public domain. In rural west Wales, for example, as Madgwick notes,
political changes during the 1920s and the influence of Plaid Cymru was immense in
heightening a Welsh awareness, as
'the county was predominantly Welsh-speaking and Welsh institutions,
especially the chapels, dominated the community. A new awareness of
being Welsh developed in those areas where the culture was threatened, in
the towns, and especially Aberystwyth. There were endless arguments in
the correspondence columns of the Cambrian News about the possibilities of
countering the predominance of English language in public life, for example
by favouring Welsh-speakers for public appointments'.256
As Anderson notes, the expression of nationalistic pride, locates itself within specific
territorial boundaries, and identifies itself as a 'nation' according to specific interests,
not all of which are in the interests of every part of the nation, and may indeed be
contrary to the interests of some sections.257 Despite growing support for Plaid Cymru
from key academic and literary figures, and the surge of public support in the aftermath
255 Colin H. Williams 'Christian Witness and Non-Violent Principles of Nationalism' in Sartryck ur STAT-NATION-KONFLIKT Enfestskrift Tillaenad Sven Tagil Bokfbrlaget Bra Boket 1996 256 Peter Madgwick, Non Griffiths and Valeric Walker The Politics of Rural Wales A Study of Cardiganshire London. Hutchinson 54:1973 257 James Anderson 'Nationalist Ideology and Territory' in RJ.Johnston, David Knight and Eleonore Kofinan (eds.) Nationalism. Self-determination and Political Geography London, Croom Helm 20:1988
103 of the conflagration of the RAF bombing school in Penyberth, Pwllheli in 1936, the
party held little appeal in its assertion of 'Wales' and a 'Welshness' to the Anglicised
industrial regions of South Wales. Lewis, as a 'cultural nationalist' had 'limited
sympathy with economic ideas and was not at home with them', and advocated the
deindustrialisation of Wales and a return to an agrarian economy, despite protests from
other party members, such as D.J.Davies.258 This stood in direct contrast to the interests
of the southern counties, heavily dependent on an industrial economy, an inherent part
of the British state (reflected too in increasing Anglicisation), which Lewis proposed to
abandon.
Post-War Developments, and Growth in Nationalist Consciousness
Towards the close of the 1930s, Plaid Cymru was becoming increasingly fractured, to
the extent, as Thompson notes, 'that party members were split over official social and
economic policies these schisms reflected the divisions within the 'nation". The
party failed to provide a real political alternative relevant to both the separatist and
predominantly agricultural regions, and the increasingly intergrationalist and
industrialised areas. The growth of the party was gradual, and its public profile was
minimal, at the outbreak of the Second World War the party had established 111 branches with 2,000 members, the numbers of which increased to 2,500 by 1945. This enabled the party to contest eight seats at the 1945 General Election, 'a remarkable feat in view of the hostile attitude the party had taken towards the war and the consequent
258 Derrick Hearne The Joy of Freedom Talybont, Y Lolfa 59:1977 259 Andrew Thompson The Social Construction of Welsh Identities Ph.D thesis, University of North Wales, Bangor 120:1994
104 social, legal, and political pressures inhibiting party activity'.260 During the war
however, the 'principle concerns of the Blaid... were with conscription, the anglicizing
effect of the English evacuee children in Wales, and the government's powers to direct
labour out of Wales'. ' A gradual realisation of a challenge on a wider political scene,
away from a cultural nationalism, brought Plaid Cymru into an expanding political
arena, which was of an encompassing relevance to the whole of Wales.
Internal growth and increased popular appeal of the party was most apparent in
the years subsequent to the Second World War, as Davies notes, 'when government
programs were eradicating many of the hallmarks of internal colonialism'.262 The
remnants of internal colonialism in Wales generated a response from the nationalists in
three major areas, firstly in the reaction against the devaluation of Welsh culture (one of
the initial concerns of Plaid Cymru}. Secondly, as Davies explains, with the emergence
of the welfare state, and the establishment of separate regional development
programmes, the nationalists tried 'to use such programs to increase Welsh economic
unity and to secure a degree of self-determination for Wales', which in turn gained
electoral support for Plaid Cymru. Thirdly, as some members of the party became
aware of the economic and social needs of both industrial and rural Wales, a socialist analysis became more prevalent in the nationalist ideology. This assertion on a wider political scene, resulting in an increase in popular support at a constituency level as exemplified by the creditable results of the by-elections at Ogmore in 1946 with 29 per
2fifl Alan Butt Philip The Welsh Question Nationalism in Politics 1945-1970 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 17:1975 Plaid Cymru took a neutral standpoint during the war, and even promoted conscious objection to war service. ™ ibid. 21/2 Charlotte Aull Davies Welsh Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: the Ethnic Option and the Modem State New York, Praeger 66:1989
105 cent of the vote, and with 20 per cent at Aberdare.263 Such show of support in the
anglicised industrial regions suggest that a significant number of the population were in
favour of the Maid's policies and strategies. Thompson suggests that while Plaid
Cymru's growth in popularity was no imminent threat to the status of the established
parties, it was, nevertheless, significant in that 'it forced the other political parties to
reconsider their position in relation to Wales and the Welsh electorate'.264
The infiltration of Plaid Cymru as a political force of such Anglicised
communities, it can be argued, reflects a positive relationship and identification with
policies form these cultural and linguistic assimilated areas. Thus, the Party was
beginning to be regarded as a viable alternative to the hegemony of Labour. Despite
being a creed of a minority, from its inception, the new and heightened nationalism
associated with Plaid Cymru was different in outlook from the nineteenth century
Cymru Fydd movement. Increased communication and transportation networks,
coupled with progressive Anglicisation, with connotations of upward social mobility,
were major contributory factors in the erosion of the status of Welsh identity.
Consequently, preservation of the language and culture had become a central focus of
the party from its inception, and still retained a prominent feature of its doctrine.
Exactly when Plaid Cymru began to change its view from a proposed hegemonic status
for the language, 'demanding the return to an all Welsh-speaking Wales, with Welsh as the first language to the demand for a bilingual Wales' is unclear.
263 David L.Adamson Class. Ideology and the Nation: A theory of Welsh Nationalism: A Theory of Welsh Nationalism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 131:1991 264 Andrew Thompson The Social Construction of Welsh Identities Ph.D thesis, University of North Wales, Bangor 121:1994 265 Alan Butt Philip The Welsh Question Nationalism in Politics 1945-1970 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 117:1975
106 Restriction and contraction of the language had occurred with the decline in
importance of previously secure language domains, such as the chapel and its associated
societies. This deterioration of language domains inferred that reproduction of the
language was marginalised within present society, and as Williams notes, 'direct
cultural reproduction which reinforce class divisions were related to the dominant
language and culture'. Decreasing language domains in Wales thus aroused a
concern for language maintenance and promotion, emphasis placed on developing
educational provision in the indigenous language, and local state support. Political
determination attempting to secure a separate identity, from the hegemonic group may
be asserted by demanding education provision through the ethnic language. Viewed
from a political and cultural perspective, the emergence of a movement demanding
educational provision through the medium of Welsh can be interpreted as an expression
of cultural nationalism, the Welsh language being an essential and prominent feature of
the culture.267 Education is a social phenomena, and demands for educational provision
through the medium of the minority language reflects an awareness and concern for the
viability and maintenance of the language. The socialisation effects of minority
language education provision in terms of value construction and national differentiation
serve to promote the status of the language within communities. The emergence of a
political and social awareness specific to Wales highlighted necessary change, in the
demand for separatism. Such change is also reflected in the nature of the development of a 'comprehensive' educational system in Wales, the political and social demands
266 Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society 1840-1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 12:1983 267 James Anderson 'Nationalist Ideology and Territory' in R.J.Johnston, David Knight and Eleonore Kofman (eds.) Nationalism. Self-determination and Political Geography London, Croom Helm 33:1988
107 reverberating upon pedagogical decisions. The following chapter will seek to analyse the emergence of Welsh medium education in light of the historical developments regarding education in Wales.
108 Chapter Four Chapter 4
A HISTORY OF EDUCATION WITH REGARD TO WELSH
Educational Provision in Wales: Implications
Political and social developments, greatly influenced by the industrialisation of South
and North East Wales, have been accountable for reverberations upon the nature of
educational provision in Wales. Outlining the development of education in Wales with
regard to the inclusion of the Welsh language therefore provides a framework from
which the subsequent instigation of Welsh medium education in South East Wales may
be critically analysed. The linguistic nature of educational provision in Wales has been
polemic in outlook, the hegemony of English as a vehicle for social and economic
mobility overriding cultural and nationalistic affiliations. The emergence of
rudimentary educational provision initially served to uphold the moral and religious
welfare of the proletariat. Instruction was facilitated through the medium of Welsh, 'a
•1/CO decision based on pragmatism rather than principle'. The symbiosis occurring
between the Welsh language and religion in Wales, it can be argued, has formed a basis
for the maintenance of the Welsh language. Conflicting influences and changing
attitudes affecting education in Wales has rendered discussion of the development
complex. As Jenkins succinctly notes,
"The religious content and political control of education would remain an
enduring concern in Welsh political life from the time of Vavasor Powell to
268 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 155:1992
109 the age of Nye Bevan, and beyond. In the 1650s, the Puritan reformers had
placed a high priority on education and literacy as a means of propagating
the gospel in Wales. Few of their schools survived the Restoration, but the
idea of popular evangelism through education remained strong throughout
the next century.269
The Education System in Wales up to 1847
The seventeenth century saw numerous concerted efforts for the establishment of a basic educational system in Wales. The 'desire for an educated Wales was no new thing ... though the meaning and scope of the term have varied throughout the centuries'.270
Grammar schools established during the reign of the Tudors, which initially allowed academically promising boys from impoverished backgrounds realistic aspirations for educational and social success, soon became elitist establishments. In general, education was a privilege enjoyed by a select few, the majority receiving instruction in basic literacy skills. As Webster notes,
'... attendance at an English school followed by a period at Oxford or
Cambridge or on a grand tour of Europe was essential for every Welsh
gentleman. For their tenantry and workers they supported, with their
English counterparts, schools promoted by the S.P.C.K. and later by the
National Society. The response to these schools was lukewarm; their
language was English and they were patronized only by the minority, mostly
269 ibid. 153 270 G.Perrie Williams Welsh Education in Sunlipht and Shadow London, Constable 1:1918
110 town dwellers, who judged that even the minimal education that they
provided might be of some economic value. For tenant farmers and
labourers such schooling was an irrelevance'.271
Wales differed slightly in its educational tradition to England, a factor contributing to this was the translation of the Bible into Welsh in 1588. The influence of the translation upon the Welsh population meant that
'By the late seventeenth century printed books had become a significant part
of Welsh culture ... Given such a background, it is not surprising that the
Welsh response to the traumatic economic and social changes of the latter
eighteenth century were to nurture a deepening enthusiasm for religion'.272
The Emergence of Charity Schools
The desire to provide accessible means of education arose from concerns for the moral
and religious welfare of the population as a whole. The Welsh Trust established in 1674
by the Rev. Thomas Gouge and collaborators aimed to evangelise Wales by establishing
charity schools for children which operated in English, and by publishing and
circulating devotional literature in Wales as an attempt to ensure the salvation of older
generations.273 The primary focus of the schools was to teach the basic elements of
reading to children. Over eighty schools operated in the main towns and parishes of
Wales between 1674 and 1675 providing a free education to over two thousand
271 Roger Webster 'Education in Wales and the Rebirth of a Nation' History of Education Vol.19 No.3 184:1990 272.,ibid. ., 273 D.R.Hughes 'Thomas Gouge, Cymwynaswr o Sais' Y Traethodydd Vol.XX 32:1952
111 children. Following the death of Thomas Gouge in 1681, it is improbable that the
schools continued to operate. However, as Jones notes, The Welsh Trust 'served as a
connecting link between the abortive educational experiments of the seventeenth
century and the voluntary educational movements which later flourished in the
eighteenth century'.275
During the early years of the eighteenth century The Society for the Promotion of
Christian Knowledge (S.P.C.K.) commenced its campaign distributing devotional books
and tracts in Welsh and English, sponsoring various editions of the Bible and most
importantly, establishing a number of charity schools for the purpose of evangelical
promotion. The motivation behind the movement was rooted in the belief of religious
promotion amongst the poor, and this was inevitably reflected in the curriculum and
pedagogical methods applied in the schools established.276 The most successful period
in Wales for the S.P.C.K. movement was from 1699 to 1727. However, the movement
was directed from an English perspective, rather than motivated by Welsh aspirations.277
Griffith Jones (1683 - 1761) was a headmaster of a charity school run under the auspices of the S.P.C.K. for many years before acting upon a notion of establishing circulating schools (i.e. temporary, short-term schools using peripatetic headteachers) in
1731. Despite his tendency to 'belittle the efforts of previous educationalists', Griffith
274 W.RJones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff. University of Wales Press 12:1966 275 ibid.l5 276 F. A.Cavenagh The Life and Work of Griffith Jones of Llanddowror Cardiff, University of Wales Press 33:1930 "The children were as a rule "to be cloath'd, taught their Catechism & brought up in the principles of the Church of England, and the Boys taught to read, write and cast accounts, & the Girls to read, spin, and sew plain work'. 277 ibid.22
112 Jones manifested elements of the S.P.C.K. schools, and previous movements which had
been established with the purpose of improving the moral and educational state of the
general public in the circulating schools.278 Although the schools established by
Griffith Jones depended heavily on financial and material assistance from the S.P.C.K.
[see Appendix A], they contrasted greatly 'with the decayed school system of the
S.P.C.K.' Despite differences in teaching ideologies, this did not necessarily
materialise into a more luxurious educational system,
'schoolmasters were paid a pittance, schools were held in the cheapest of
accommodation, even in church porches, they were free of charge, the
classes were held in the off-season of farming, children being taught to read
Welsh Bibles and catechisms during one single winter season'. Oftfl
The main emphasis of the schools was the education of children, classes were held in
each area for about three to four months before the schoolmaster moved on to another
area. This was all the time necessary, according to Jones for able children to learn to
read Welsh.281
With the assistance of Madam Bridget Bevan of Laugharne, 'the pious and
richly-endowed widow of Arthur Bevan, Esq., K.C., who honoured him (Griffith Jones)
•yo-y with her friendship, and made him the almoner of her bounty, which was very large'
no fewer than 3,495 classes were held with 158,237 pupils in attendance between 1737
278 Prys Morgan 'Welsh Education from Circulating Schools to Blue Books' Education for Development Vol.10.No.l 33:1985 279 ibid.34 280 .... ibid. 281 Glanmor Williams 'Griffith Jones, Llanddowror (1683-1761)' in C.Gittins (ed.) Pioneers of Welsh Education Faculty of Education, University College of Wales, Swansea 18:n.d. 282 F.A.Cavenagh The Life and Work of Griffith Jones of Llanddowror Cardiff, University of Wales Press 33:1930
113 and 1761. The death of Griffith Jones in 1761 did not preclude the maintenance of the circulating schools, as a trust of £7,000 was left to Madam Bevan with instructions to persevere with the schools.284 Jones' wishes were adhered to until her death in 1779, when 'her will, leaving a sum of about £10,000 to trustees to continue the work, was
disputed, and the whole fund was vested in the court of Chancery, where it remained for
thirty-one years'.
The Sunday Schools of Thomas Charles
Other schooling systems were to be found in Wales, but the success of the Circulating
Schools inspired by Griffith Jones obscured the small private schools established in
many small parishes in Wales, or the few dissenters' day schools found in parts of North
Wales.286 The success of the circulating schools has been attributed to the increased
popularity of the religious revival, as Jenkins notes,'... it was often noted that a revival
was manifested by both increased church attendance and the emergence of a Griffith
Jones school'.287 However, the signs for a demand for public education were growing,
reflected in the increasing number of printing presses operating in Wales. As Morgan
notes,
'The impetus of the cultural revival was carried on to a certain extent
because Wales was becoming richer and more able to afford books and
283 W.R. Jones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 23:1966 284 F.A.Cavenagh The Life and Work of Griffith Jones of Llanddowror Cardiff, University of Wales Press 19:1930 285 W.R.Jones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 31:1966 286 Prys Morgan 'Welsh Education from Circulating Schools to Blue Books' Education for Development Vol.10 No.l 36:1985 287 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 156:1992
114 musical instruments, because men were able to travel further, to set up
printing presses and so forth...'.288
Attempts to revive the Circulating Schools came during the 1780s. In 1785, Edward
Williams, a Congregational Minister in Oswestry, commenced the Sunday School
Society with the ultimate aim of establishing circulating day schools. Many equally
prominent individuals, were also involved with the establishment of both Sunday and
"7RQ Day schools. In South Wales, a prime instigator in educational enterprise was
Morgan John Rhys (1760-1804), who began publishing books in Welsh in 1789, and in
February 1789 launched a Welsh language journal entitled 'Cylchgrawn Cymraeg neu
Drysorfa Gwybodaeth (The Welsh Journal or Treasury of Knowledge).290 Rhys
manipulated this journal to encourage the establishment of Sunday and day schools.
The educational interpretations and aspirations for the Sunday schools formulated by
Rhys drew upon the examples set by the English Sunday schools. However, these
Sunday schools remained only in South Wales, the establishment of a Sunday schooling
system on a national level was accomplished by Thomas Charles of Bala (1755- 1814).291
288 Prys Morgan 'Welsh National Consciousness' in W.J.Morgan (ed.) The Welsh Dilemma: some essays on nationalism in Wales Llandybie, Christopher Davies 20/21:1973 289 W.RJones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 34:1966 Examples include: John Roberts (Sion Robert Lewis 1731 - 1806) opened a school c.1760 in Holyhead, Anglesey. Robert Jones, Rhoslan (1745 - 1822) succeeded in Persuading Madam Bevan to re-open Circulating Schools in North Wales and taught as a schoolmaster in Llangybi. Dafydd Thomas (Dafydd Du Eryri 1759 - 1822) a schoolmaster. John Roberts (Sion Lleyn 1749-1817) one of the earliest pioneers of the Sunday School movement and schoolmaster. 290 ibid.36 291 ibid.40
115 Following the demise of the Circulating Schools during the 1780s, Thomas
Charles observed, 'that the country gradually reverted to the same state of stupor and ignorance in which Mr. Jones found it when he first thought of these institutions'.292
Realising this, Charles attempted to establish his own charity schools, modelled on the
Circulating Schools. The schools were carefully controlled and closely monitored by
Charles. He did not rely solely on the clergy to teach, but hand-picked and trained
teachers from the communities. In addition, Charles set up Sunday schools across
Wales, thus emulating the work of Robert Raikes at Gloucester.293 The Sunday schools
aroused much interest among all denominational movements across Wales, and by
1790, 177 schools had been established with about 8000 pupils.294 Charles contributed
immensely to the creation of a comprehensive educational system in Wales. Through
his evangelical concern for the moral salvation of the people in establishing Sunday
schools, more people became literate than through any other movement.
A Populist Education
By the mid-nineteenth century the interdenominational Sunday schools had become
increasingly popular especially in South Wales. In his report on the British, Wesleyan
and other denominational schools in the Southern Counties of England and Wales for
the Committee of Council J.Bowstead, M.A. an Inspector of Schools wrote,
292 leuan Gwynedd Jones 'Thomas Charles (1755-1814)' in C.Gittins (ed.) Pioneers of Welsh Education Faculty of Education, University College of Wales, Swansea 18:n.d. 293 ibid.47 294 Prys Morgan 'Welsh Education from Circulating Schools to Blue Books' Education for Development Vol.10 No. 1 38:1985
116 'South Wales must be recognized as a Land of Dissenters and the schools
intended for its benefit must be such as to command the confidence of men
who hold nothing so perfect as religious freedom. The Welsh abandon so
much denominational teaching in the day school not due to indifference, but
due to the Sunday school. The same district which sent only 65,137
children to day schools in 1851, was filling its Sunday schools with 163,033
scholars, and whilst the day schools only reached 8.7 per cent, the Sunday
school was brought home to 21.7 per cent of the population. The working
classes attach the highest value to the Sunday school, and the day school is
wanted for another purpose'.295
While less than 10% of the Welsh population attended day schools, almost 30% of the
Welsh people were receiving a religious based education in the weekly Sunday
schools. 2Q6 The consequences of this was that, 'the educational, religious and industrial
changes modernised the people, made a large proportion literate (by the European
standards of the time), made a large proportion keenly dissenting or nonconformist and
a larger proportion still concerned with moral improvement'. The success of the
schools, coupled with the growth of nonconformism became a threat to the status of the
established Church in Wales. The National School Society which commenced under the
auspices of the established Church, was dependent largely on sponsorship and voluntary
donations. The British and Foreign Society, associated with the dissenters, also
patronised schools (known as British schools). As Evans notes, 'these schools were
295 Leslie Wynne Evans Education in Industrial Wales 1700-1900: a study of the works schools system in Wales during the Industrial Revolution Cardiff, Avalon Books 232:197'1 296 ibid.40 297 Prys Morgan 'Welsh National Consciousness' in W.J.Morgan (ed.) The Welsh Dilemma: some essays on nationalism in Wales Llandybie, Christopher Davies 19:1973
17 universal, democratic in organisation, and brought into being a reading public and a
literate nation in a period before the establishment of a national system of elementary
education.' 298
The Introduction of a State Education
Governmental responsibility for public education began in 1833, with the first financial
assistance of £20,000 towards the cost of establishing schools. Despite the miserly
contribution, and consequent antagonism between both the National Schools and the
British schools, responsibility by central government towards education was an
important step in the instigation of state education. State involvement in education was
in direct contradiction to the ideology of the dissenters, whose recurring themes from
the seventeenth century onwards advocated
'the belief in an immediate divine role in worldly affairs, and the necessity
for community righteousness; belief in providentialism, in evangelical
revivalism; the inseparable nature of secular politics and affairs of the spirit;
and a hope for the mystical vision of the Glory of God as the highest aim in
human existence'.299
The Voluntaryists, believing that religion and education were intertwined, and that a
secular education should have no influence upon the teaching of religion were also
supported by non-religious educational movements, such as Chartism (which was
298 Leslie Wynne Evans Education in Industrial Wales 1700-1900: a study of the works schools system in Wales during the Industrial Revolution Cardiff, Avalon Books 233:1971 299 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 190:1992
118 particularly strong in South Wales).300 However, as Jones notes, 'in the event, the
secretary of the Committee of Council was authorized to come to agreements with the
Church and the Nonconformists regarding the role of religion in the schools'.301 The
accountability of the government to education effectuated the offer of building grants
and expenses for the right to inspect schools by the 'Privy Council' in 1839.
Governmental responsibility for education in the eighteenth century reflected a gradual
movement away from religious influence on the education system with the slackening
of control by the established Church and the dissenting bodies.
The Place of the Welsh language in Education
Initial motivation for education arose from a belief that the moral and religious welfare
of the people was in need of salvation. The objective involved no consideration of the
linguistic medium of teaching in the schools, indeed, the establishment of grammar
schools established during Tudor reign placed an emphasis on the acquisition of Latin.
The indigenous language had no economic or social value to the younger, privileged
generation. This was reiterated in the first schools established by 'The Welsh Trust',
where teaching was conducted through the medium of English, despite concerns about
the potential success of the programmes expressed by Stephen Hughes (one of the
founders of The Welsh Trust),
'Da iawn, fyddai petai pawb yng Nghymru yn deall Saesneg. Ond O,
Arglwydd pa fodd y dichon hynny fod, oni bai y gwneuthur ohonot
300 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 113:1992 301 ibid.....
119 ryfeddodau?' [It would be a good thing if everybody in Wales understood
English. But Oh, Lord how can that ever come about without an
achievement of miracles?].302
Schools in Welsh speaking areas began to use the indigenous language as a teaching medium for adults, it being deemed too late for them to learn English successfully. This succeeded in 'transforming the attitude and outlook of ordinary people as to ensure that they became in the end effective custodians of the Welsh language and its culture'.303
However, the Trust considered that its benevolence evolved from the establishment and
maintenance of the schools, and
'for teaching the poorest of the Welsh Children to read English, and the
Boys to learn to Write and cast Accounts; where by they will be enabled to
read our English Bibles & Treatises, to be more serviceable to their Country,
and to live more comfortably in the World'.304
The urgency in the quest by the charity school movements for the
evangelicisation of Wales precluded any serious discussion on which linguistic medium
should be utilised in the teaching. Jones' motivation in establishing circulating schools
which operated through the medium of Welsh is an example of this. His consideration
was, 'shall we be more concerned for the propagation of the English language, than the
salvation of our people?'305 Charles was also an advocate of the use of Welsh as
302 John Davies Hanes Cvmru Llandysul, Gwasg Corner 280:1990 303 W.RJones Bilineualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 8:1966 304 M.GJones Two Accounts of the Welsh Trust' Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies Vol.IX Part 1 November 1937 305 W.R.Jones Bilineualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 23:1966 25/26 'In the first place he (Griffith Jones) postulates that the prime purpose of the schools is to promote the salvation of souls. In the second place, he emphasises that the essential point to be considered is the comparative value of Welsh and English as a means of attaining this end: '...This being the objection in its full strength, before I speak about it, I shall beg leave to premise, that I am not at present concerned
120 medium of teaching, despite the general opinion that Welsh was a direct barrier to literacy in English. He believed that gaining literacy in the mother tongue would facilitate transference skills into a second language. The use of Welsh as medium of teaching in the first schools, therefore, evolved as a result of the belief that instruction through the mother tongue was more cost and time effective, rather than for any literary or cultural value. The social and economic emphasis was on the use of English. Welsh
was used as a teaching medium for specific uses, in general to assist with the teaching of
English, with no reflection upon either linguistic awareness or nationalistic emotion in
the decisions. Consequent depletion in the number of Welsh speakers provoked a
minority to voice their concerns about the possible demise of the language, as Richard
Miles, Llanidloes exemplifies in his essay, 'Dyletswydd y Cymry i Goleddu ei Hiaith'
[The Duty of the Welsh to Cherish their Language], published in 1839:
'In addition to using the language as a medium of education and instruction,
our efforts should be directed to the study of the language, and that will
imply the necessity to preserve it. It appears a reasonable duty for all men to
preserve their vernacular since that is the foundation of their education and
knowledge ... Since, too, if it is the vernacular that weaned the child to
•>rt/r observe the world in the first place'.
what becomes of the language, abstractedly considered; nor design to say anything that merely to aggrandize or advance its repute. The thing to be cleared up is, whether the chief and greatest end of all, viz. the glory of God, the interest of religion, and salvation of the poor Welsh people, is most likely to be promoted by continuing or abolishing it.' cited in H.M.S.O. Primary Education in Wales Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education (Wales) London 6:1967
121 The intention to evangelise the majority of Welshmen by dissenters during the first half of the nineteenth century encompassed three main elements, as noted by
Morgan. Firstly,
'the rise of dissent came in spite of the hostility of the aristocracy and
squirearchy and caused a rift between the upper and lower classes; secondly,
it caused the majority of communicants to be estranged from the established
church and ultimately seek to dis-establish and disendow that church in
Wales; thirdly, dissent was local in its organisation and dynamic, and thus
intensely Welsh in organisation, often Welsh in language'.307
Social changes as a consequence to industrialisation also had a profound effect upon the nature of Welsh community relations. The rapid expansion of the ironworks and coalfields of South Wales had reverberations upon Welsh rural economy. In an attempt to maintain the economy, changes in attitude towards agricultural management and organisation were necessary. As Adamson notes, 'the growth of agricultural societies dedicated to improving agricultural techniques provides an illustration of the way in which higher returns from the land were being envisaged by a growing number of landowners'.308 As a consequence, schisms were emerging between the landowners and workers, emulating the situation in the conurbation of industrial South Wales. The new communities emerging in the industrialised areas were markedly different in social structure from that of the former towns and boroughs. Jones describes the emerging industrial areas:
307 Prys Morgan 'Welsh National Consciousness' in W.J.Morgan (ed.) The Welsh Dilemma: some essays on nationalism in Wales Llandybie, Christopher Davies 22:1973 308 David L.Adamson 'Social Class and Ethnicity in Nineteenth Century Rural Wales' Sociologica Ruralis Vol.XXIV Part 3/4 207:1984
122 '...it was these places, constantly growing, ever renewed with fresh
incomers, where new social relations were being forged and whose
communities could best be described in terms of class rather than by rank or
degree, which were largely unknown and forgotten except during a riot or
strike, that were the most characteristic product of the industrial age'.309
The language of the in-migrants into the industrialised regions was Welsh, and
instruction through the medium of Welsh dramatically increased the number of people
literate in the language. It is Jones' belief that Griffith Jones, above all others, was the
chief individual who instigated the growth, 'To Jones more than any man the Welsh
owed a massive break-through to literacy. It was this which sealed the success of the
Methodist Revival and the triumph of Nonconformity, with all their immense attendant
consequences for Welsh life'.310 The increase of literate people furthered the demand
for reading material in Welsh, thus contributing to the development of the Welsh
language press and a network of printing houses and publishers across Wales during the
nineteenth century.
Educational Reforms and Subsequent Implications
The industrial developments concentrated in South Wales induced considerable social
mobility, promoted living standards and dramatically increased the population of the
areas thus, 'producing a society which was dangerous and unstable, with a growing
309 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 108:1992 310 Glanmor Williams 'Griffith Jones, Llanddowror (1683 - 1761) in C.Gittins (ed.) Pioneers of Welsh Education Faculty of Education, University College of Wales, Swansea 29:n.d.
123 population which did not understand English...'.3 " The influx of in-migrants into the developing areas resulted in the growth of industrial settlements out of previously uninhabited areas. This created communities, 'bereft of institutions of governments, having apparently no centres of civilisation beyond their chapels, Sunday Schools and
friendly societies'.312 The swift growth of these communities in the early industrial area
were, in general viewed as, 'frontier towns, places with few amenities, fewer traditions
and a violent social life'.313
The rebellions and riots which broke out in areas of South Wales prompted the
subsequent realisation among local middle classes for the need to educate the
population.314 During the 1840s the instigation of campaigns to improve higher
education facilities and training colleges commenced, in an attempt to ameliorate
educational provision in Wales. The desire for knowledge and an education as a
means of improving social status was apparent in Wales during the nineteenth century.
As Morgan notes,
'In one respect above all the contrast between aspiration and achievement,
between popular vitality at the grass roots and enervation at the institutional
level, was most pronounced. This was in the sphere of education. Long
before 1880 the passion of poor Welsh country families for education was
most marked. Already the yearning for elementary and perhaps higher
311 Prys Morgan 'Welsh Education from Circulating Schools to Blue Books' Education for Development Vol. 10 No. 142:1985 312 leuan Gwynedd Jones 'People and Protest: Wales 1815 - 1880' in T.Herbert & G.Elwyn Jones (eds.) People and Protest: Wales 1815-1880 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 2:1988 313 Neil Evans 'The Urbanization of Welsh Society' in T.Herbert & G.Elwyn Jones (eds.) People and Protest: Wales 1815-1880 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 15:1988 314 Sian Rhiannon Williams Oes v Bvd i'r laith Gvmraeg Cardiff, University of Wales Press 84:1992 315 Prys Morgan 'Welsh National Consciousness - The Historical Background' in W.J.Morgan (ed.) The Welsh Dilemma: some essays on nationalism in Wales Llandybie, Christopher Davies 24:1973
124 education as an avenue for upwardly mobile Welsh children to become
schoolteachers or perhaps ministers - then as later the classic escape routes
from rural or industrial poverty - was widely noted'.316
In 1843, it was calculated that around 66,050 children should be receiving some form of
education. In fact, around 28,494 children were attending school, 20,917 were pupils at
National Schools, operating under the auspices of the Established Church.317 Thomas
states that the reason for the serious lack of attendance at the schools arose from a fear
that children would absorb the teachings of the Established Church rather than
•J 1 O nonconformist ideals. This was coupled with the persistent disapproval by dissenters
of governmental investment and consequent inspection of the educational system,
despite attempts by Hugh Owen in advocating the worth of state funding. He believed
that the government had no intention of interfering with the operation of the dissenting
schools, other than to ensure that the children were receiving a basic education. In a
letter to ' Y Diwygiwr' 15 October 1846, Hugh Owen stated,
'Nid yw'r llywodraeth yn honi un dylanwad ar yr ysgol, ym mhellach na
bod i arolagwr (sic) i gael rhyddid i ymweld a hi; ond ni fydd ganddo
awdurdod yn y byd i gyfnewid y pethau a ddysgir, neu y dull o roddi yr
addysg. Mae y pethau hyn i gael eu trefnu gan bwyllgor yr ysgol' [The
government does not claim one influence on the school, other than the
inspector will have a right to visit the school, but he will not have the
authority to change the things that are taught, or the means by which the
316 Kenneth O.Morgan Rebirth of a Nation: Wales 1880- 1980 Oxford, University Press 22:1981 317 leuan D.Thomas Addysg yne Nghymru vn v Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bvmtheg Cardiff, University of Wales Press 19:1972 318 ibid.
125 education is given. These things are to be arranged by the school committee.'].319
Civil unrest prevalent in Welsh communities incited William Williams, a Welsh
Liberal M.P. for Coventry to demand an inquiry into its educational provision, as he
believed that the turmoil and commotion within Wales arose from a public lack of
knowledge of the English language and education.320 The purpose of the inquiry was to
investigate the educational state of Wales, 'especially into the means afforded to the
labouring classes of acquiring a knowledge of the English language'. 321 The inquiry
was put in the charge of Sir James Kay-Shuttleworth (Secretary of the Privy Council on
Education) who appointed three deputies to undertake the investigation. It is of
relevance to note that the three chosen were monoglot English Anglican barristers, with
very little, if any, knowledge of Wales, and the Welsh language.322 It can be reasoned
therefore, that the choice of deputies was unsuitable in an attempt to form a fair and
objective report on the state of education in Wales. The three commissioners,
R.R.W.Lingen, H.Vaughan Johnson and J.C.Symons were instructed to find, 'the
influence which an improved education might be expected to produce on the general
condition of society, and its moral and religious progress'.
319cited in leuan D.Thomas Addvsg vng Nghvmru yn v Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bymtheg Cardiff, University of Wales Press 24:1972 320 Hywel Teifi Edwards 'Y Gymraeg yn y Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bymtheg' in Geraint H.Jenkins (ed.) Cof Cenedl II Ysgrifau ar Hanes Cvmru Llandysul, Gwasg Gomer 124:1987 Quote by William Williams: 'If the Welsh had the same advantage for education as the Scotch (sic), they would, instead of appearing a distinct people, in no respect differ from the English would it not, then, be wisdom and sound policy to send the English schoolmaster among them'. 321 Prys Morgan Brad v Llyfrau Gleision: Ysgrifau ar Hanes Cvmru Llandysul, Gwasg Gomer 26:1991 322 Robin Okey 'Education and Nationhood in Wales 1850 - 1940' in J.J.Tomiak Schooling, Educational Policy and Ethnic Identity Vol.1 Aldershot, Dartmouth 38:1991 323 Hywel Teifi Edwards 'Y Gymraeg yn y Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bymtheg' in Geraint H.Jenkins (ed.) Cof Cenedl II Ysgrifau ar Hanes Cvmru Llandysul, Gwasg Gomer 124:1987
126 The Implications of the 1847 Commissioners Report
The inquiry was an attempt to understand the reasons behind the riotous scenes that had occurred during the first half of the nineteenth century which were, it was believed, threatening to undermine social structures in Wales.324 An underlining motivation behind the investigation was the lack of English understanding among the majority of the Welsh working class. The report, a large document of 1,253 pages, completed in
April 1847 primarily gave a detailed description of educational provision for working
TTC __ class children in Wales. The Commissioners found that the serious lack of daily
educational provision was the main reason for illiteracy in English. Where schools existed, the resources and building provision were in sorry states. Sunday schools, which were a separate entity from the day schools, were the only widespread and
accessible institutions of educational provision. The success of the Sunday schools as a means of educational provision is noted in the report:
'So popular are the Welsh Sunday Schools, and so universal is the taste for
theological discussions with which their senior classes are occupied, that
they contain a very large proportion of the whole population of the country,
whilst they are so widely spread that every small cluster of houses the most
remote parts of North Wales has its branch school, and the whole population
may be said to be under their influence'.
324 G.Elwyn Jones 'Llyfrau Gleision' in Prys Morgan (ed.) Brad v Llvfrau Gleision: Ysgrifau ar Hanes Cvmru: Ysgrifau ar Hanes Cvmru Llandysul, Gwasg Gomer 23:1991 325 John Davies Hanes Cvmru London, Penguin Press 376:1990 326 leuan D.Thomas Addvse yng Nghvmru vn v Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bvmtheg Cardiff, University of Wales Press 17:1972
127 R.R.W.Lingen, investigating the Glamorgan, Carmarthen and Pembroke regions, noted
that 30,000 children attended the day schools, while 80,000 were present in the Sunday
Schools, producing individuals literate in Welsh.327 However, literacy in Welsh was not
an acceptable outcome to the Commissioners, who believed that monolingualism in
Welsh confined and restricted the individual.328 Jones attributes the success of the
Sunday schools in Wales to the fact that
'these were community schools properly so called, centres of popular, self-
directed education ... which rose and fell in response to need and changing
resources. Behind them were the denominations providing impetus and
assisting in their continuity especially by publishing articles and reviews of
new publications designed to help them and to furnish them with suitable
"1OQ reading material'.
Educational provision in England was found to be similar, and even worse in
some regions, compared with schooling in Wales. However, the problem in Wales was
exacerbated as schooling was conducted only through the medium of English for
monoglot Welsh children, by teachers who, in many cases had a limited knowledge of
the language. The Commissioners noted that there seemed to be no realisation of the
importance of teaching English to the pupils before commencing studies:
'Ni welais un math o ysgol a wnai ymdrech i symud y rhwystr cyntaf sydd
ar ffordd plentyn o Gymro ar ddechrau ei fywyd yn yr ysgol, sef ei
327 John Davies Hanes Cymru London, Penguin Press 376:1990 328 leuan D.Thomas, Addvsg yne Nehvmru vn v Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bvmtheg Cardiff, University of Wales Press 37:1972 329 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 132:1992
128 anwybodaeth o'r Saesneg. Saesneg ydyw iaith pob llyfr yn yr ysgol; ni
chaiff siarad namyn Saesneg; rhaid iddo astudio pob pwnc yn Saesneg, a
gorfydd arno dderbyn pob hyfforddiant mewn Gramadeg, Daearyddiaeth,
Hanes a Rhifyddeg yn yr un iaith. Nid ymddengys fod hyrwyddwyr yr
ysgolion yn ymwybod a'r anhawster, ac ni wna'r athrawon ymgais yn y byd
i'w symud'[ I did not see one type of school which made an attempt to
remove the first barrier that restricts the Welsh child at the commencement
of his school life, that is his ignorance of English. English is the language
of every book in the school, he cannot speak anything but English, he must
study every subject in English, and he must receive instruction in Grammar,
Geography, History and Arithmetic in the same language.'].330
Due to the ignorance and prejudices of the three Commissioners, the report completed in
1847 was overloaded with criticisms of the educational deficiencies present in Wales.
The publication of the report was received 'with many cries of pain and
indignation'.331 The criticisms attacking nonconformism and the Welsh language
caused the biggest outcry, for example:
'The Welsh language is a vast drawback to Wales and a manifold barrier to
the moral progress and commercial prosperity to the people. It bars the
access of improving knowledge to their minds. Because of their language
the mass of Welsh people are inferior to the English in every branch of
practical knowledge and skill',
330 H.M.S.O. Y Gvmraeg mewn Addvsg a Bvwvd/Welsh in Education and Life London 55:1927 331 W.R.Jones Bilineualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 8:1966
129 caused individuals to react fiercely to the accusations.332 Despite the many criticisms
and outcries of indignation that followed the publication of the report in 1847, more
than one element of truth was uncovered in the investigation, namely the neglect of
Welsh teaching.333 A similar report published by 'Manner Pendrwm' in one of the
leading Welsh periodicals,' Y Cronicl' may be compared and contrasted with the report
of the Commissioners which was undertaken in the same year.334 The analysis of the
state of education in Wales is presented in a similar manner,
'but when they sought to deal with the causes, and to suggest appropriate
remedies, they differed radically from each other. The one argued that the
root cause of the trouble was to be found in the way in which the Welsh
child was taught through the medium of a foreign language, whereas the
other insisted that his ignorance of the English language was responsible for
his educational backwardness.'335
The nature of the inquiry revealed, as Adamson notes, the
'growing concerns of the state with industrial efficiency and the role that
basic education could fulfil in providing the skills necessary hi an
increasingly complex industrial economy. The real determinant of state
332 cited in Hywel Teifi Edwards 'Y Gymraeg yn y Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bymtheg' in Geraint H.Jenkins (ed.) Cof Cenedl II Ysgrifau ar Hanes Cvmru Llandysul, Gwasg Gomer 127:1987 333 For example: Dr.Rowland Williams (1817-1870) theologist and poet notes, 'Pe gofynnid yn bwyllog...pa beth sydd fwyaf allan o'i le ar yr ysgolion yn yr ardaloedd gwledig, yr ateb cywir fyddai, er mor wrthun yr ymddengys, nid diffyg dysgu Saesneg, eithr yn hytrach, esgeuluso dysgu Cymraeg'. [If asked carefully what is most out of order in the schools in rural areas, the correct answer would be, despite how strange this would seem, not the lack of teaching English, but rather the lack of teaching Welsh.] cited in H.M.S.O. Y Gvmraeg mewn Addvsg a Bvwvd/Welsh in Education and Life London 57:1927 "4 Y Cronicl. February 1846, pp. 24 - 26, and March 1846, pp. 40 - 42. 335 W.R.Jones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 48:1966
130 policy towards the Welsh language is the nature of the economic
relationship between the two nations'. 6
The main findings of the 1847 Commissioners Report, known as the Blue Books, was that the Welsh language and the prevalence of Nonconformity were a hindrance to the economic prosperity of the region. Publications in the Welsh language were considered to be 'wholly inadequate as a vehicle for modernizing the nation', thus promoting the instrumental advantages of contemporary literature in English.337 It is argued that the consequences of the Report of the Commissioners into the State of Education in Wales brought about distinct new change in attitudes towards education, as noted by Jones, 'It has been said that this strong reaction to the findings of the inquiry of 1846 succeeded in
making 'the Welsh more conscious of their nationhood', and that 'it stung Welsh
•3-50 _ nationalism awake'. The evocation of a growing awareness of the need for a
comprehensive education system manifested itself in the opening of higher education
establishments such as the University College if Aberystwyth in 1872. Whatever the
initial reaction to the report, one of the most important things to note is that the inquiry
signified an increasing control of education by the government.
General Attitudes towards the Welsh Language
In the quest to establish a national elementary education system, the increasing
involvement by the government brought about pupil-teacher training, standardised
salaries, and established an inspectorate system. In 1841, Sir Thomas Phillips
336 David L.Adamson 'Cultural Imperialism and Economic Exploitation' Radical Wales Vol. 12.20:1986 337 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 137:1992 338 W.RJones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 52:1966
131 calculated that around 64 per cent of the population (c. 1,026,073) were Welsh
speaking, a figure which by the turn of the century had deteriorated to 49.9 per cent.339
Concern over the way in which reading was introduced into schools, and the lack of
Welsh (in its capacity as an introduction to English as a second language) in the schools,
was expressed as early as December 1846 in a conference of the British School
Teachers at Dolgellau. It was decided,
'That an appeal be made to the Cambrian Educational Society for a
translation of the 'Daily Lesson Books' printed every other page with the
English... For every hundred that are able to read and write English, not five
Welsh children understand it, for reading English in the schools of Wales is
but the exercise of parrots'.340
Despite attempts to anglicise Wales, many in-migrants into the South Wales
coalfield initially came from the rural hinterlands, thus bringing country values and
traditions with them. As Evans notes that there 'was a clear indication of shared values
and social cohesion'.341 The Welsh language was included in this, with most of the
industrial communities being essentially Welsh speaking during the late nineteenth
century, although all areas were showing a tendency towards bilingualism.342
Anglicisation was more apparent in the ports of South Wales, where the influx of
English migrants was greater than that of the South Wales valleys. The unbalanced
339 Geraint H.Jenkins (ed.) Cof Cenedl II Yserifau ar Hanes Cvmru Llandysul, Gwasg Gomer 122:1987 340 Ifano Jones 'Dan Isaac Davies and the Bilingual Movement' in J.Vyrnwy Morgan (ed.) Welsh Political Leaders in the Victorian Era London, J.Nisbet 454/455:1908 341 Neil Evans "The Urbanization of Welsh Society' in T.Herbert & G.Elwyn Jones (eds.) People and Protest: Wales 1815- 1880 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 18:1988 342 Table 3:1 (Chapter 3) reveals the extent of in-migration into Glamorgan from areas of rural Wales.
132 linguistic nature in the spatial distribution of the in-migrant population served to
preserve the Welsh language in areas of industrial Wales. As Jones notes,
'Had Welsh immigration followed more closely the general English pattern
of a more equitable division between the coalfield and the coastal urban
centres of Swansea and Cardiff, then not only would the submergence of the
Welsh linguistic element in the coalfield, and by extension, south Wales,
have occurred earlier in time, possibly 1881 - 91; it would also have been
more complete in its effects'.343
Despite the 'mixing of cultures, and distinct ghettos in some places, ... Welsh was still
the language of the pit and home, and one which outsiders were obliged to learn if they
valued social survival'.344 However, there was a developing schism between the
cultural value and functional worth appropriated to the Welsh language. Instrumental
motivation began to favour increasing use of the English language, thus reflecting a
growing disjunction and imbalance in the diglossic situation that had emerged. The
demand for religious services in nonconformist chapels in the larger Welsh industrial
town causing much debate, is one example of a changing attitude toward the Welsh
language. According to Turner,
'the dominant opinion was that the Welsh language should not be preserved
at the expense of the greater principles of religion and morality but some
believed with equal conviction that true religion was only capable of being
taught in the Welsh language'.
343 Philip N.Jones 'Some Aspects of Immigration into the Glamorgan Coalfield' Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cvmmrodorion Part 1 92/3:1969 344 Neil Evans 'The Urbanization of Welsh Society' in T.Herbert & G.Elwyn Jones (eds.) People and Protest: Wales 1815-1880 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 18:1988 345 Christopher Turner 'The Nonconformist Response' in T.Herbert & G.Elwyn Jones (eds.) People and Protest: Wales 1815-1880 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 83:1988
133 The process of anglicisation in South Wales was a gradual and to a certain extent unconscious development, guided by the economic and social mobility of which
knowledge of English was a necessity. The hegemonic influence of English began the
process of linguistic normalisation, the acceptance of the language as the daily means of
communication and transaction. The development of a Welsh medium education
system within the context of English language domination can therefore be regarded as
a process of exceptionalism, whereby the hegemonic influence is challenged.
The Effects of Educational Legislation
Educational legislation during the late nineteenth century had a dramatic effect on the
Welsh language in schools. Robert Lowe's Revised Code in 1861 established a
payment by results campaign which implemented the payment of teachers according to
results achieved by pupils in exams. Welsh was not included as subject on the scheme,
and consequently was omitted from the school curriculum. The certificate granted to
teachers showing a proficiency in Welsh by the government since 1849, which included
an annual sum of money to all who held the certificate, was abolished.346 There were
still problems surrounding the education of children in Wales, especially difficulties
arising by teaching through the medium of English, as noted in Matthew Arnold's
'Report on Elementary Schools 1852 -1882',
The Welsh Schools that I have seen are generally on the British System ...
The children in them are generally docile and quick in apprehension, to a
346 Ifano Jones 'Dan Isaac Davies and the Bilingual Movement' in J.Vyrnwy Morgan (ed.) Welsh Political and Educational Leaders in the Victorian Era London, J.Nisbet 438:1908
134 greater degree than English children, their drawback of course, is that they
have to acquire the medium of information itself, while that children possess
the medium at the outset'.347
Objection concerning governmental involvement and control of education had only
abated during the latter half of the nineteenth century, as noted by Sir John Jenkins,
assistant deputy in the inquiry into popular education in 1861,
'their (Nonconformists) objection to state education stated fully was, that in
as much as in education religions should be combined with secular
instruction, legislative interference with education implied a violation of the
principle of non-interference with religion ... Subsequently ... it appears that
an extensive change in public feeling has taken place in relation to
Government aid for education extension. Its tenor undoubtedly indicates, as
a matter of fact, a general opinion of the insufficiency of voluntary effort,
and consequent on this, a feeling of accepting Government aid from the
Committee of Council on Education, as being, under existing circumstances,
the only available means of meeting that deficiency in the supply of
education to the Welsh people, which seems to be a fact admitted in all quarters...'.348
The first Act of Parliament dealing with elementary education in 1870 reflected
the growing concern for state education. The act was an attempt to ensure that elementary education was available to all who desired it, and local control was given
347 Matthew Arnold Reports on Elementary Schools 1852 - 1882 London, HMSO 10/11 1882 348 leuan D.Thomas Addvsg vne Nehvmru vn v Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bvmtheg Cardiff, University of Wales Press 25/6:1972
135 through the establishment of School Boards. A further attempt to improve rudimentary education in Britain came with the introduction of the 1880 Education Act which made education compulsory for all children under the age of thirteen. The motivation to establish a general education for all, was coupled with a demand for higher education.
In Wales a growing Celtic consciousness, the desire for higher educational provision
within Wales rather than from England, became a prominent feature exemplifying an
emerging nationalism. The establishment of university colleges in Wales,
'had a profound effect on Welsh life: one should remember that its original
aims were as practical as they were patriotic, to provide Wales with what
was then called a 'middle class' of educated leaders from among the
ordinary people'.
The founding of colleges such as Aberystwyth in 1872, Cardiff in 1883, and
Bangor in 1884 provoked a realisation among the Welsh people of the lack of
organisation within the educational system in Wales. Hugh Owen was a prime
instigator of the University movement, which was based on chapel collections, 'the
pennies of the poor', with the ultimate aim of providing an opportunity for study and
research in Wales. However, it should be noted that despite the remarkable
developments in educational provision in Wales, English was the proposed medium of
teaching. As Okey notes,
'Owen's career also exemplifies the third main feature of the Welsh
education movement in this period - its silence concerning the Welsh
349 Prys Morgan Background to Wales. A Course of Studies on Modern Welsh Life Llandybie, Christopher Davies 60:1968
136 language. This silence is remarkable not only in a comparative European
context but with regard to the stress of the 1847 Reports on the language
problem. Effectively, Welsh educationists adopted the Commissioners'
solution - exclusive use of English - but without confronting the great
practical difficulties which the Commissioners themselves had recognised
this involved'.350
The foundation of the Welsh 'County Schools' in 1889, the Central Welsh Board in
1896, and the Welsh Department of the Board of Education in 1907 was an attempt to rectify the situation in Wales. The motivation behind the establishment of such bodies, according to Morgan was, 'to give Welshmen equal rights with Englishmen (or
Scotsmen); the schools were the greatest help to the spread of good English throughout
Wales in that period. They implied a network of administration and legislation specifically for Wales'.351
Trend Reversal and Influences Promoting the Welsh language
The evolution of numerous educational administrative bodies specific to Wales during the latter years of the nineteenth century and at the turn of the twentieth century served to identify Wales as a separate entity from England. According to Evans, the years from
1880 to 1925 were 'a most significant period in many ways for it witnessed a national awakening and a cultural renaissance' in Wales. The development of a debate
350 Robin Okey 'Education and Nationhood in Wales 1850 - 1940' in J.J.Tomiak Schooling. Educational Policy and Ethnic Identity Vol.1 Aldershot, Dartmouth 43:1991 The other two features of Welsh education in this period were the development of the teaching colleges and elementary education 351 Prys Morgan 'Welsh National Consciousness - The Historical Background' in W.J.Morgan (ed.) The Welsh Dilemma: some essays on nationalism in Wales Llandybie, Christopher Davies 27:1973 "3522 Leslie Wynne Evans Studies in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1:1974
137 concerning education through the medium of Welsh is complex in the combination of individual and administrative efforts. Despite the huge influx of in-migrants at the turn of the twentieth century, more people could speak Welsh in 1901 than in 1801. As
Jones notes, 'it is important ... not to lose sight of the point that until well into the present century a large - though declining - population was Welsh-speaking'.353
Demographic change in Wales until the turn of the twentieth century had been from
within Wales, the population at this time being highly mobile. In-migrants previous to
this period had been amalgamated into Welsh-speaking Wales. Greater influx of
migrants from England, coupled with the increasing vitality of English as a means of
social and economic mobility eventually caused an imbalance in the diglossic situation
that was emerging in industrial Wales.354
The linguistic situation emerging in Wales is described by Jones,
'While, therefore, it was true that linguistically Wales was becoming a
divided country and that the boundaries between 'Cymru Gymraeg' (Welsh
speaking Wales) and 'Cymru ddi-Gymraeg1 (Non-Welsh speaking Wales)
were constantly changing and zones of effective bilingualism or zones of
linguistic neutrality were being set up, it is still necessary to emphasize that
not until the beginning of the twentieth century had these movements
fundamentally altered the linguistic balance nor had it become evident to
353 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 56:1992 This is discussed in detail in Chapter 3
138 contemporaries that, although its demise would probably be slow, the death
of the language was now inevitable'.355
Despite the enormous capital wealth generated from industrial economy, little was
invested into the linguistic and cultural promotion of Welsh. Economics tended to
promote the prestige of English, which was institutionalised as the language of progress.
As Adamson comments, 'in this earlier period of quite direct exploitation of raw
materials and labour the need for communication and efficiency prompted the attempt to
eradicate the language as a barrier to economic progress'.356 The possible fragmentation
and demise of the Welsh language however, had been a subject of debate and growing
concern in the latter decades of the nineteenth century. The linguistic hegemony of
English into the industrialised regions of Wales as the only means of communication
seemed an encroaching possibility. Challenging such an eventuality was the emergence
of a new Welsh nationalism from the mid-1880s, 'influenced by new intellectual
currents of an explicit nationalism that was seeking political expression on the Irish
model...'.357 Encompassing both political and cultural ideals specific to the
maintenance of a Welsh identity, also increasingly used the language as a measure of
that identity. A number of societies were formed during this period, attempting to
promote the use of Welsh in society. The visions of individuals such as Dan Isaac
Davies, and Owen M.Edwards believed that the status of the Welsh language could be
salvaged by establishing Welsh as a teaching medium. Their determination in
attempting to reinstate the language was also reflected by their actions within
administrative bodies.
355 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 57:1992 356 David L.Adamson 'Cultural Imperialism and Economic Exploitation' Radical Wales Vol.12. 20:1986 357 Philip Jenkins A History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 London, Longman 334:1992
139 Instigators of Bilingual Education: Dan Issac Davies
One of the first pioneers advocating Welsh medium education, or the use of Welsh within educational environments, was Dan Isaac Davies (1839-1887). He was a
proactive influence on the promotion of Welsh in education in his capacity as
headmaster of the 'Comin School' in Aberdare between 1858 and 1867. The
implementation of Robert Lowe's Code 1861, which effectively removed Welsh as a
subject from the curriculum, was ignored by Davies, as noted by Hughes, 'caniataodd
i'w ddisgybl-athrawon ac i'r 'monitors' ddysgu'r plant yn eu hiaith eu hunain, heb
ymyrryd dim S hwy' [He allowed his pupil-teachers and monitors to teach the children
T CQ in their own language, without interfering in this process]. His actions resulted in a
dramatic increase in pupil attendance, and elevated 'the Aberdare British school, from
being a very indifferent one,... to a condition of first class efficiency'.35 The success of
teaching in this manner, was responsible for the realisation by Davies of the importance
of Welsh, and the achievements brought about by a bilingual education. After a period
in Bristol as an Assistant Inspector of Schools under the direction of J.Bowstead, Davies
returned to Wales in 1882 as an Inspector of Schools, reflecting,
'...the deplorable fact that thousands of children, after seven or eight years'
regular attendance at elementary schools, annually launch into the world
practically ignorant of English, has altogether been overlooked, or, at all
events been regarded as an inevitable state of things, quite beyond the limits
358 J.Elwyn Hughes Arloeswr Dwvieithedd: Dan Isaac Davies 1839-1887 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 8:1984 359 ibid.9
140 of legislative reform. Even the late Departmental Committee appointed to
inquire into the condition of education in Wales, whilst reporting the
prevalence of the Welsh language to be a serious impediment to education
progress, offers no suggestion as to how it may be removed, but dismisses
the subject with the remark 'that there is every appearance that the Welsh
language will long be cherished by the large majority of the Welsh people,
and that its influence upon the progress of their education, and upon their
prospects in competing with English-born students, will be, for an indefinite
time, little less in the future than it has been in the past'.3360
However, Davies was concerned with the lack of use made of Welsh within
schools, and argued that Welsh should be made a statutory subject within the school
curriculum. This, coupled with the establishment of The Society for the Preservation of
the Irish Language incited Davies among others to commence a similar society with
regard to the Welsh language, known as The Society for Utilising the Welsh Language
in Education (Cymdeithas yr laith Gymraeg). The discussion surrounding the
implementation of the Society and its purpose were thoroughly analysed in letters
written by Davies and published in local newspapers during 1885.361 One letter to the
Western Mail on 6 August 1887 concludes with a statement of a fervent concern for the
Welsh language: The point I am anxious to make clear is this: that Welsh is shut out of the schools of Wales, not by the action of the Education Department, but by the choice
360 ibid.22 361 Dan Isaac Davies Yr laith Gvmraee 1785. 1885. 1985 Tair Miliwn of Gvmrv Dwv-ieithawg mcwn Can Mlvnedd Dinbych, T.Gee a'i Fab 2:1886: 'Y mae 'CYMDEITHAS YR IAITH GYMRAEG' wedi ei ffurfio...am awydd y Cymry i wneyd defhydd synhwyrol o'r hen iaith yn Ysgolion Dyddiol ein gwlad' [The 'WELSH LANGUAGE SOCIETY' has been formed...the desire of the Welsh to make sensible use of the old language in the daily schools of our country].
141 indifference, or misapprehension of Welshmen themselves'.362 His belief that the welfare and promotion of the Welsh language lay with equal instruction in both Welsh and English in the schools, which to Davies was a viable possibility,
' Yn Morgannwg, y dyddiau hyn, y mae ffordd rwydd i rieni, ond iddynt gael
ychydig o gynnhorthwy gan yr ysgolion dyddiol, i ddwyn eu plant i fyny yn
alluog i ddarllen ac ysgrifennu y Saesneg a'r Gymraeg' [In Glamorgan,
these days, there is an easy way for parents, with some assistance by the
daily schools, to educate their children to read and write in English and Welsh].363
In his capacity as Inspector of Schools in South Wales, he advocated the use of Welsh alongside English, and argued that such an education would ease the acquisition of other languages. Due to the unwillingness of teachers and Schools Boards in allowing Welsh to be taught, Davies' overall canvassing was not received positively.364 However, a pamphlet published by 'Cylch Dewi' comments that in some areas, notably in
Glamorgan, Welsh had a place within the school curriculum.365
cited in J.Elwyn Hughes Arloeswr Dwyieithedd: Dan Isaac Davies 1839-1887 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 41:1984 363 Dan Isaac Davies Yr laith Gvmraeg 1785. 1885. 1985 Tair Miliwn of Gvmry Dwy-ieithawg mewn Can Mlvnedd Dinbych, T.Gee a'i Fab 52:1886 364 H.M.S.O. Addysg yng Nghvmru 1847-1947/Education in Wales 1847-1947 Y Weinyddiaeth Addysg/Ministry of Education Pamphlet No.2 43:1947 365 Pamffledi Cylch Dewi Y Gvmraeg vn yr Ysgolion (Welsh in the Sc/2oo/s)2:1921? 'Am ysbaid mewn ambell i ysgol yma a thraw lle'r oedd athrawon brwdfrydig yn unig y dysgid yr iaith, ond drwy ymdrechion ychydig Gymry gwladgarol cafwyd gan rai bwyllgorau addysg (yn neilltuol yn Sir Forgannwg) roddi lie i'r Gymraeg yn eu hysgolion'. [For a time, in some schools here and there, where enthusiastic teachers taught the language, but through the attempts of some nationalistic Welshmen some educational committees (especially in Glamorgan) noted a place to Welsh in their schools]
142 Instigators of Bilingual Education: Owen M.Edwards
Owen M.Edwards (1858-1920) succeeded D.I.Davies as a forerunner in the attempt to
raise an awareness among Welsh speakers regarding the value of their language.366 His
education at the National School in Llanuwchlyn through the medium of English, and
later as an undergraduate at Oxford increased Edwards' awareness of being Welsh. The
establishment of 'Cymdeithas Dafydd ap Gwylim' in 1886 by John Rhys (who first held
the Celtic Chair at Oxford in 1877), Daniel Lleufer Thomas, and John Morris Jones
among others, probably was an significant factor in 'fostering an awareness of
belonging to Wales among educated Welshmen' during his time at Oxford.367 Edwards
welcomed his appointment in 1907 as the first Chief Inspector of the Welsh Department
of the Board of Education, with responsibility for the inspection of all aspects of
education in Wales. In a letter to Reginald Mackenna, President of the Board of
Education, Edwards' outlined the direction of his new post,
'I know most of the Welsh Inspectors, I have watched the growth of the
system, and have thought a great deal about (a) the second language
366 O.M.Edwards acknowledges D.I.Davies' influence: 'Bum lawer iawn yng Nghaerdydd pan yn efrydydd yn Rhydychen, yn ystod fy ngwyliau...Yn y blynyddoedd hynny 1884-86 cymerodd Dan Isaac Davies fi dan ei ofal, a ddefMdd ynof deimladau oedd Michael D.Jones wedi godi ynof yn y Bala. Daeth ataf, er na wyddwn odid dim amdano, deuai ar fy nhraws ar bob achlysur, dilynai fi i'm llery, a dywedai wrthyf o hyd, -'Chwi sydd i gario fy ngwaith ymlaen.' [I was in Cardiff many times during vacation while a student in Oxford...In those years 1884-86 Dan Isaac Davies looked after me, and awoke the same feelings that Michael D.Jones (a schoolteacher) had done in Bala. He came to me, even though I knew nothing about him, he came across me at all times, he followed me to my lodgings, and said to me all the time, 'You are the one who is to continue my work'] cited in Hazel Walford Davies (ed.) Syi Owen Morgan Edwards 1858-1920 Cardiff, Cyfres Bro a Bywyd, Cyngor Celfyddydau Cymru 47:1988 367 Jac L.Williams Owen Morgan Edwards 1858-1920 Aberystwyth, The O.M.Edwards Centenary Committee, 33:1959
143 question, (b) the better training of teachers, (c) the unity of the whole Welsh system...'.368
Within a relatively short period, Edwards was attempting to ensure a bilingual policy for schools in Wales, and the Department began issuing official publications in the Welsh language. Edwards' viewed the Welsh Department as an 'institution that was to give valuable leadership and service to the Welsh nation and to promote the survival and development of her national culture and language'.369 During a speech delivered at the
Imperial Education Conference in 1911 (which included representatives from the
Commonwealth), Edwards summarised his beliefs regarding bilingual education and the future of the Welsh language within education:
'We do not regard the bilingualism of our country a disadvantage in any
way. We look upon it as an advantage. I believe that every schoolmaster in
Wales who has given his mind to the subject looks upon bilingualism now
as his opportunity, and not as his difficulty. He sees that, whatever a child
may have in a more expensive system of education by the learning of Latin,
Greek or French or German, every elementary school child in Wales by
learning his second language be it English or Welsh.' 170
In his capacity as Chief Inspector of Schools, Edwards is described by his colleague, Sir
Alfred T.Davies as
'an untiring administrator; but he was also the prophet of a new ideal of
education. His conception of Welsh Nationalism as based on culture and
368 Leslie Wynne Evans The Genesis of the Welsh Department. Board of Education 1906-07 Reprinted from 'The Transactions of the Honourable Society of the Cymmrodorion session 1969, Part II Denbigh, Gee a'i fab 222:1970 369 Jac L.Williams Owen Morgan Edwards 1858-1920 Aberystwyth, The O.M.Edwards Centenary Committee, 50:1959 370 Sir Alfred T.Davies (ed.) 'P.M.' (Sir O.M.Edwards) - A Memoir Cardiff, Hughes a'i Fab 88:1946
144 entirely exempt from political and sectarian partisanship, was peculiarly his
own, and he made it effective'.371
Edwards not only had an official role in the maintenance and promotion of the
Welsh language, he was also active in publishing material in Welsh for young people, as revealed in a letter to his close friend and confidant, J. Herbert Lewis, M.P. in October
1907,
'the duties of my new office are exceedingly heavy, but I think I can go on
with my publishing, as I now have disciples who will do the work for me. I
hope to be able to turn out...at least six volumes in Welsh every year ... the
demand exists, and if we do not supply it, our young folk must depend on
the literature of the railway bookstalls'.372
Despite the heavy workload imposed by himself, Edwards comments in a later letter to
Lewis that he found his work,
'...absolutely engrossing. There is so much to do, and everywhere I find my
countrymen so responsive. If I live for 10 years, I shall have done more
than I ever dreamt of being able to do, or I shall have grossly neglected my
opportunities.'373
He endeavoured to produce literature in Welsh with the hope that this would encourage reading in the language, and this promote the status of the language within Welsh communities. This extra work, the publication of periodicals such as Cymru, and Wales
371 ibid. 14 372 Leslie Wynne Evans The Genesis of the Welsh Department, Board of Education 1906-07 Reprinted from "The Transactions of the Honourable Society of the Cymmrodorion session 1969, Part II Denbigh, Gee a'i fab 226:1970 373 ibid, (the letter is dated October 1909)
145 increased Edwards' profile, thus gaining respect and admiration across the whole of
•5^ A ___ Wales. Edwards regarded the Welsh language as an inherent part of the heritage of all children living in Wales, regardless of whether their parents spoke Welsh. The consequences of Edwards' tireless work in publishing material suitable for young people, and in his capacity as Chief Inspector undoubtedly is reflected in the development of language policies of schools in Wales since the beginning of the twentieth century.375
The inspiration of Davies and Edwards served to enlighten many about the worth of a sound education, and the feasibility of using Welsh as a valid medium for learning. The gradual development of administrative bodies particular to Wales became a medium for the expression of such desires. Both Davies and Edwards, in developing their roles as Inspectors of Schools were able to manipulate and develop their status within the newly designated administrative bodies to advocate the use of Welsh in schools. The emergence of a comprehensive educational system in Wales, from elementary schools to higher education, brought forth autonomous desires by a few inspired individuals, such as Davies and Edwards, for a curriculum pertinent to Wales and Welsh culture.
374 Jac L.Williams Owen Morgan Edwards 1858-1920 Aberystwyth, The O.M.Edwards Centenary Committee 50:1959 "The support given to his periodicals and Cvfres v Fil from the industrial valleys had made him as well known and respected in South Wales as he was in the North'. 375 ibid.47
146 Initial Arguments - Educational Bodies in Wales
The first instigation concerning the use of Welsh as a teaching medium in schools was
conducted by the Honourable Society of the Cymmrodorion in 1884. The object of the
questionnaire, sent to prominent men within Welsh society and later to all elementary
school headteachers, was to determine their views on the teaching of English to pupils.
The Society believed that the method used in the teaching of English was deficient, and
advocated that English should be taught through the medium of Welsh, and that Welsh
should be taught as a subject within the school curriculum.376 The response to the
questionnaires was positive, and in 1885, The Society for Utilising the Welsh Language
in Education was established. However, the intention of the Society was to promote the
Welsh language within education as a means of facilitating the teaching of English [see
Appendix B for an outline of the Society's aims and objectives]. The use of Welsh
within the schools was seen as a means of gaining competence in English, rather for its
indigenous linguistic value.
The initial development of administrative bodies dealing with specifically with
education arose following a demand for the autonomy of Welsh affairs, during the late
1880s.377 It was largely due to pressures exerted by The Society for the Utilisation of
Welsh in Education that Welsh was included as an optional subject in the school curriculum by the Cross Education Commission in 1888. The purpose for such an
376 H.M.S.O. Y Gvmraeg mewn Addvse a Bvwvd/Welsh in Education and Life London 64:1927 377 Leslie Wynne Evans The Genesis of the Welsh Department. Board of Education 1906-7 Reprinted from 'The Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion session 1969, Part II Denbigh, Gee & a'i fab 184:1970 Tom Ellis, M.P. for Meirionydd and J.Herbert Lewis were at the forefront in the demand for Welsh autonomy, which included home rule.
147 action lay in the interest of providing a more efficient education, rather than as a means of preserving the Welsh language. Rhondda and South Wales county boroughs, areas most anglicised, gave a significant positive response to the opportunity.378 In 1897, a survey conducted among 6,000 families in Cardiff found that 81 per cent were in favour of teaching Welsh in the local schools.379 However, in general, Welsh had very little status within school and community and was 'widely regarded as an inferior language and certainly an unnecessary one; it was of no help in 'getting on'...[a] low status
O Of\ irrelevancy'. At the turn of the century, interest lay with the creation of institutions under Welsh control, both at a local and national level, that were predominantly under nonconformist direction. The Education Act of 1902 resulted in re-distribution of administrative bodies, and resulted in the establishment of local authorities in every county with the responsibility for Board Schools (which later became known as Council
Schools). Should a Local Education Authority decide on implementing the teaching of
•501 Welsh in the school curriculum, then the schools would be obliged to conform.
Following the Welsh Intermediate Act in 1889, the Central Welsh Board was established in 1896 responsible for the inspection of and acting as an examining body for the intermediate schools. However, as Evans notes, 'the Central Welsh Board and the Welsh Intermediate Schools paid scant attention to the teaching of Welsh until the
378 Roger Webster 'Education in Wales and the Rebirth of a Nation' History of Education Vol.19. No.3 187:1990 379 John Aitchinson & Harold Carter Yr laith Gvmraeg vn ardal Caerdvdd: Arolwg o Blant Ysgol a'u Rhieni Aberystwyth, Uned Ymchwil Arolygon Gwledig 1988 380 Gareth Elwyn Jones Controls and Conflicts in Welsh Secondary Education 1889-1944 Cardiff University of Wales Press 18:1982 381 H.M.S.O. Addvse vne Nehvmru 1847-1947/Education in Wales 1847-1947 Y Weinyddiaeth Addysg/Ministry of Education Pamphlet No.2 43:1947
148 years immediately preceding the outbreak of the first World War'.382 The Welsh
Department of the Board of Education was established in 1907 and was given control of
all Board Schools receiving government grants. Two chief officers were appointed,
Alfred Davies and Owen M.Edwards, with total responsibility for the administration of
elementary and secondary schools established after 1902. The role of the Central Welsh
Board remained unchanged, however, the Board of Education became responsible for
compiling an annual report to parliament on the work of the intermediate schools in
Wales. •J O-> __This development, as noted by __Evans, caused 'suspicion and resentment
which the Central Welsh Board harboured against the Welsh Department.'384 The
Welsh Department were staunch advocators of developing educational provision
relevant to pupils, believing also that,
'The curriculum should, as a rule, include the Welsh language. Any of the
subjects of the curriculum may (where the local circumstances make it
desirable) be taught in Welsh, but it is not necessary that the Welsh
language should be taught in every school or in every class. Where Welsh is
the mother-tongue of the infants, that language should be the medium of
instruction in the classes. Provision should be made for the teaching in
every school of Welsh history, and the geography of Wales and Welsh
literature should also be included in the curriculum of higher elementary
schoolsi , , .385
382 Leslie Wynne Evans The Genesis of the Welsh Department. Board of Education 1906-07 Reprinted from 'The Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion session 1969, Part II Denbigh, Gee &a'ifab27:1970 383 ibid.241 384 ibid.-, ., 385 J.L.Williams Owen Morgan Edwards 1858-1920 Aberystwyth, The O.M.Edwards Centenary Committee 50:1959
149 The Report compiled by the Welsh Department of the Board of Education in
1909 caused major disturbance within the Central Welsh Board. Previous to 1909, the
Board of Education reported on issues concerning Wales using information received from the Central Welsh Board. The establishment of the Welsh Department changed the situation dramatically, coming between the Board of Education and the Central
Welsh Board. The author of the Report, Owen M.Edwards, an experienced inspector of schools, embodied criticisms of unfair differentiation in the examination system, the inability of the pupils to express themselves in English, and low status ascribed to
Welsh in the intermediate schools. The failure of successful teaching of Welsh was blamed upon,
'timid and inexperienced teaching, inadequate time, and the avoidance of the
direct method by the teacher, who was conscious that pupils might criticize
his pronunciation - he avoided speaking fairly good Welsh, and gladly took
the opportunity of speaking very bad French!' QQ£
The furore that broke out which continued for nearly two years, resulted in placing both
Edwards, and the Welsh Department, in a favourable positions within educational circles in Wales. A resolution passed by the Meirionydd Local Education Authority in
Bala on 13 February 1911, praised the Report of the Welsh Department,
'which it regard as the most suggestive and helpful review of Welsh
secondary education since the passing of the Welsh Act of 1889, and,
believing that frank and sympathetic criticism is more needed and more
386 Report of the Board of Education (Welsh Department) 15:1909 cited in Leslie Wynne Evans The Genesis of the Welsh Department. Board of Education 1906-07 Reprinted from 'The Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion session 1969, Part II Denbigh, Gee & a'i fab 250:1970
150 useful than mere eulogy, trusts that the Board will continue to give Wales
each year the benefit of the expert advice now at the disposal of the Welsh
"2Q7 Department'.
Consequent to the report, attempts were made to improve pedagogical methods
employed in the classrooms. Edwards was still critical of the place given to Welsh in
the school curriculum, and the negative attitudes expressed towards the subject due to
inefficient teaching. One attributable factor causing inadequate teaching was the Welsh
courses provided at the University of Wales, which had a strong bias towards the
philology and history of the Welsh language, thus omitting the literary and historical
aspects of the Welsh people. This was addressed by Edwards in 1909, and sketched a
"ICJJ plan outlining the development of teacher training courses. The Welsh Department of
the Board of Education, due to the unfailing work of Edwards, since its instigation had
attempted to address and solve the linguistic situation of Wales. It had achieved the
inclusion of the Welsh language and literature in elementary and secondary schools; the
appointment of a Welsh speaking inspectorate; and a separate publication of Welsh
statistics. These actions had further promoted an increasing awareness of the
importance of the Welsh language, as noted by His Majesty's Inspector Thomas
Darlington in 1912, 'Welsh nationality is a real thing with a clear and definite meaning.
TOQ The national language is an essential element in this nationality'.
387 Leslie Wynne Evans The Genesis of the Welsh Department. Board of Education 1906-07 Reprinted from 'The Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion session 1969, Part II Denbigh, Gee &a'i fab 280:1970 388 ibid.319-322 389 Robin Okey 'Education and Nationhood in Wales 1850 - 1940' in J.J.Tomiak (ed.) Schooling, Educational Policy and Ethnic Identity Vol.1 Aldershot, Dartmouth 46:1991
151 The Case for Teaching through the Medium of Welsh
Pressure from the Welsh Department had resulted in language policies being formulated
by all the education authorities. However, the implementation of the policies were not
TQA always enforced. The 'Report on Education and Life' published in 1927 noted that
the pattern for teaching Welsh, whether as a first or a second language was uneven
across Wales, and in some areas was omitted from the school curriculum.391 Instruction
in Welsh in Intermediate schools was dependent on decisions made by the school
governors and headteacher. The Authorities acted upon local opinion, which was
slowly changing, reflecting a more positive attitude towards the Welsh language.
Webster attributes the changes to the establishment of the University of Wales, thus producing an increasing number of Welsh intellectuals, and the consequences of the
First World War.392 The aftermath of the War had profound effect on the development of an ethnic awareness among a growing minority. As Lewis Valentine, President of the
Bangor Student Representative Council, commented in 1920, 'returning from the War I was an out-and-out nationalist'.
390 Roger Webster 'Education in Wales and the Rebirth of a Nation' History of Education Vol.19 No.3 189:1990 '...as one Authority reported to a Departmental Committee in 1927, 'the inclusion of Welsh in the curriculum of the elementary school has always been the declared policy of the Authority, but it must be confessed that the Authority has not been particularly active in enforcing this policy. "This statement', the committee commented, 'might have come with equal truth from a number of Authorities. We have received the impression that Authorities have timidity in the face of increasing anglicising influences'. 391 H.M.S.O. Y Gvmraeg mewn Addvse a Bvwvd/Welsh in Education and Life London 94:1927 'Nid oes fodd gwneuthur sylwadau cyffredin safle'r Gymraeg yn ysgolion holl Awdurdodau Cymru oherwydd nid yr un sylw a gaiff ym mhobman'. [There is no means of making general comments about the situation of Welsh in all the Welsh Authority schools, as it does not receive the same treatment everywhere.] 392 Roger Webster 'Education in Wales and the Rebirth of a Nation' History of Education Vol.19 No.3 190:1990 393 cited in Roger Webster 'Education in Wales and the Rebirth of a Nation' History of Education Vol.19. No.3 190:1990
152 The publication of Ellen Evans' report on 'The Teaching of Welsh' in 1924
revealed a growing conviction that 'the Welsh language should occupy a more
important place in the education of the children of Wales'.394 Despite total agreement
among the education authorities in the promotion of Welsh history, literature and music,
the unanimity was not reflected in advocating the Welsh language in elementary
education. Welsh language instruction was compulsory in many areas of South East
Wales. Glamorgan had developed a comprehensive language policy during the early
1920s, although Welsh was an optional subject in Cardiff, Barry and Newport schools
[see appendix C]. A more enlightened approach was taken in the Rhondda area, where
an experiment involving instruction through the medium of Welsh at the elementary
schools was conducted, in an attempt to revive the language. In a Report by the Deputy
Director of Rhondda Urban District Council Education Committee, R.R. Williams, the
findings of the experiment resulted in the conversion of a number of schools in the
Rhondda district to designated 'Bi-lingual Schools'.396 The expectations of the
Education Committee in implementing bilingual schools were noted in the report,
'That the foregoing evidence that the Authority were and are anxious for the
preservation and the extension of the use of the Welsh language, and
although it has been felt for quite a long time that the Welsh language has
been losing its grip on the people and especially on the children of school
age in this area, it is the hope of the Authority that with more intensive work
394 Ellen Evans The Teaching of Welsh. An Investigation into the Problem of Bilingualism together with a discussion of Schemes for the Teaching of Welsh Cardiff, The Educational Publishing Co.Ltd. 8:1924 395 ibid. 101 396 Rhondda Urban District Council Education Committee Report bv R.R.Williams (Deputy Director of Education'1 on the Teaching of Welsh in the Bi-lingual Schools of the Authority, together with the findings of the Authority. 7 October 1925
153 inside the schools, the Welsh language will retrieve its position in the valleys'.397
The schools were authorised by the Authority to develop teaching schemes, based on a
scheme developed in the Rhondda which utilised the direct method. The Report
presents an example of a school operating bilingually, and comments that 'children in
the higher classes have an intimate knowledge of Welsh History and Welsh Folk-lore
and they reproduce their lessons in very commendable Welsh'.398 The schools
continued for some time, and were praised by the Rev. Fred Jones, B.A., B.D., 'hwn...a
gyfrifir yn yr oes hon y cyhoeddiad mwyaf creadigol a gyhoeddwyd yng Nghymru yn
1926' [this...is counted in this age as the most creative announcement that was
•>QQ announced in Wales in 1926].
Despite the pioneering work of the bilingual schools in the Rhondda area, the
decision in 1937 not to make Welsh a compulsory subject for admission to secondary
schools resulted in the collapse of the venture.400 No national developments regarding
the status of Welsh in schools occurred during the Second World War, although a small
Welsh class was established in Aberystwyth by Sir Ifan ab Owen Edwards in 1939.
Discussion pertinent to the place of Welsh in the school curriculum was prevalent in
investigating the need for a Welsh Joint Education Committee in 1948, as reflected in
report:
397 ibid.7/8 398 ibid.l3 399 T.Williams (Parcwyson) Rhaeolvgon yr laith Gvmraeg Dolgellau E.W.Evans Ltd. 20:1928 400 Marian Uffler 'laith nas Arferir. laith i Fanv vw1 : Ymgvrchu dros vr laith Gymraeg rhwng y Ddau Rvfel Bvd Aberystwyth, Canolfan Uwchefrydiau Gymreig a Cheltaidd Prifysgol Cymru 6:1995
154 'There is a sense in which Wales is an interesting educational laboratory. Its
Schools and Colleges are charged with a responsibility towards the ancient
culture of a small nation on the one hand and towards an overlying and
powerful on e on the other. To some extent this educational responsibility
lies at the door of most countries, but in Wales it confronts us clearly and
raises important educational issues.
'The Ministry of Education at present bases its general policy in this matter
on psychological and educational considerations. In a bilingual country it
accepts the language of the hearth and the cultural background of the child
as the starting point, and aims at an ordered development resulting in
persons who will be products of their own society and also enlightened
citizens of the Modern World.
'We recognise that much of the current interest in our deliberations in Wales
derives from the belief that a Welsh Joint Education Committee could make
a valuable contribution in this part of the educational field. We recommend
that it should hold under constant review questions arising from the
curriculum of Welsh schools and in particular from Language Teaching,
History, Geography, Art, Music and Literature with the aim of conserving
and developing the best traditions of Wales.'
However, this did not result in the provision of schools which used Welsh as a medium of instruction, although a more favourable attitude expressed by the educational
401 H.M.S.O. Educational Administration in Wales. Report of the Working Party appointed by the Minister to Investigate the need for a Welsh Joint Education Committee Ministry of Education, London 14:1948
155 administrative bodies was an important factor in the development of Welsh medium education in South East Wales. Reynolds criticism is that the Welsh administrative bodies 'have been at best ambivalent in their attitudes', with only attempts at improving the status of the language.402 The Second World War had profound influences on society, as Jones comments, 'the Wales of the chapel, of the miners' institute was passing away, to be replaced by a Wales in which people acquired an unaccustomed affluence which could find a partial outlet in an Anglicised culture...'.403 Within Wales, there was a growing awareness of ethnic identity, under threat of extinction due to anglicising influences.
The Emergence of Welsh Medium Schools
Realising the potential of Welsh within the educational system prompted a few individuals to gradually lead small groups of people, in the decade following the Second
World War (notably in anglicised areas of Wales), to act and to demand educational provision through the medium of Welsh in their areas. Despite the dislocation of the status of the language within the society, a growing awareness of the importance of the language as marker of identification emerged. The political allegiances of the early twentieth century had attempted to preserve, or to confine, the language within its traditional domains. Economic prosperity rendered the Welsh language as a hindrance in successful industrial expansion, thus thwarting natural developments in education.
However, the traditional symbiosis between religion and language, reflected in historical
402 David Reynolds 'A State of Ignorance?' Education for Development 7:2 19:1982 403 Gareth Elwyn Jones Which Nation's Schools? Direction. Devolution in Welsh Education in the Twentieth Century Cardiff, University of Wales Press 52:1990
156 educational developments persisted, with the instigation of the first Welsh medium schools arising from nonconformist chapels. The commencement of these first Welsh medium classes reflect a emerging change in attitude, and a new regard for the cultural value and viability of the language as a marker of identity.
157 Chapter Five Chapter 5
Review of the Literature regarding Welsh Language Research
Investigations into Bilingualism: Suppositions and Limitations
The assertion placing the Welsh language as a viable means of educational delivery was
an emerging consideration in local education authority discussion during the early
decades of the twentieth century.404 However, the development of bilingual education
provision in Wales has been an issue of much controversial debate from a social,
political, historical and pedagogical perspective. Early academic research into
bilingualism placed little, if any, consideration upon the complexity of these aspects
upon the development of the bilingual child.405 The development of Welsh medium
education in South East and other regions of Wales since the 1950s has its origins in the
extensive research conducted during the early part of the twentieth century. During this
period, 'Wales had an international reputation for research into bilingualism, and greatly
contributed to the universal growth in bilingual research as a whole'.406
404 The emergence of bilingual schooling in the Rhondda in 1922 is the most prominent and successful example of teaching through the medium of Welsh at this time. A petition by Cymdeithas Cymmrodorion Abertawe (Swansea Cymmrodorion Society) was presented in 1924 to Swansea Education Committee advocating conditions for the appropriate teaching of Welsh for both first and second language pupils. Cymdeithas Cymmrodorion Abertawe Deiseb ar ddvsgu'r Gvmraeg. a gyflwvnir gan Gvmdeithas Cymmrodorion Abertawe i Bwyllgor Addvsg Abertawe (A Petition for the teaching of Welsh presented by the Swansea Cymmrodorion Society to the Swansea Education Committee) Wrexham, Hughes a'i fab 1924 405 The development of international research into bilingualism and bilingual education is discussed in Chapter 2 406 Colin Baker 'Bilingual Education in Wales' in H.Baetens Beardsmore (ed.) European Models of Bilingual Education Multilingual Matters 92. 21:1993
158 Initial research projects concentrated on the relationship between bilingualism and intellectual development of young children. Later inquiries regarding bilingual education within Wales have influenced the development of teaching methodology and resources. However, there is a severe dearth in recent material relating to the 'historical and political development of the Welsh medium schools, the clientele of designated bilingual schools, the social background of Welsh school parents, their motivations, the ethos and organization of different kinds of schooling...'.407 Baker suggests a number of contributory factors, which he considers to have been attributable to the paucity of research on Welsh medium education. These factors have included the incorporation of educational research in Wales within a British or international debate; the fact that studies conducted in Wales come under the English research organisation; that, numerically, academics with appropriate expertise are fewer in Wales in relation to
England or Canada, for example; and that 'well established traditions in bilingual research have terminated with the retirement of their principal proponents (e.g. Jones's study of bilingualism and intelligence) or departure across the seas (e.g. Nash's study of rural education in Wales)'.40
Other national factors such as decreasing financial support and the lack of priority given to basic research are also elements contributing to the dearth of research conducted into bilingual education in Wales. The political and social nature of the educational provision, in that it is not just the promotion of an indigenous language concurrent with the dominant language, has caused further difficulties. The minority
407 Colin Baker Aspects of Bilingualism in Wales Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 110:1985 408 ibid.lll
159 language faces a struggle to maintain its status and profile within the bilingual
community. 409 An attempt to reverse this trend was made by establishing a committee
for the development of Welsh medium education and also three separate units (located
in Aberystwyth, Cardiff and Bangor) to conduct research and curriculum development
on the Welsh language. In reviewing the literature pertinent to the development of an
educational provision through the medium of Welsh, it is important to consider the
influence of the investigations conducted since the turn of the twentieth century upon
the development and growth of the movement as a whole. However, it is pertinent to
note that while the research conducted has had reverberations upon current thought
concerning the development of bilingual education provision, the limitations of
investigations should also be observed. Despite extensive studies into the relationship
between intelligence and bilingualism in Wales conducted in the first half of the
twentieth century, no further investigations have considered other aspects of
bilingualism and bilingual education to the same degree. As Roberts notes, the research
conducted, 'has not been sufficiently supplemented by considerations of the societal
effects of bilingualism, and particularly the associated question of the differential status
and prestige of Welsh and English'.410 Despite the obvious deficiencies in research
evidence conducted in Wales, this chapter attempts to coagulate existing research in an
attempt to confirm the effects that the initial impetus in the establishment of Welsh
medium schools has had on linguistic, cultural and economic issues in Wales today.
409 Bob Morris Jones & Paul Ghuman (eds.) Bilingualism. Education and Identity Cardiff, University of Wales Press 3:1995 410 Catrin Roberts The Sociology of Education in Wales' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Society and Ideology: Essavs on Welsh Society. 1840-1980 BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group, Coleg Prifysgol Cymru, Bangor 232:1983
160 The Argument for Bilingual Education
The value of education among communities in Wales has, traditionally, been held in high regard, as reiterated in the 1967 report on primary education in Wales: 'The Welsh have ... traditionally regarded themselves as having an unusually high respect for education, which has often been taken to mean that they set special store not only by the academic but the cultural individual'.411 The significance of a Welsh identity encompassing the historical, cultural and religious traditions grew in importance during the nineteenth century, and it was at this time, according to Khleif, that the 'language began to be stressed as the essence of peoplehood'.412 With an increase in the demand for some educational provision through the medium of Welsh towards the end of the nineteenth century, a natural consequence was the interest in the value of Welsh as a medium for educational use.413 However, scepticism as to the successful well-being and social status of an individual accrued through the use of Welsh was rife.414 The belief
411 H.M.S.O. Primary Education in Wales Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education (Wales) London 2:1967 412 Bud B. Khleif Language, Ethnicity and Education in Wales The Hague, Mouton Publishers 35:1980 413 This is discussed in Chapter 4. 414 Examples of public scepticism published in local newspapers are cited below: 'It is surely foolish to the extreme at a time when the anglicization of Wales is making steady and inevitable progress, to refuse to recognize that a boy or girl who speaks English incorrectly and with a pronounced Welsh accent enters upon a career with a most serious handicap' Letter from J. Howard Price 'Welsh Accent a Handicap' Western Mail 28 June 1948 '...the Glamorgan County Council is to compel teachers and pupils to learn Welsh. Is this not Hitlerism, which these gentlemen pretend to abhor? Have they forgotten the 'Four Freedoms' for which the War was fought? Whether Welsh is worthwhile, the people themselves are the best judges'. Letter from Ronald LI. Thomas, Western Mail 26 July 1948 '...where Welsh is the main medium of instruction children are greatly handicapped in their studies' Letter from J.Howard Price 1 September 1948
161 that English was the language of social mobility and success cast a dark shadow over the socio-economic value of Welsh, as Webster summarises,
'The desire of the nineteenth century nonconformist elite to 'get on in the
world' also affected their attitude to the Welsh language. Although
retaining Welsh as the language of the home and of religion, parents and
teachers insisted that pupils spoke entirely in English exclusively in school'.415
Bilingualism was an additional dilemma to be faced. The belief expressed by Laurie in
1890 is a reflection of the general opinions held about the mastery of two languages at
the end of the nineteenth century:
'If it were possible for a child to live in two languages at once equally well,
so much the worse. His intellectual and spiritual growth would not thereby
be doubled, but halved. Unity of mind and character would have great
difficulty in asserting itself in such circumstances'.416
Opinions of this type are reflected in the early studies on bilingualism which examined
whether bilingualism had any positive or negative effects on the intellectual
development of school children.
415 J.R.Webster 'Education in Wales' in Louis Cohen, John Thomas & Lawrence Manion (eds.) Educational Research and Development in Britain 1970-1980 Windsor, NFER-Nelson 204:1982 416 S.S.Laurie 'Lectures on Language and Linguistic Method in School' Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 15:1890 in Colin Raker Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism Clevedon. Multilingual Matters 107:1993 417 Colin Baker Aspects of Bilingualism in Wales Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 89:1985
162 Early Reflections on the Development of the Bilingual Child
In Wales, the first major investigations conducted into bilingualism attempted to ascertain whether bilinguals were mentally superior to monoglots within the classroom environment. One early investigator, D.J.Saer defined the nature of his problem as
'a somewhat intensive investigation of the effect of bilingualism on the
intelligence of people in a subject-state, in districts where the native
language is generally spoken, and also in districts where both the native
language and that of the governing state are used freely'.418
The early investigations by Saer studied monoglot and bilingual subjects from rural areas while another contemporary researcher, Frank Smith tested pupils from both rural and urban areas.419 Both conducted their longitudinal investigations over a period of three to four years. The studies comprised a number of intelligence tests, the majority of which were administered verbally.420 Similar conclusions were drawn from their results, which was that the monoglots were of superior intelligence. However, Smith's comment should be noted, as an indication of concern about the lack of the development of pedagogical methodology regarding bilingual pupils:
'There is a real problem to be solved by teachers and administrators, and
that neglect of it is a serious weakness in our educational methods and
results. Bilingualism may yet be shown to be no intellectual disadvantage in
418 D.J.Saer 'The Effect of Bilingualism on Intelligence' British Journal of Educational Psychology
Vol.ll.lt 14 25-6:1923iJ-O.l^ZJ 419 Frank Smith 'Bilingualism and Mental Development' British Journal of Psychology Vol.XIII 1923 420 W.RJones, J.R.Morrison, J.Rogers & H.Saer The Educational Attainment of Bilingual Children in Relation to their Intelligence and Linguistic Background Cardiff, University of Wales Press 9:1957
163 the young; but the tests prescribed in this paper clearly support the view that
under present methods it is a positive disadvantage'.421
It must also be noted that the tests utilised in the investigations had been translated into
Welsh for pupils whose mother tongue was Welsh. The supposition maintained by the
investigators, at the time, was that the translation provided, 'the best oral medium by
which a just estimate of a child's mental capacity can be gained'.422
Subsequent researchers criticised Saer and Smith's findings on account of
'certain deficiencies in the content and method of their experiments and the consequent
inaccuracies which occur in their interpretation of test results'.423 Darcy's criticism of
this method should also be considered:
'The fact that the Stanford-Binet scale was translated into the Welsh
language for the children who spoke Welsh at home must be taken into
account in viewing Saer's results for the translation of a standardised test is
not an equivalent of the test in the language that it was originally
standardised'.424
Barke's study of bilingualism concentrated on the use of non-verbal tests as a means of
ascertaining the intelligence of monoglots and bilingual children. Her findings
concluded that, 'we have here an indication that bilingual children will not prove
inferior to monoglots (with a similar social environment) in an approved Intelligence
421 Frank Smith 'Bilingualism and Mental Development' British Journal of Psychology Vol.XIII. 281:1923 422 Natalie T.Darcy 'A Review of the Literature on the Effects of Bilingualism upon the Measurement of Intelligence' Journal of Genetic Psychology Vol.82 23:1953 423 W.R.Jones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 89:1966 424 Natalie T.Darcy 'A Review of the Literature on the Effects of Bilingualism upon the Measurement of Intelligence' Journal of Genetic Psychology Vol.82 25:1953
164 test from which the linguistic element is excluded'.425 A subsequent investigation of the problem undertaken by Barke and Parry Williams further confirmed Barke's initial findings, that the difference between bilingual and monoglot groups in non-verbal intelligence tests was insignificant.426
A Re-analysis of Research Findings
During the 1950s and 60s, studies conducted into bilingualism and its relation to intelligence compounded further variables. In 1951, at the request of the Welsh Joint
Education Committee, an investigation was conducted jointly by the collegiate faculties of education at Aberystwyth and Bangor into the educational attainment of bilingual children in relation to their intelligence and linguistic background.427 Following a
'Language Test' which categorised the ten to eleven year old pupils an intelligence test, and six attainment tests were administered. The investigation revealed that while pupils from the Welsh and Mixed Welsh groups were comparable with the English and Mixed
English groups in the 'Mechanical Arithmetic' tests, almost no language was used.
However, in the arithmetic tests where language was the means by which the problem was explained, and the English reading and usage tests, the performance of the Welsh and Mixed-Welsh groups were significantly lower. One member of the investigative
425 Ethel M.Barke 'A Study of Comparative Intelligence of Children in Certain Bilingual and Monoglot Schools in South Wales' British Journal of Educational Psychology Vol.3 249:1933 426 Ethel M.Barke & D.E.Parry Williams 'A Further Study of the Comparative Intelligence of Children in Certain Bilingual and Monoglot Schools in South Wales' British Journal of Educational Psychology Vol.8 63-76:1938 427 W.RJones, J.R.Morrison, J.Rogers & H.Saer The Educational Attainment of Bilingual Children in Relation to their Intelligence and Linguistic Background Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1957
165 group, W.R.Jones, was unhappy with previous investigations into bilingualism and
intelligence, believing:
'One cannot doubt the significance of the mean differences and general
trends in test scores which have been discovered between various linguistic
groups in the more recent surveys, although one would hesitate at this stage
to draw from them the conclusion that bilingualism as such is a source of
disadvantage in non-verbal test situations. It is evident that the results need
closer examination, particularly with reference to certain sociological
variables which are known to influence test performance'.428
Jones was also aware of the contradictory nature of earlier statistical research,
which he believed arose,
'largely from methodological differences between the various investigations
and from the absence of an agreed definition of bilingualism. In some of
these investigations the precise interpretation of the result is rendered more
difficult by the investigator's failure to isolate the bilingual factor from other
environmental factors and by the intrusion of complicated natio-racial
factors into the experimental situation'.429
In his efforts to analyse further the relationship between bilingualism and intelligence,
Jones attempted to eliminate any intruding factors, thus making his comparisons, 'under
clearly defined conditions'.430 In one investigation, analysing children's reading ability,
428 W.RJones Bilingualism and Intelligence Cardiff, University of Wales Press 37:1959 429 W.R.Jones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 89:1966 430 W.RJones Bilingualism and Reading Ability in English Cardiff, University of Wales Press foreword: 1955
166 mixed-Welsh and English speaking children were compared.431 Jones believed that
there was no significant difference between the groups regarding socio-economic or
scholastic background, so that the results could be analysed from the linguistic
background of the pupils. He found a marked inferiority shown by the Welsh group of
ten year olds to the mixed-Welsh group in the survey, and concluded that,
'the main difference between Mixed-Welsh and Welsh groups as regards
language practice may therefore be summarized as follows: the Welsh
groups have little opportunity of using English actively in their out-of-
school environment, whereas the Mixed-Welsh groups have considerable
experience in this respect. It is therefore suggested that the superiority of
the Mixed-Welsh group in English Reading is due to the fact that they have,
as a result of their linguistic background, been able to acquire better aural
and oral skills in the second language'.432
In his efforts to view the relationship between bilingualism and intelligence
afresh, Jones attempted a 're-analysis of the results of one of these large-scale surveys in
relation to the parental occupations of the pupils tested'.433 Jones elicited and
categorised the pupils according to their socio-economic backgrounds, before re-
analysing the data from the 1951 Bangor survey (which formed part of the investigation
reported by Jones, Morrison, Rogers and Saer in 1957). His findings on re-assessing the
data in relation to parental occupation was that,
431 The term 'Mixed-Welsh' refers to language background classification, i.e. Welsh/English mixed. 432 ibid.21 433 W.R.Jones 'A Critical Study of the Bilingualism and Non-Verbal Intelligence' British Journal of Educational Psychology Vol.XXX 71:1960
167 'various linguistic groups which did not vary significantly in occupational
class did not differ significantly in non-verbal intelligence. On the other
hand, highly significant differences in non-verbal intelligence were found
between corresponding linguistic groups situated mainly in the rural areas of
the county, and such groups were shown to differ significantly from each
other in respect of occupational class'.434
His conclusion from these findings was that bilingual children, when compared to
monoglot English children of similar socio-economic status, were not at an intellectual
disadvantage. In the measurement of bilingualism and intelligence, it appears that
certain variables need to be controlled before any conclusions may be drawn. In their
investigation of the relation of bilingualism to intelligence, Peal and Lambert imply that
these are 'socioeconomic class, sex, degree of bilinguality, age, and the actual tests used'.435
The positive outcome towards bilingual pupils revealed by the investigations
conducted by Jones highlight an developing trend reversal in attitude towards the Welsh
language. An explanation for the gradual reversal in general trend towards the language
despite the dwindling number of speakers is of paramount importance while assessing
the development of Welsh medium education in its entirety. Baker views the
development of a schooling system through the medium of Welsh as 'a gentle
revolution away from a formal education system where the Welsh language as a subject,
434 ibid.74 435 Elizabeth Peal & Wallace E.Lambert 'The Relation of Bilingualism to Intelligence' Psychological Monographs: General and Applied Vol.76 No.27 5:1962
168 and especially as a medium of instruction, was rarely visible in the curriculum'., 436
Baker is hesitant in attempting to date the commencement of the 'revolution in bilingual
education' in Wales, noting that, 'before structural change there needs to be a change in
public opinion or in dominant philosophy and policy'., 437
Changes in Public Opinion and Administrative Attitude towards the Welsh Language
The reasons for, or factors contributing to the change in public opinion have not,
according to Baker, been thoroughly analysed. He believes that, 'developments in
mass-communications, transport, industrialisation, urbanisation and in-migration are all
potential threats to the Welsh language. Perhaps attitudes have changed as a reaction to
the anglicising influences of such twentieth century developments'.438 The initial
demand from which Welsh medium education arose from one increasing demand that a
child had an inherent right to receive an education through the mother tongue. The main
motivation for Welsh medium education emanated from the anglicised areas of Wales,
in particular the North East and South East industrial regions. In his investigation on
ethnicity and education in Wales, Khleif surmises that the change in attitude towards the
Welsh language came as a consequence of an assertion of personal identification with a
nation and its indigenous culture. Khleif maintains that,
'culture may be defined as a people's way of life as symbolised by language,
as the social system which is mediated by language. A decline of a native
language such as Welsh is but a decline of Welsh cultural life, for language
436 Colin Baker 'Bilingual Education in Wales' in Hugo Beatens Beardsmore (ed.) European Models of Bilingual Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 7:1993 437 ibid. 10 438 Colin Baker Attitudes and Language Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 98-99:1992
169 is inseparable from national identity...The current fight for revival of Welsh
in Wales, for gaining it the status of'official language' along with English is
but a fight for national identity'.439
Both North East and South East areas of Welsh had been subjected to heavy industrialisation and subsequent in-migration had anglicised the regions dramatically over a relatively short period of time. The inextricable link between language and culture therefore could be congruous with individual concern (or more precisely, parental anxiety that their children were in danger of losing their indigenous identity) resulting in a demand for the utilisation of Welsh in the school curriculum. Grass roots pressures accounted for the initiation of the Welsh school movement, with later response and action by the education authorities and central government.440
Language research conducted into Welsh during the 1960s and subsequently has veered away from the query as to whether bilingualism has a negative effect on intellectual ability. An increased confidence in the Welsh academic and educational community was reflected in 'a series of proposals for programmes of research and the development of new teaching methods to deal with problems of bilingual education'.441
Some investigations conducted at the end of the 1960s and during the 1970s concentrated on the analysis of attitudes towards the Welsh language and consequent reverberations for future use among schoolchildren. A large scale study conducted over a period of four years by the Schools Council Research and Development Project based in the Department of Education at the University of Wales, Swansea looked at the
439 Bud B. Khleif Language Ethnicity and Education in Wales The Hague, Mouton Publishers 3:1980 440 David Reynolds 'A State of Ignorance?' Education for Development 7:2 19:1982 441 Phillip M.Rawkins Studies in Public Policy 40 The Implementation of Language Policy in the Schools of Wales Glasgow, University of Strathclyde 43:1979
170 attitudes displayed by schoolchildren to Welsh and English. The aim of the study was
fourfold:
'To establish patterns of attitude to Welsh and to English in three age groups
in schools throughout Wales.
To determine whether there is a significant relationship between attitude to
each language and attainment in it.
To examine some of the other factors in the language learning situation in
Wales.
To consider methods and materials used in the teaching of the two
languages .442
The main observations procured from this study found that there were significant
correlation between the pupils' linguistic background and attitudes voiced towards
Welsh and English. It also concluded that although girls in particular expressed a more
favourable attitude towards Welsh, overall outlook towards Welsh decreased with
age.443 The overall conclusion of the research 'was the demonstration of the relative
ease with which young children could master two languages. The evidence may have
played its part in the development of a more open attitude to bilingualism on the part of
English-speaking officials, politicians, and parents'.444 Later research conducted by
Lewis445 and Baker446 have also arrived at analogous conclusions. Lewis utilised data
442 Derrick Sharp, B.Thomas, E.Price, G.Francis & I.Davies Attitudes to Welsh and English in the Schools of Wales London, Macmillan Introduction: 1973 443 ibid. 155-56 444 P.M.Rawkins Studies in Public Policy 40 The Implementation of Language Policy in the Schools of Wales Glasgow, University of Strathclyde 43:1979 445 E.Glyn Lewis 'Attitude to Language among Bilingual Children and Adults in Wales' International Journal of the Sociology of Language Vol.4 1975 446 Colin Baker Attitudes and Language Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 1992
171 collected from the Schools Research Project and expanded upon his research with the
inclusion of further attitudinal data from adults living in Wales.447 He found that
reactions by both children and adults to statements regarding Welsh and English were
inconsistent when compared with each other. His explanation for the discrepancies was
due to the fact that,
'So far as attitude to Welsh is concerned the awareness of English expresses
itself quite differently, because it helps to exaggerate the potentially
favourable or unfavourable response - to polarize attitude and to produce a
bi-modal distribution with a limited area of neutrality'.448
School Influence on Attitude towards the Welsh Language
Within Welsh medium schools, Lewis comments that the attitude towards Welsh
'hardens' as a consequence of the constant pressures threatening the status of the
language. Pupils from the Welsh medium schools display highly protective dispositions
towards the Welsh language in comparison with their monoglot English peers. Baker
also notes that pupils from anglicised areas attending Welsh medium schools are more
favourable to bilingualism than those pupils from a relatively more Welsh language
environment.449 This could be regarded as a typical expectation as the Welsh medium
schools in anglicised areas represent a concentrated nucleus of people linguistically
aware of the situation of the language. Sending their children through an education system operating in the medium of Welsh would reflect, in general, a home environment
447 E.Glyn Lewis was involved with the planning and establishment of the Schools Research Project. 448 E.Glyn Lewis 'Attitude to Language among Bilingual Children and Adults in Wales' International Journal of the Sociology of Language Vol.4 118:1975 449 Colin Baker Attitudes and Language Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 90:1992
172 conducive to the promotion of the Welsh language. Despite seeing the influence of
language background as a major element positively affecting attitude towards Welsh,
Baker sees this as a marked indirect path via Welsh and literary culture. This is
exemplified in his figure below.
The trend seen by Baker therefore, is that parental and school influence on
attitudes towards Welsh displayed by pupils wane with age. Youth culture in teenage
years becomes the influencing force in the change or maintenance of attitudes
manifested in secondary school children. More recent research has looked into concerns
as to the extent of anglicising influences on the younger generations and its future
implications for the increased use of the Welsh language in wider domains and the
nature of the language used have started to be addressed.450 Such studies have found
that where the minority language is no longer an essential means of communication, and
the majority language utilised increasingly, an acceptance of the supremacy of English
is naturally received.
The parental demand in the initiation of Welsh medium education was a crucial
element in the success of the ventures. As Baker notes,
'...without the pressure, enthusiasm, commitment and interest in bilingual
education of groups of parents and teachers, it is unlikely that bilingual
education would have begun or advanced as it has. While local authority
450 Colin J.Thomas & Colin H.Williams 'Language and Nationalism in Wales: a Case Study' Ethical and Racial Studies Vol.1 Part 2 1978 Peter Wynn Thomas 'Children in Welsh Medium Education: Semi-linguals or Innovators?' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.12 Nos 1&2 1991 451 Colin J.Thomas & Colin H.Williams 'A Behavioural Approach to the study of linguistic decline and nationalist resurgence, a case study of the attitudes of sixth-formers in Wales. Part II' Cambria 4:2 1977
173
to to
Attitude Attitude
Bilingualism
Ability
Language Language
Bilingualism
Culture
to to
Culture
95:1992
Literary Literary
and and
Popular Popular
174
Attitudes Attitudes
Matters Matters
Welsh Welsh
5:1 5:1
Multilingual Multilingual
Figure Figure
of of
Clevedon, Clevedon,
strength strength
the the
Language Language
Gender
of of
Age
and and
represent represent
school
Type Type
Language Language
Background
arrows arrows
Attitudes Attitudes
the the
of of
Baker Baker
Colin Colin
thickness thickness
association)
(The (The
the the Source: Source: officers in Flintshire were of paramount influence in the opening of Ysgol
Glan Clwyd, the growth of Designated Bilingual Schools owes much to
parental endeavour'.452
However, despite an awareness of the importance of parental pressure and demand upon
the authorities, the reasons for the increase in demand for Welsh medium education in
different areas does not seem to be addressed. Williams, in his article on the
development of the Welsh Language Society suggests that,
There are instances, ... particularly in a multi-lingual country, where
language becomes both the symbol and the instrument for a group's cultural
survival in an otherwise assimilatory environment. In addition, language is
often not the only significant cleavage, and its political impact depends not
only on its own potency but also on its relationship with other cleavages'.453
Such an analysis may also be applicable to the groups of parents predominantly resident
in the anglicised areas of Wales who first instigated the Welsh medium schools. The
manipulation of their own resources and determination for success enabled a fruitful
campaign in gaining local education authority support.
Reversing Negative Trends: Policy and Practice
The gradual growth of a more favourable disposition towards the Welsh language has
been analysed since the 1960s as a means of investigating current and future trends of the Welsh language. When a minority language is in danger of extinction, the
452 Colin Baker 'Bilingual Education in Wales' in H.Baetens Beardsmore (ed.) European Models of Bilingual Education Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 92. 17:1993 453 Colin Williams 'Non-Violence and the Development of the Welsh Language Society 1962 - c.1974' Welsh History Review Vol.7 No.4 427:1977
175 promotion of the language amongst the indigenous population, both speakers and non-
speakers, is vital. In encouraging the revitalisation of the language and increasing its
daily domains of use, the status of the language may be promoted. However, as
illustrated earlier, attitudes towards a language are very complex and often conflicting
and encompass domains of paramount importance in the assertion of an individual's
identity. Lewis refers to the 'long historical development and the recent operation of
much more influential social, economic and demographic factors' as a precedent to
adverse attitudes held by individuals towards the Welsh language."455
Efforts to promote the Welsh language within the educational system at the turn
of the century were erratic, and the change in many aspects of public opinion towards
the language has been stilted.456 Despite administrative attempts to promote the
incorporation of Welsh within the school curriculum, no definite status was given to the
457 language within the educational framework at the beginning of the twentieth century.
The 1967 report on primary education in Wales notes that,
'Although linguistic streaming had been officially advocated, no adequate
provision was being made for Welsh speaking minorities, who were in some
anglicised areas often being taught through the medium of English before
they had any grounding in the second language'.458
Howard Giles, Miles Hewstone & Peter Ball 'Language Attitudes in Multilingual Settings: Prologues with Priorities' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.4. Part 2&3. 82:1983 455 E.Glyn Lewis 'Attitude to Language among Bilingual Children and Adults in Wales' International Journal of the Sociology of Language Vol.4 108:1975 456 HMSO Primary Education in Wales Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education (Wales) 213:1967 457 David Reynolds 'A State of Ignorance?' Education for Development 7:2. 19:1982 458 HMSO Primary Education in Wales Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education (Wales) 209/210:1967
176 Gaining the corroboration of local education authorities across Wales, regarding the
development of Welsh medium schools, has been noted as a slow and somewhat
ambivalent procedure. Despite Dodson's assertion that the authorities 'developed a
variety of language programmes for the learning of Welsh, relying on the latest theories
in the field of language teaching methodology', no evidence to prove this has been
found. Neither were later policies uniform across the education authorities, as
Reynolds comments,
'Whilst an authority like Gwynedd attempts to make all pupils thoroughly
bilingual (all pupils are taught Welsh as first and second language till the
age of 16), other counties have much less positive views, often using Welsh
units attached to ordinary primary schools rather than separate Welsh
schools at primary level and often expressing public concern about the
resource implications and creaming generated by the specifically 'bilingual'
secondary schools in Anglo Welsh areas...'.
The development and implementation of language policies by the counties has been
markedly different in accordance with the linguistic nature of the population, and
disparencies have also occurred within schools, as noted by the 1967 report on primary
education in Wales, '...practice in the schools has not always followed precept and the
official policy itself has not always been unequivocal or give precise, practical guidance
about the approaches to be adopted in furthering a bilingual education...'.
459 C.J.Dodson 'Bilingualism, Language Teaching and Learning' The British Journal of Language Teaching Vol.21 No.l 4:1983 460 David Reynolds 'A State of Ignorance?' Education for Development 7:2. 19:1982 461 HMSO Primary Education in Wales. A report of the Central Advisory Council for Education (Wales) 210:1967
177 The guidelines issued by the 1967 report was that 'the time is ripe for education
authorities and teachers purposefully to implement a positive policy of bilingualism in
the primary schools of Wales...'.462 As a consequence to the report, the status of the
language in the education system of Wales was reconsidered at an official level.
Control over primary and secondary education by the Welsh Office in 1970 has allowed
the improvement of the status of Welsh within the schools. This has been reflected in
the variety of bilingual educational provision in Wales. Rawkins argues in his
discussion on language policy implementation in Wales that official legislation is
ultimately the only means by which Welsh language status and position will survive.463
Governmental direction can establish a platform of control, and stabilising the language
to a certain degree. A counter argument is that language use is enforced, and either
positive attitudes towards the language diminishes, or the status of the language
stagnates, as exemplified in Ireland. At the administrative level, the official typology
construed by the Welsh Office has categorised bilingual education in Wales as follows:
(1) Primary schools having classes where Welsh is the sole or the main
medium of instruction of first and second language pupils.
(2) Primary schools having classes of first and second language pupils
where some of the teaching is through the medium of Welsh.
462 ibid.213 463 Phillip M.Rawkins Studies in Public Policy 40 The Implementation of Language Policy in the Schools of Wales Glasgow, University of Strathclyde: 1979 464 John Macnamara 'Successes and Failures in the Movement for the Restoration of Irish' in Joan Rubin Bj6rn Jernudd (eds.) Can Language be Planned? Sociolinguistic Theory and Practice for Developing Nations Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press 69:1971 'Both the officials engaged in operating many (but not all) language regulations - such as those relating to certain appointments, to oral examinations in Irish for university students and those relating to the approval of secondary teachers - and the persons to whom they apply quietly conspire to set the regulations aside. Indeed, in applying most language regulations, the prevailing attitude has been pas trop de zele\
178 (3) Primary schools having classes of second language pupils where some of
the teaching is through the medium of Welsh.
(4) Primary schools having classes where Welsh is taught as a second
language but not used as a teaching medium.
(5) Secondary schools where Welsh is taught as both a first and second
language.
(6) Secondary schools where Welsh is taught as a first language only.
(7) Secondary schools where Welsh is taught as a second language only.
(8) Schools where Welsh is not taught at all.465
Sustaining Welsh Language Use
The degree to which Welsh is used as a medium of instruction within the school
curriculum is determined by the linguistic nature of the area, with the exception of the
first category of schools. It must be noted that the last category of schools, where Welsh
is not taught at all, has been deleted following the implementation of the National
Curriculum in 1988. As a consequence the teaching of Welsh as a first or second
language is statutory in all schools from the age of five to sixteen. Despite official
categorisation of schools along linguistic lines, 'The language of the hidden curriculum
and the playground can differ from the language of the formal and pastoral curriculum
and the managerial language of the classroom'.466 In investigating the growth of Welsh
medium education, the degree to which Welsh is implemented in daily communication
465 As noted in Colin Baker 'Bilingual Education in Wales' in H.Baetens Beardsmore (ed.) European Models of Bilingual Education Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 92. 15-16:1993 46< ibid.l5
179 and interaction by pupils is one aspect that has been investigated.467 As Bellin comments,
'The essential factor is sustaining continuous use of the language in contexts
which the child can identify. At different levels of society, the essential
sustained usage of the language will be achieved by different means.
Middle class families may be able to rely on their own resources. Less
economic independence will mean reliance on community or extended
family support. Social class differences will result in different sources of
support for sustained use of language, but sustained use is what counts'.468
The promotion of language use within the community is dependent on maintaining
favourable attitudes towards the language (as discussed in Chapter 2). Use of the
mother tongue within institutionalised domains promotes positive use of the language
by native speakers as revealed by Garrert et al in a study on mother tongue use in a
second language classroom.469 In promoting spontaneous language use, the linguistic
nature of interaction within bilingual societies, and the emergence of code-switching
among individuals is a consideration of either natural or enforced language change.
The degree to which these elements effect upon the nature of the Welsh language, the
encroaching dominance and influence of English on the language has complex
ramifications for the future maintenance of the language. This aspect, coupled with the
467 Closer analysis of informal language use within the playground environment would provide a greater insight into the (developing) nature of the Welsh language within the Welsh medium schools. 468Wynford Bellin 'Caring Professions and Welsh Speakers: a Perspective fromo Language and Social Psychology' in Rhian Huws Williams (ed.) Gwaith Cvmdeithasol - v Cvd-destun Cvmreig/Social Work - the Welsh Context Cardiff, CCETSW Cymru, University of Wales Press 84:1994 469 Peter Garrett, Yvonne Griffiths, Carl James & Phillip Scholfield 'Use of the Mother-Tongue in Second Language Classrooms' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.l5:5 1994 470 Jean Aitchinson Language Change: Progress or Decay? London, Fontana Press 1981 provides a discussion on the nature of language change.
180 emerging social and educational implications of the bilingual education system in Wales has been the object of recent investigations.
An evaluation of research into Welsh medium education
Research into Welsh medium education is a relatively new and developing field of
investigation. Studies which have concentrated solely on data collected from Welsh
medium schools (predominantly in the anglicised areas of Wales) commenced during
the 1970s. Despite the moderate, but increasing amount of research in this field, the
implications of the investigations have both practical and theoretical outcomes for
bilingual education. However, as Delamont and Rees note,
'attention has been focused on Welsh-medium schools as vehicles for
reproducing the language, with particular emphasis on the motivations
underpinning parental choice, especially in those parts of the country where
English is the predominant language of everyday discourse. Valuable as
this work has been, there are clearly many other important issues which
require investigation. David Reynolds has argued, for example, that
attainment levels in Welsh-medium schools (in English-speaking Wales?)
are consistently higher than those in English-medium ones, even allowing
for differences in intakes. Whilst the evidence here is not wholly clear, this
certainly constitutes an important area for future investigation. Such future
work would need to establish not only valid measures of differential
181 attainment (presumably based on some notion of 'value-added'), but also the
determinants of whatever differentials exist.'471
Despite limitations regarding research into education in Wales, both comparative (with
Welsh medium and English medium schools) and comprehensive in an overall analysis
of Welsh medium education, an evaluation of research already conducted may be
divided broadly into three intertwined areas, that is, linguistic, social and educational.
Research on Welsh medium schooling of a linguistic nature has concentrated on
the effect that the language background of a child has on educational performance and
communicative skills. The first Welsh medium nursery schools were created in an
attempt to instil basic communication skills in young children from English speaking
backgrounds. 1" As Williams notes, pre-school provision in Welsh was of paramount
importance to potential Welsh school pupils whose mother tongue was English. He
believed that, as children under five years of age had a heightened absorption level of
linguistic and conceptual skills, a purposeful atmosphere towards schooling would prove conducive to successful attainment in Welsh by children from English speaking backgrounds.473 Later investigations have brought to light the fact that despite an
471 Sara Delamont & Gareth Rees 'The Sociology of Education in Wales: A Future Agenda' prepared for an Interactive Symposium at the BERA Conference, University of Lancaster 12 September 1996 472 As Arnberg comments, 'A second language may also be easier to leam when learning occurs in a natural play situation than when it occurs in a more formalised school setting. A national movement for the teaching of Welsh to English speaking pre-school children in Wales is based on this premise'. Lenore Amberg, 'Mother tongue Playgroups for Pre-school Bilingual Children' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.5 No. 1 67:1984 473 Jac L.Williams Yr Ysgol Feithrin Gvmraeg Llandybie, Llyfrau'r Dryw 16:1969 'Datblygiadau pwysicaf ym maes seicoleg addysg yn y blynyddoeddd diwethaf yma yw dyfod i sylweddoli mor bwysig i ddatblygiad plentyn yw'r blynyddoedd dan bump oed. Yn y cyfhod hwnnw y mae'r plentyn normal yn gwneud cynnydd cyflym yn ieithyddol ac yn gysyniadol, os caiff y datblygiad posibl sydd ynddo ei symbylu a'i gemogi gan amgylchedd pwrpasol a fo'n cael ei reoli at ddibenion ysgoF. [The most important developments in recent years is the realisation of the importance of the first five years in the development of the child. During that period the normal child makes rapid progress both linguistically and conceptually, should the possible development be motivated and supported by a purposeful environment which is controlled for school intentions]
182 individual's Welsh language background being conducive to maintaining positive
attitude towards the language, this does not necessarily mean that the production and
daily use of the language can always be assumed. Harrison et al in their study on the
language transmission of bilingual mothers and their children suggest, 'that bilingual
mothers rear monolingual English children because of the encouragement, even
pressures, for that language generally are stronger and more widespread than the
corresponding support and facilities fostering bilingualism in Wales'.474 The study also
found that the language of the home was overwhelmingly influenced by the father,
either in a positive or negative reaction to Welsh.475 These findings are further
reiterated in a study by Lyon, on home language usage of families in Anglesey, which
found that in cross-language partnerships the language influence of the father was
greater than that of the mother.476
Language Interference: Maintaining the Status Quo
Where the use of the minority language is encouraged on a par with the majority
language within a mixed language background, such as Welsh and English, borrowing
inevitably occurs. This can be indicated by the transfer of nouns, verbs and even
grammatical phrases from one language to the other. This is one aspect emphasising the
strength of the majority language influence on the minority language, thus creating a
language shift. At the instigation of the Welsh medium schools in the early 1950s, the
474 Godfrey Harrison, Wynford Bellin & Berc'hed Piette Bilingual Mothers in Wales and the Language of their Children Cardiff, University of Wales Press 61:1981 475 ibid.62 476 Jean Lyon 'Patterns of Parental Language Use in Wales' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development in Wales Vol.12 No.3 1991
183 basic requirement for parents wishing Welsh medium education for their children was that the child spoke Welsh at home and that both the parents were Welsh speaking.
However, with the growth in popularity of the schools a demand arose for children from mixed Welsh-English and monolingual English backgrounds to attend the schools. A question arising presently concerns the nature of the Welsh language utterances of children from monolingual English backgrounds attending the Welsh medium schools.
The internalisation of English in grammatical and sociolinguistic competence and performance has been analysed from a qualitative aspect, as 'stigmatisation is certainly a problem in South East Wales, for the Welsh spoken by the new speakers is
stereotypically marked by features which are not characteristic of other, traditional, varieties'.477 In his analysis of language use among children from Welsh medium
education in South East Wales, Thomas came to the following conclusions:
'(1) So-called LI Welsh speakers in the anglicised south-east Wales do not
necessarily have native-speaker-like control of all aspects of the language.
(2) L2 children may be leading the development of certain innovations in
the spoken language.
(3) Careful consideration must be given to the possible sociolinguistic
significance of 'errors'; at least some of them may be manifestations of the
linguistic vitality of the children as they draw on the stock of native
morphological processes to create their own linguistic identity.'4 8
477 Peter Wynn Thomas 'Children in Welsh-medium education: Semi-linguals or Innovators?' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol. 12 46:1991 478 ibid.47
184 There is a fine line to be drawn between the natural development of a language
among 'new' users (first generation speakers of the language) and language corruption.
However, in attempting language revival, the quality of language spoken is important.
Increasing anglicisation of Welsh further enhances the fragility of the autochthonous
nature of the language. Language interference in the bilingual individual, according to
Cummins' threshold hypothesis diminishes as the individual reaches a certain level of
bilingual competence, and that only by attaining high proficiency in both languages can
the positive effects of cognitive development be anticipated.479 From this hypothesis,
Goncz and Kodzopeljic, conclude that,
'in cases of subtractive bilingualism (when two languages are not equally
valued) negative effects on cognitive development caused by bilingualism
can be expected. Such effects, however, are not necessarily associated with
dominant bilingualism (when knowledge of one language is superior to that
of the other, the former being used more frequently in the child's
interactions with the surroundings), while in the cases of additive
bilingualism, where the development of both languages is at the advanced
stage, positive effects on the realisation of cognitive potential can be expected'.480
The linguistic background of pupils attending Welsh medium schools, is, increasingly that of dominant bilingualism, whereby English is the preponderant language.
Complications regarding domains of language use also arise, as Bellin notes,
479 Cited in: Lajos Goncz & Jasmina Kodzopeljic 'Exposure to Two Languages in the Pre-school Period: Metalinguistic Development and the Acquisition of Reading' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.12 No.3 139:1991 480ibid.
185 'For an increasing proportion of young Welsh speakers, school is the
institution where the language is acquired rather than around the hearth.
The experience of Welsh medium education in that school based acquisition
'on the job' does not cause any problem for actually performing 'the job'.481
Consequently the language used consistently by children from English speaking
backgrounds is centred around the school curriculum. Thus they may be familiar with
educational terms, and fairly standardised, formal means of expression, but not with
day-to-day communication skills.
Examining the Linguistic Ability of Bilingual Pupils
The examination of the bilingual pupils' linguistic ability and performance has revealed
two considerations. Firstly, the nature of the communication employed within the
boundaries of the school. Pupil-teacher interaction and the language(s) used as a
medium of instruction are considered by Morris Jones and Ghuman to be critical
features of bilingual education. They maintain that problems occur with '...incipient
bilinguals when a child is educated in the second language which she or he has not fully
mastered'.482 Two types of incipient bilinguals pertinent to the linguistic situation of
Wales are cited. One is the English speaking child who masters Welsh as a second
language by means of school instruction. Children from such linguistic backgrounds are
the predominant majority attending the Welsh medium schools of South East Wales at
present. Research conducted by the 'Schools Council Bilingual Education Project'
481 Wynford Bellin 'An Educational Policy for Wales' in Wynford Bellin, John Osmond & David Reynolds An Education Policy for Wales Cardiff, The Institute for Welsh Affairs 24:1994 482 Bob Morris Jones & Paul A.Singh Ghuman Bilineualism. Education and Identity Cardiff, University of Wales Press 4:1995
186 between 1968 and 1977 concentrated on developing a programme which implemented
Welsh into the curriculum in a manner in which a child acquires a second language
j 0*5 _ efficiently. The child who appropriates English through increasing contact with
wider society, is the second type of incipient bilingual. Baker categorises these children
in accordance with the way in which their instruction is received, that is 'immersion'
and 'heritage language' pupils.484 The combination of both types of bilingual pupils
receiving the same education simultaneously raises two questions, that is 'can second
language acquisition and first language development effectively take place this way, and
are the subjects on the school curriculum effectively taught?'.485 Such questions are
becoming issues of increasing importance when considering the present day situation of
the language, and the future developments of the language and the bilingual education
system.
The second consideration that arises in the examination of pupils' linguistic
abilities from Welsh medium schools is that of their use of Welsh outside the school
environment. In the anglicised areas, the Welsh medium schools form an enclosed
linguistic community, with Welsh as the dominant language. Promotion of Welsh
language use within the wider community is essential to increase language domains and
to expand the natural use of the language. Initial investigations into local community
reception towards the Welsh medium schools found that in general, the schools were viewed as establishments created for the Welsh elite with the aim of fostering
483 CJ.Dodson (ed.) Bilingual Education: Evaluation, Assessment and Methodology Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1985 484 Colin Baker 'Bilingual Education in Wales' in H.Baetens Beardsmore (ed.) European Models of Bilingual Education Multilingual Matters 92.4:1993 485 Bob Morris Jones & Paul A.Singh Ghuman Bilingualism. Education and Identity Cardiff, University of Wales Press 4:1995
187 nationalists.486 Opponents to the ventures claimed that, '...establishment of Welsh-
medium schools is divisive as it segregates a minority of children from their peer group
in the rest of the U.K. and can lead to exposure to nationalist-inspired ideas'.487
Parental Motivation in School Selection
Despite accusations that Welsh medium education has a bias in the avocation of
nationalist tendencies, there has been a increasing influx of children attending the Welsh
medium schools from English speaking backgrounds. Changes in the social climate
regarding the status of Welsh have had an influence on the growth of the Welsh medium
schools. An explanation offered by Bush et al in an article on parental characteristics
and motives in choosing Welsh medium education is that the schools offer something
'extra' in comparison with the English medium schools. A9Q A study conducted by
Williams et al in the Rhondda regarding parental aspirations of children in both English
and Welsh medium schools provided interesting data regarding the social status of the
language amongst parents choosing Welsh medium schooling for their children.
Regarding the initial school selection, two reasons dominated parental selection process
in favour of choosing Welsh medium education. The first reason was emotive, relating
personal attitudes towards the maintenance of the language, while the second reason
was instrumental, and 'related to an evaluation of the quality of the education offered at
the bilingual school, an evaluation which had a strong tendency towards a future
486 Colin J.Thomas & Colin H.Williams 'Language and Nationalism in Wales: a case study' Ethnic and Racial Studies Vol.1 Part 2 236:1978 487 Colin H.Williams 'Bilingual Education as an Agent in Cultural Reproduction: Spatial Variations in Wales'Cambria Vol.13 (1) 112:1986 488 E.Bush, P.Atkinson & M.Read 'A Minority choice: Welsh Medium Education in an Anglicised Area - Parents' Characteristics and Motives' Polyglot Vol.5 Fiche 1 4/5:1986
188 orientation'. The conclusion drawn by the study revealed a tendency by parents who had chosen Welsh medium education for their children for higher occupational
aspirations in comparison with parents from English medium schools. The perception
of the value of Welsh medium education held by many parents was that the standard of
the education offered was of a higher standard in comparison with the English medium
schools.490 Included also in the parents perception of the Welsh medium schools was
that teacher-pupil interaction was more intense, that parent-teacher relationships were
interactive, and that teaching methods were all superior to those found in English
medium schools. The bias of the parents questioned is naturally positive towards the
Welsh language, as the decision in choosing a Welsh medium education for their
children had already been made.
Assertions of Welsh Medium Education
Despite the positive perceptions towards the success of Welsh medium education by
parents, many claims about the success of Welsh medium education in the anglicised
areas of Wales have not been factually analysed. It cannot be doubted that the
development of Welsh medium schools in the anglicised areas of Wales have
contributed to the increase in the number of Welsh speakers in the area. The 1991
Census reveals a far greater percentage of people between the ages of three and sixteen
489 Glyn Williams, Ellis Roberts & Russell Isaac 'Language and Aspirations for Upward Social Mobility' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Social and Cultural Change in Contemporary Wales London, Routledge & Kegan Paul 198:1978 490 Cefm Campbell & Anthony Packer 'Cymhellion Rhieni Di-Gymraeg dros Ddewis Addysg Gymraeg i'w Plant' The Welsh Journal of Education Vol.3 No.l 28:1992 - 491 E.Bush, P.Atkinson & M.Read 'A Minority choice: Welsh Medium Education in an Anglicised Area Parents' Characteristics and Motives' Polyglot Vol.5 Fiche 1 12:1986
189 speaking, reading and writing Welsh than in the age groups 16-29 and 30-44 492 The growth in the number of Welsh speakers reflects a gradual change in the social status of the Welsh language, with schooling through the language an essential component. As
Williams notes,
'Whether one adopts a consensus or a conflict view of social change,
education is central to the cultural reproduction of minority groups because
it serves as the basis for ideological formation and the legitimisation of
values and positions within multicultural societies'.493
The first Welsh medium schools opened during the fifties provided an unique
opportunity for schooling through an indigenous minority language, and the demand for
further educational provision was brought about by the gradual change in public
opinion. Investigations focusing specifically on the Welsh medium schools have
concentrated on the formation and expression of attitudes by the schoolchildren and
their parents, as well as issues of pedagogical methodology. The development of Welsh
medium education in the anglicised areas of Wales has provided an initial basis for such
research, but the questioning of issues such as the development of pedagogical methods,
pupil-teacher interaction, and post school provision is urgently required. The paucity of
research concentrating on aspects of Welsh medium education reveals the need for a
serious examination of the educational, sociological and linguistic implications of
bilingual education in Wales. If the system is as successful as it is claimed, then an
analysis of the pedagogical approaches manifested in the Welsh schools should be
492 H.M S O. 1991 Census Welsh Language (Wales) London 37,49,60:1994 493 Colin H.Williams 'Bilingual Education as an Agent in Cultural Reproduction' Cambria 13 (1) 112:1986
190 made, and perhaps adaptation into the English medium sector. Comparative and
contrastive analyses of Welsh and English medium schools located in the same area
could provide useful insights into the present and future development of not only Welsh
medium education, but the education system in Wales as a whole.
A critical analysis of the development of Welsh medium education therefore
places the present schooling situation within an interpretative framework. Early
research provoked contradictory axioms concerning the development of the bilingual
child. Placed within the contemporary political and social locus of the study, the
industrialisation and consequent influx into South East Wales reveals the conflictive
nature of the society. The mobilisation of society, the hegemonic influence of the
English language as a means of economic and social mobility, rendered the Welsh
language as hindrance in such advancement. However, an awareness of separate
identity, and cultural difference provoked a determination in maintaining the language
as a viable means of communication within society. The emergence of Welsh medium
education thus became the initial instigation for attempted language reversal and the
establishment of a separate Welsh identity.
191 Chapter Six Chapter 6
METHODOLOGY
Background to the Investigation
The development of Welsh medium education in South East Wales, as discussed in
Chapters 4 and 5 is deeply rooted within a historical political, social and educational
framework. No account of the growth of an educational movement through the medium
of the indigenous language, as an alternative to a concurrent, well-established
educational provision through the medium of the dominant language, can be interpreted
solely within the narrow confine of a purely educational development. The initial
efforts for Welsh medium education had influences bearing upon the contemporary
social, economic and political issues in Wales. Ensuing repercussions following the
successful establishment of the schools within the anglicised communities of South East
Wales have prompted conflicting opinions as to the exact nature and purpose of the
schools, thus highlighting the political and social bias of the schools. Such controversy
is pertinent in contemporary Wales, the questioning of the perceived 'success' of the
schools yet to be fully analysed. Attempts, albeit on a small scale, have recently been
instigated to question the rate of success in external examination of the Welsh medium
secondary schools in comparison with English medium schools, although a full scale, in-depth study is yet to be conducted. As Reynolds and Bellin question,
'If, as seems highly likely from these figures (which show Welsh medium
secondary schools consistently having a higher pass rate A-C in GCSE
192 compared with English medium schools in Wales), the success of the Welsh
medium sector is due in part to the effectiveness of the provision, what
factors seem likely to explain its success? And - crucially- how are we to
help the non-bilingual sector of Wales make use of this authentic Welsh
success story?'494
Thus, in attempting to ratify a methodological framework in analysis of the instigation of Welsh medium education, it is of paramount importance to consider all aspects of the investigation within the wider political and social framework. The emergence of Welsh medium schools in South East Wales occurred within highly anglicised communities, experiencing, on occasions significant hostility to the instigation. However, sympathy and support for the ventures came from both Welsh speakers and non-Welsh speakers, as, it must be noted, did opposition to the movement.
Aims and Objectives
This chapter presents the methodological approach used in the study to form a
comprehensive analysis of the development of Welsh medium education in South East
Wales between 1949 and 1962. Little has been published in the field with reference to
South East Wales, and no detailed and comprehensive study of the development of
Welsh medium education has been undertaken in any of the Welsh counties.495 The
494 David Reynolds & Wynford Bellin 'Welsh Medium Schools: Why they are better' Agenda Summer 19:1996 495 It must be noted that some investigations have been conducted into the growth of Welsh medium education in specific areas of South East Wales. However, these studies, in general, have offered an overall analysis of the development using an educational bias, and have not necessarily considered the instigation of the schools within a wider political and social perspective. Examples of the investigations in question are: SiSn Wyn Siencyn Astudiaeth o'r Gvmraeg fell Ail laith vne Nehvlchoedd Meithrin Mudiad Yseolion Meithrin M.Ed. University of Wales, Aberystwyth 1985
193 attempt to establish a coherent and effective method in the collation, organisation and evaluation of data pertinent to the enquiry requires 'not merely the external structure of the educational system but aspects of educational practice and the operative ideas which have helped to shape curricula and teaching, forms of internal school organisation, and attitudes to children generally'.496 Thus, interpretation of the data should not be confined within an educational sphere, ramifications from the emergence of Welsh medium education compounding future assertions for a specific 'Welsh' identity. In accordance with such interpretation, the emergence of a Welsh medium education should be considered in light of antecedent events asserting new concepts of nationalism, and a 'novel' expression of Welsh identity, exemplified by the emergence
of Plaid Cymru in 1925. Analysing the growth of Welsh medium education within a
political, social and educational framework, while complex in dissection, is the only
means of providing a comprehensive analysis of the events surrounding the emergence
of Welsh medium education. As Lewis states,
'one of the principle requirements of bilingual education research is an
autonomous methodology ... We have to work from within bilingual
education outwards towards other disciplines rather that from the outside, or
from the pursuit of other disciplines towards an understanding of bilingual education'.497
Rhiannon W.Jenkins Datblveiad Ysgolion Cvnradd Cvmraeg vng Nghaerdvdd a'r Cvlch M.Ed. University of Wales, College Cardiff 1984 R. Davies Attitudes to Bilingual Education with Specific Reference to the Teaching of Languages through the Medium of Welsh M.Ed. University of Wales, College Cardiff 1982/3 Mari Gwenllian Gwent Arolwg o Ddatblveiad Addvsg drwv'r Gvmraeg vn Abertawe 1947-1967 M.Ed. University of Wales, Aberystwyth 1967 496 Brian Simon 'Research in the History of Education' in William Taylor (ed.) Research Perspectives in Education London, Routledge and Kegan Paul 122:1973 497 E.Glyn Lewis 'Bilingualism in Education - Cross National Research' International Journal of the Sociology of Language Mouton 14, 5:1977
194 An analysis of the factors and elements culminating in the commencement and consequent development of the first Welsh medium schools in South East Wales provided in this thesis, thus accommodates the interpretation of such an autonomous methodology as suggested by Lewis.
In attempting to reconstruct a faithful representation of the developments and subsequent progression of the Welsh medium education movement in South East Wales,
'the systematic and objective location, evaluation and synthesis of evidence in order to establish fact and draw conclusions about past events', defines the research undertaken as historical. The value of historical research conducted, with regard to present day situations and developments, has been divided into four general categories by Hill and
Kerber, in their discussion on historical research models, which are:
'(1) to inquire into the past for solutions to contemporary problems.
(2) to shed light upon present and future trends.
(3) to stress the relative importance and the effects of the various
interactions that are to be found within all cultures.
(4) to re-evaluate data in the light of proving (or disproving) the
hypotheses, theories and/or generalization that are presently held about the past'.499
The significance of the research enquiry of the development of Welsh medium education in South East Wales has ramifications in all categories outlined by Hill and
Kerber, although importance is concentrated on the fourth category, in that it attempts to
498 Louis Cohen & Lawrence Manion Research Methods in Education London, Routledge 45:1994 499 Joseph E.Hill & August Kerber Models. Methods and Analytical Procedures in Educational Research Detroit, Wayne State University Press 125:1967
195 clarify the reasons for the instigation, and the consequent growth of the education provision. An analysis of the development of Welsh medium education therefore, provides a comprehensive background to subsequent events occurring in the educational provision, thus locating a secure basis accommodating the development of future research in the sector, as well as in comparison with similar minority language
«A/\ education programmes. As Hill and Kerber note,
'the ability of history to employ the past to predict the future, and to use the
present to explain the past, give it a dual and unique quality which makes it
especially useful for all sorts of scholarly study and research'.501
Difficulties of Interpretation
Interpretation of the data requires consideration by the researcher regarding the
perspective taken in the analysis and collation of the information gathered. The analysis
of the development of the Welsh medium schools in South East Wales, at a sociological
level is applied with developing theories concerned with the aim of comprehending
environmental and social factors contributing to its instigation and growth. Five
perspectives for analysing the process of education have been identified by Smelser as:
'(1) interpretations of events or aspects of human organizations in their
physical and biological environment and in their co-ordinates of space and
time (demography and ecology),
500 Interest in the development and operation of the Welsh medium schools have been shown by many minority language groups, the success having been a stimulus for similar bilingual schools in Brittany (Diwan) and Scotland, for example. 501 Joseph E.Hill & August Kerber Models. Methods and Analytical Procedures in Educational Research Detroit, Wayne State University Press 125:1967
196 (2) interpretations of behaviour in terms of its psychological significance to
the individual considered as self or person,
(3) interpretation of behaviour as manifestation of group membership,
(4) consideration of social life as relationships between persons (role and
social structure),
(5) looks to a variety of cultural phenomena that lend meaning to all social
behaviour whether conceputalized according to the person, group or
structural perspectives (norms, values, ideologies)'.502
The administration of data divided into the above categories facilitate a greater
interpretation of the social structure, group membership and individual roles present
from the initial instigation for Welsh medium schooling. The pattern of instigation and
growth of the individual Welsh medium schools are not uniform, variation in events
render the development of Welsh medium education as a sporadic and inconsistent
dependent on the diligence, influence and support of key individuals and encompassing
circumstances.503 Underlying the development of a social organisation such as the
Welsh medium education movement, are the social psychological associations which
form both positive and negative reactions towards the use of Welsh and its
manifestation within functional domains. Instigation of Welsh medium education,
despite its uneven development in areas of South East Wales, and differing nature of
development in each individual school, ultimately has created an institution whereby a
minority group is united according to a specified criteria, such as language. Inclusion of
502 Neil J.Smelser 'Sociology and the other Social Sciences' in Paul F.Lazarsfeld, William H.Sewell, Harold J.Wilensky (eds.) The Uses of Sociology London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson 180:1968 503 As Baker notes: 'Bilingual education in Wales has developed and flourished in the last three decades. This development is not uniform, undisputed or unprecedented. However, examples of its development will reveal the continued momentum of the bilingual school movement'. Colin Baker Key Issues in Bilineualism and Bilingual Education Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 68:1988
197 individuals in the group is dependent upon conformity with this premise, and
interpretation of in-group membership can be viewed as separatist (i.e. that the in-group
have formed in an attempt for divergence, to be perceived as 'different' from the
'norm') or as an assertion of identity transcending the existing group. The development
of Welsh medium education at this level, would reflect the assertion of Welsh identity
upon the predominant criteria of language. However, as Williams notes,
'language choice also implies the selection of particular concepts to describe
our linguistic predicament. A greater attention to the keywords we use in
describing the bilingual character of Wales would surely repay intellectual
and practical dividends. It is generally understood that 'class', 'ethnicity'
and 'minority' are used in such a glib fashion that we often confuse fact and
theory, reality and idealism in describing the genesis of our own identity ...
There is also an ideological temptation to talk as if all Welsh-speakers
formed an inclusive 'community' with all that concept's implication of
warmth, integration and mutual dependence. By contrast non-Welsh-
speakers are ascribed as belonging to a mass society, which is characterized
as being aggregate, cold, functional and impersonal. There is also the
practice of describing non-Welsh-speakers as Saeson (English), rather than
Cymry di-Gymraeg (non-Welsh-speakers). We need to be more self-aware
of how the language of our language analysis influences our interpretation
of inter-group relations . 504
504 Colin H.Williams 'The Development of Bilingual Wales' in Bob Morris Jones and Paul A.Singh Ghuman (eds.) Bilineualism- Education and Identity Cardiff, University of Wales Press 71:1995
198 Interpretation of the data collected therefore needs to address the inherent ramifications of the linguistic nature and stance both of the researcher and the literature and information gathered. Awareness of the tension and conflict arising consequent to an assertion of difference, manifested in the instigation of Welsh medium education for example, is declared according to certain criteria. This may serve to embrace individuals who fulfil designated requirements and, conversely, to ostracise individuals who may have sympathies with the minority group, yet do not satisfy the criteria required. Other members of the anglicised community, while perceiving themselves to be 'Welsh' as opposed to 'English' or 'Scots', for example, may not view language as an important element in the identification of being 'Welsh'. The nature of the investigation requires consideration of the development of Welsh medium education within the wider social framework, and its subsequent effect upon the social and political development in Wales as a whole.
Since the emergence of Welsh medium education provision, a number of minor
studies have been conducted with regard to Welsh medium education, located
specifically within the region of South East Wales. The development of Welsh medium junior schools in Cardiff and surrounding area was outlined in a longitudinal study by
Rhiannon W. Jenkins for submission of a research dissertation in 1984.505 A collection
of essays edited by Merfyn Griffiths provided a description of Welsh language provision appropriated by local education authorities in the 1980s. °6 The motivation and attitudes of parents in choosing Welsh medium education for their children in anglicised
505 Rhiannon W.Jenkins Datblveiad Ysgolion Cvmraeg vne Nehaerdvdd a'r Cvlch (M.Ed.) University of Wales, College Cardiff 1984 506 Merfyn Griffiths (ed.) The Welsh Language in Education Cardiff, The Welsh Department, Welsh Joint Education Committee 1986
199 areas has been analysed at a local level by Bush, Atkinson and Read, later by Evans, and
Campbell and Packer.507 The survey conducted by Aitchinson and Carter of the Welsh
language in Cardiff looked at the development of the language in the capital and its
future role, while Thomas undertook an investigation into the linguistic nature of pupils
attending the Welsh medium schools in South East Wales.508 The absence of key
research in the field prompts a serious necessity for an overall analysis of the
development of Welsh medium education in South East Wales, with further progression
into more specific aspects concerning such provision, such as sociological, linguistic,
and educational.
Research Strategies and Methodological Problems
Mouly considers that,
'research is best conceived as the process of arriving at dependable solutions
to problems through the planned and systematic collection, analysis, and
interpretation of data. It is a most important tool for advancing knowledge,
for promoting progress, and for enabling man to relate more effectively to
his environment, to accomplish his purposes, and to resolve his conflicts'.509
507 E.Bush, P.Atkinson, M.Read 'A Minority Choice: Welsh Medium Education in an Anglicised Area. Parents' Characteristics and Motives' Polyglot Vol.5. Fiche 1 April 1984 Alun Evans Parental Attitudes to Welsh Medium Nursery and Primary Education in a Northern Area of Gwent M.Ed. University of Wales, College Cardiff 1993 Cefin Campbell & Anthony Packer 'Cymhellion Rhieni Di-Gymraeg Dros Ddewis Addysg Gymraeg i'w Plant' The Welsh Journal of Education Vol.3 No. 1. 1992 508 John Aitchinson and Howard Carter 'The Welsh Language in Cardiff: A Quiet Revolution' Transaction of the Institute of British Geographers Part 12 (4) 1987 Peter Wynn Thomas 'Children in Welsh medium education: Semilinguals or Innovators?' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.12 Nos.l&2 1991 509 George J.Mouly Educational Research: the art and science of investigation Boston, Allyn & Bacon, 12:1978
200 The collection of data used as a basis for the interpretation, evaluation and explanation
of a problem or hypothesis are dependent on a coherent and stratified methodology.
According to Kaplan, the aim of methodology is,
'to describe and analyse these methods throwing light on their limitations
and resources, clarifying their presuppositions and consequences, relating
their potentialities to the twilight zone at the frontiers of knowledge. It is to
venture generalization from the success of particular techniques, suggesting
new applications, and to unfold the specific bearings of logical and
metaphysical principles on concrete problems, suggesting new
formulations'.
The methodological design implemented in researching the development of
Welsh medium education in South East Wales attempted to collate information gathered
within a feasible interpretative framework. The majority of information amassed came
from archival sources, the function being noted by Hockett, '...strictly speaking, a
process supplementary to observations, a process by which the historian attempts to test
the truthfulness of the reports of his observations made by others'.511 The paucity of
material on the linguistic and bilingual education status in South East Wales prompted
the major body of information to be gathered from primary sources. Primary data are
defined by Hill and Kerber as 'those items that are 'original' to the problem under
study'.512 Primary data includes four main sources of information relevant to historical
510 Abraham Kaplan The Conduct of Inquiry: Methodology for Behavioural Science Aylesbury, Intertext 23:1964 511 Homer Carey Hockett The Critical Method of Historical Research and Writing London, Macmillan 50:1955 512 Joseph E.Hill & August Kerber Models. Methods and Analytical Procedures in Educational Research Detroit, Wayne State University Press 46:1967.
201 research. Noted by C.M.Charles, these comprise the individuals involved (e.g. pupils,
teachers, parents, governor, local residents); documents (e.g. reports, log books, policy
statements); records (e.g. school registers, reports); and relics (e.g. books, supplies,
anniversary booklets). The collection of primary data is vulnerable to two sources of
error, known as external criticism, whereby forged or spurious documents may be
encountered, and internal criticism, which involves an evaluation of the accuracy and
value of statements contained in historical documents. 514 Some data pertinent to the
enquiry was elicited from secondary sources. Secondary data are defined by Borg and
Gall as 'documents in which the individual describing the event was not present, but
obtained his description from someone else, who may or may not have directly observed
the event'. Included within secondary sources are individuals not directly involved in
events relevant to the enquiry, but who have a close knowledge of it; historical
accounts; and newspaper and reference book accounts.
Principal material collection was sought from archive sources, from the
examination of the background on the use of Welsh in education, to the developments
surrounding the commencement and growth of the movement As Hill and Kerber note,
'the history is composed of the many antecedent problems and solutions connected with the problem area'.517 Further primary information was amassed by interviewing individuals who played key roles in the instigation and the development of the schools,
513 C.M.Charles Introduction to Educational Research New York, Longman 84:1988. 514 Walter R.Borg & Meredith D.Gall Educational Research: An Introduction New York, Longman 814:1983. 515 ibid.807 516 C.M.Charles Introduction to Educational Research New York, Longman 84:1988. 517 Joseph E.Hill & August Kerber Models. Methods and Analytical Procedures in Educational Research Detroit, Wayne State University Press 46:1967
202 whether as parents or officials. Secondary data pertaining to the present state of
development and trends were recovered by interviewing current post-holders in County
and other educational administrations, and the staff of schools. An additional problem
was that no previous research regarding Welsh medium education in South East Wales
had been considered so thoroughly, and consequently there was no paradigm of
exploration to guide or to provide a counterpoint from which interpretation could be
essayed. As Atkinson, Delamont and Hammersley comment, 'little anthropological
work has explicitly addressed the educational experiences and 'problems' of Britain's
CIO minority linguistic and/or ethnic groups'.
The enquiry included all the Welsh medium schools that were opened between
1949 and 1963 in South East Wales, encompassing the counties of South Glamorgan,
Mid Glamorgan and Gwent, now redefined under the eight unitary authorities of
Bridgend, Merthyr Tydfil. Rhondda Cynon Taff, Blaenau Gwent, Torfaen, Newport,
Vale of Glamorgan and Cardiff as formulated in April 1996. However, the study
referred to the former three counties for ease of geographical location. The counties of
Mid Glamorgan and South Glamorgan formed part of the larger county of Glamorgan
until local authority re-organisation in 1974 and consequently documentation pertinent
to the development of Welsh medium education within these two counties arose from
the same archive administration sources. The growth of Welsh medium education in
Gwent came to the forefront at a later date, the geographical location of the first Welsh medium schools under investigation did not include the county of Gwent. However,
518 Paul Atkinson, Sara Delamont & Martyn Hammersley 'Qualitative Research Traditions' in Martin Hammersley (ed.) Educational Research: Current Issues Open University, Paul Chapman Publishing 19:1993
203 children resident in Gwent did attend Welsh medium schools (specifically Ysgol
Gynradd Rhymni) and augmentation of numbers resulted in the commencement of a
Welsh medium unit at Risca in 1967.519 The study therefore, focused on the augmentation of the Welsh medium junior schools during this period, with some discussion of the consecutive progression providing an insight into the further augmentation of Welsh medium schools in the area, to the current number of 48 junior schools, seven secondary schools and the development of the nursery school movement,
Mudiad Ysgolion Meithrin.
During this study, the initial development and growth of Welsh medium education was examined. The importance of time as a factor in the overall development
of the enquiry is noted by Ball, who comments that, 'time is not just a matter of data in
its own right; it also bears on the interpretation of other'.520 Material relating to the
enquiry were found in many separate sectors, and some difficulty was experienced in
the data location and access. Much data had disappeared, been lost or even destroyed
(for example, many documents stored in a repository near the river Taff in Cardiff were
destroyed following flooding during the early 1980s). Viewing some official
documents was forbidden due to a thirty year rule preventing public access. Information
from schools was incomplete in some instances, with log books disappearing,
vandalised, or stolen. However, despite some lack of data from individual schools and
519 Heulwen Williams, the first headmistress at Ysgol Gymraeg Rhymni notes that children from Abergavenny, Gofilon, Beaufort and Brynmawr attended the school until a Welsh unit was opened at Risca in 1967. Correspondence with Heulwen Williams, August 1995 520 S.J.Ball 'Self-doubt and Soft-data: Social and Technical Trajectories in Ethnographic Fieldwork' in Martin Hammersley (ed.) Educational Research: Current Issues The Open University, Paul Chapman Publishing 39:1993
204 locations, the collection of as much information as possible concerning the development
of Welsh medium education as a whole, was not gravely hampered.
Difficulties were anticipated in developing a concise framework of interpretation
which did justice to the degree of interpretation which needed to be developed at several
levels, i.e. political, cultural, linguistic and educational. The levels of exploration that
were envisaged in this enquiry and the analysis of information collated was divided into
four sections. In the first section, governmental documents and county council minutes
and reports were analysed. The history of the Welsh medium schools was noted in the
second section and in the third section the oral context of the study was recorded. The
fourth section attempted to illuminate public opinion concerning events on the
development of the schools. The division of the chapter into four sections provided an
overall view of the analysis conducted at the legal, administrative and public levels,
with regard to the instigation and growth of Welsh medium education in South East
Wales.
In the four sections outlined above, a comprehensive analysis is given of the
growth of the schools from the initial impetus to the present day. The sections form a
basis from which research was conducted regarding the nature of the development in terms of community acceptance, linguistic tendencies and educational biases.
Information sought procured a longitudinal analysis of the schools' development as well as providing cross-sectional analysis of the schools at specific times in development, for example, the initial impetus of establishment, and the growth of the schools following the reorganisation of the counties in 1974.
205 Section 1: Administration
Information gathered from a plethora of administrative sources provided material on the management of the schools within local authority infrastructure. The concerns at management or administrative levels within an educational environment differ greatly from the management of other organisations in six major areas, as clarified by Bush:
'(1) The OBJECTIVES of educational institutions are much more difficult
to define than the purposes of commercial organisations ... Schools and
colleges are expected to develop the personal capacity of individuals, to
inculcate the accepted values and beliefs, to look after children and young
people for set periods of each day and to prepare pupils and students for the
next stage of education...
(2) Very difficult to MEASURE whether or not objectives have been
achieved in education.
(3) The presence of CHILDREN and young people as the focal points of
educational institutions leads to additional sources of ambiguity ... The
learning process is built on personal relationships with all the idiosyncrasy
and the unpredictability that implies.
(4) The managers and teachers in schools are from a common
PROFESSIONAL background with shared values, training and experience.
(5) There is a FRAGMENTED organizational and management structure
both within and impinging upon educational institutions. The climate for
school and college decision making is strongly influenced by a plethora of
external agencies and groups. These include politicians, officials and
206 inspectors at national and local levels as well as parents and both formal and
ad hoc pressure groups. Inside institutions there are multiple decision points
concerning the management of the school or college and its sub-units -
departments, faculties, houses and years. This fragmentation makes it
difficult to locate responsibility for management decision making in the
schools and colleges.
(6) Many of the senior and middle managers in schools, and to a lesser
extent colleges, have LITTLE TIME for the managerial aspects of their
worki , .521
The intricate organisational structure encompassing schools as explained by Bush,
caused some complexity and perplexity in data collection. In the aggregation of
material, information received was divided between all-Wales governmental, central,
policies and secondly at the county council levels, which in some cases were an
interpretation of national statements. This factor was emphasised by the Education Act
of 1944 which stated:
'...and it shall be the duty of the local education authority for every area, so
far as their powers extend, to contribute towards the spiritual, moral, mental
and physical development of the community by securing that efficient
education throughout those stages shall be available to meet the needs of the
population of their area'.
521 Tony Bush Theories of Educational Management The Open University, Harper and Row 5/7:1986 522 H.M.S.O. Education Act 1944 London Part II 7:1944
207 A source of data reflecting governmental scrutiny of the Welsh medium schools and assurance of academic standard were the H.MInspectorate reports. Only three
H.M.Inspectorate reports were found, in Aberystwyth, Aberdare and Ynys-wen.
Attempts were made to retrieve possible inspectorate reports from the remaining Welsh
CT'l medium schools, but to no avail. Such inspections investigated school policy, organisation and daily teaching practice. In the report, the strategies and practices of the individual schools were explained according to Governmental policy. School success was viewed in terms of academic success in the eleven plus examinations and growth in demand for education through the medium of Welsh. The log books note frequent visits from H.M.Inspectors, usually to assess the need for Welsh language resources, the
linguistic background of the pupils (known as the 4+ examination), and the general
progress of the school.
Records at County Council and Divisional Executive level provided detailed
information pertaining to the implementation of education policies within the county
and individual dealings concerning nominated schools. Minutes of the Glamorgan
County Council from 1938 until the commencement of the first Welsh medium school
reflect concern of growing public demand for such schooling including the development
of county policy regarding the teaching of Welsh within primary schools. Reports also
include demands made by parents, and church committees for Welsh medium education
provision within designated areas, and reaction from councillors. The minutes also
523 No copies of Inspectorate reports were held at the Glamorgan Record Office, nor at the Welsh Office Record Centre at Cardiff.
208 recorded decisions made concerning building allocation for the schools, with regard to catchment areas.
Records from the Welsh Joint Education Committee (W.J.E.C.) since its inception in 1948 provide information regarding the development of suitable teaching materials through the medium of Welsh for the schools. The minutes record a concern regarding the paucity of suitable pedagogical material for both first language and second language speakers, and provide an outline of the development of concurrent committees and sub-committees with responsibilities for promoting and assessing the need for
Welsh language materials (the Welsh Joint Films Club and the Publications Advisory
Panel are examples of committees working within the framework of the W.J.E.C.).
Information collated from the W.J.E.C. reveals a contemporary concern for the status
and promotion of Welsh within an educational framework, further emphasising ensuing
ramifications of the initial instigation of the Welsh medium schools in the anglicised
areas of Wales. The 'Statistics of Education' published annually since 1976 by the
Welsh Office Education Department provided an analysis of recent increases and
comparative growth (inter-county) in the development of the sector.
Section 2: Institutions
Growth of individual Welsh schools and units were noted and analysed on the basis of examining school log books. Access to the schools was obtained initially by letter, following consultation with the Director of Education in each county concerning the nature of the inquiry. Following initial correspondence, response from the schools was
209 very positive, with access gained to all the schools except two (no response was had from the headteachers, despite further attempts to gain access). However, it was possible to use other sources of information regarding these schools, and therefore lack of co-operation, for whatever reason, did not severely hamper the investigation from the outset. It was possible to gain access to the official log books of six of the schools under investigation, the schools in Maesteg, Aberdare, Ynys-wen, Pontsionnorton,
Llantwit Fardre and Barry. Difficulties obtaining the remaining log books were due to theft or vandalism (Tonyrefail, Llwyncelyn), misplacement (Pontycymer/Bridgend) or failure of the schools to respond to the request for information. These records provided a longitudinal history of the daily maintenance and organisation of the school written by the headteacher. The amount of information included in the log book, the purpose of
which is to log daily events at the schools, was at the headteacher's discretion (external
factors reflecting the amount written, and type of information enclosed in the record).
Consequently, the amount of information in the log books varied from school to school.
In general, the information provided by the log books served to provide evidence of
success or failure of the implementation of local education authority policies (with
especial regard to the implementation of the '4+ examination', which attempted to
ensure the Welsh fluency of the pupils). Analogous to this was the evidence of local
public feeling towards the instigation of the school and methods used in the attempt to
overcome any negative attitudes towards the school and its pupils.
The log books also provided an outline of the development of bilingual
education, with the difficulties that were overcome (examples included the initial dearth
of adequate materials, dilapidated buildings, opposition from local English medium
210 schools), as well as the attempt to promote Welsh medium education within the community (examples included the annual 'Cymanfa Ganu' - Welsh singing festival,
and local concerts). Interaction between the existing Welsh schools and proposed
schools were also noted in the log books, with prospective teachers visiting in order to
experience the nature of the school and witness the pedagogical methods employed. A
reflection of the arousal in international interest surrounding the phenomena of bilingual
education in South East Wales was seen in the number of visits by foreign officials and
academic researchers to the schools which were noted in the log books. Recording daily
events in the Welsh medium schools reflects the difficulties that the schools attempted
to overcome in their organisation, recruitment (both of teachers and pupils) and, the
often hostile, public scrutiny.
Further, more concise information, regarding the individual schools was
observed in the publication of school celebration booklets. The booklets, usually
published locally, provided an overall view of the development of the school, indicating
any special occasions pertinent to the schools, and usually listed the annual growth in
the numbers on roll. Information and photographs within the celebration booklets did
not always contain direct data to the research, but provided relevant background
material. However, caution should be exercised in the interpretation of such data, as it
is prone to internal criticism. Cohen and Manion explain that,
'having established the authenticity of the document, the researcher's next
task is to evaluate the accuracy and worth of the data contained within.
While they may be genuine, they may not necessarily disclose the most
faithful picture. In their concern to establish the meaning and reliability of
211 data, investigators are confronted with a more difficult problem that external
criticism because they have to establish the credibility of the author of the documents'.524
The fundamental nature of a 'celebration' booklet is to laud the success of the school, to describe favourable aspects of the education provided and furthermore to promote the school within the local community. The bias of the individual, the observer's characteristics, naturally, may unwittingly procure more favourable reports of events.
Possible distortion, enhancement and dramatisation of events need to be addressed when considering the information provided by such documents. Consequently, interpretation
of events and incidences noted from such sources need further reiteration and
confirmation.
Section 3: Individuals
Another aspect of the data collection involved discovering and interviewing key
individuals pertinent to the enquiry. In analysing the initial growth, the influence of prominent members within the local Welsh communities in South East Wales in
instigating the establishment of the Welsh medium schools in their areas was essential.
It was attempted to interview key individuals who played a principal role in the commencement of Welsh medium education in the area under discussion. Interviewing key individuals was used in conjunction with other methods, in order to obtain a deeper understanding of the enquiry, in the reflection of attitudes and motivations of the respondents. The method employed during the research enquiry was to examine the
524 Louis Cohen & Lawrence Manion Research Methods in Education London, Routledge 52/3:1994
212 local press, as some individuals actively campaigned for the schools through advertising the proposed ventures in the press; to contact individual schools, with the possibility that individuals still had an interest in the development of the schools; or by word of mouth. This method of obtaining vital informants for the purposes of research, and dilemmas that occur in the data collection are noted by Ball, due to the fact that,
'complex organisations are riddled and divided by intricate social networks.
In educational settings, these networks, as far as teachers are concerned,
form around subject specializations, age, ethnicity, gender, shared social
interests, religious affiliations, and seniority. The problems of entry and
access adumbrated above often involve penetration of these various
networks. The researcher may have to satisfy very different kinds of
expectations and be a very different kind of person to get by in some or all of them'.525
Locating and gaining access to individuals considered to be of value to the
investigation was achieved through a variety of procedures. Fifty-five individuals who
were involved with the schools, either as teachers, parents, pupils, professionally or
close relatives to others involved in the instigation, were contacted during 1994 and
1996. The main method of collecting names and addresses of individuals involved with
the instigation or establishment of a Welsh medium school in a particular areas was
through questioning members of staff at the primary school in question. It was possible
to gain access to 24 individuals in this manner. It was usual for individuals named by
525 S JBall 'Self-doubt and Soft-data: Social and Technical Trajectories in Ethnographic Fieldwork' in Martin Hammersley (ed.) Educational R*««.rrii: Current Issues The Open University, Paul Chapman Publishing 39:1993
213 the school to have maintained strong connections with the school, and thus access to them was comparatively simple. The majority of individuals contacted in this manner
were willing to give interviews, although a few were conducted over the telephone. The
names of other key persons in the instigation of the Welsh medium schools were
amassed through information received while interviewing, log book sources or
contacting educational bodies (such as the Welsh Joint Education Committee, The
Welsh Books Council, for example).
Interviewing was focused, the distinctive features of this type of interview
described by Cohen and Manion as having more control over the interview in
comparison with the non-directive interview whereby minimal interference is had by the
interviewer; 'that it focuses on a respondent's subjective responses to a known situation
in which she has been involved and which has been analysed by the interviewer prior to
the interview'.526 This enabled a substantiation of information to be gleaned from
additional sources. It was considered, from background research on each individual
school, that although similar elements were present, each school had an unique history.
This interview technique, developed by Merton and Kendall differs from other methods
of interviewing in the following respects:
'(1) The persons interviewed are known to have been involved in a
particular situation: they may, for example, have watched a TV programme;
or seen a film; or read a book or article; or have been a participant in a social
situation.
526Louis Cohen & Lawrence Manion Research Methods in Education London, Routledge 273:1994
214 (2) By means of the techniques of content analysis, elements in the situation
which the researcher deems significant have previously been analysed by
her. She has thus arrived at a set of hypotheses relation to the meaning and
effects of the specified elements.
(3) Using her analysis as a basis, the investigator constructs an interview
guide. This identifies the major areas of enquiry and the hypotheses which
determine the relevant data to be obtained in the interview.
(4) The actual interview is focused on the subjective experiences of the
people who have been exposed to the situation. Their responses enable the
researcher both to test the validity of her hypotheses, and to ascertain
unanticipated responses to the situation, thus giving rise to further hypotheses'.527
Interviews conducted in an informal manner, presented the opportunity for the interviewee to relate the story as it was remembered, with a certain questions posed by the interviewer for specific details. The majority of interviews were conducted at the individual's house and recorded by hand by the interviewer, subsequently written in detail. It was felt that this method was less intrusive to the interviewee, and presented a less formal situation, in which the individual could relax and note what had been written. All but one interview was conducted through the medium of Welsh, the exception being a former parent whose children had attended a Welsh medium school.
In all interviews, the interviewer made aware her own educational background as being through the medium of Welsh, which it was felt, made allowances for certain empathies
527 R.K.Merton & P.L.Kendall 'The Focused Interview' American Journal of Sociology in Cohen & Lawrence Manion, Research Methods in Education London, Routledge 289:1994
215 and understanding (i.e. being a Welsh speaker, and a product of the movement the
interviewee had striven to establish). However, some difficulties may arise in the
conduction of interviews, as noted by Cicourel:
'(1) There are many factors which inevitably differ from one interview to
another, such as mutual trust, social distance, and the interviewer's control.
(2) The respondent may well feel uneasy and adopt avoidance tactics if the
questioning is too deep.
(3) Both interviewer and respondent are bound to hold back part of what it
is in their power to state.
(4) Many of the meanings which are clear to one will appear relatively
opaque to the other, even when the intention is genuine communication.
(5) It is impossible, just as in everyday life, to bring every aspect of the
encounter within rational control. ^2S
It was felt, that being a Welsh speaker, and having received schooling through the
medium of Welsh, the rapport between the interviewee and the researcher would be
more positive. Questioning how and why Welsh medium education emerged in the
anglicised areas of South East Wales, and focusing on the role of individuals in
attempting to instigate the schools prompted positive responses. The growth of the movement reflects its success, and consequently there is much pride amongst individuals who were involved in instigating schools in South East Wales. Had the movement failed to attract an ever increasing number of pupils, and only retained a minuscule number of schools in the area, perhaps willingness to interview and to relate
528 A.V.Cicourel Method and Measurement in Sociology New York, The Free Press 1964, cited in Louis Cohen & Lawrence Manion Research Methods in Education London, Routledge 275:1994
216 the history would have been different. However, consideration should be given to the
five difficulties outlined Cicourel in conducting and analysing the interviews in the
attempt to amass a comprehensive interpretation of the events surrounding Welsh
medium education. Data collected from the interviewees were analysed within the
context of further information collected from variegated sources. The oral history
contributed key accounts by witnesses of the rise in Welsh medium education, whether
instigators of the movement, parents or pupils. From the observations received, the role
of the county councils, public response and the contribution of the first teachers to the
progress of the schools were highlighted. Many of the initial instigators interviewed
were highly influential within their communities, as preachers, local councillors or in
high profile professions.
The value of oral contribution to the study was scrutinised carefully. Burgess
comments that, 'it is essential that researchers make some critical appraisal of the extent
to which informants provide only partial guidance to the institutions which they are
located'.529 In the context of the study, the procedure applied was an interpretative
scheme involving the process of reminiscing events of fifty years ago, and it was necessary to realise that the opinion of individuals were peculiarly susceptible to distortion. Ball notes that the distortion in individual recollections,
'will be biased and limited by the roles and commitments the informants
hold. Those accounts are not neutral or necessarily accurate. Informants
have their own concerns and purposes for being helpful ... Thus, the
529 R.Burgess Strategies of Educational Research: Qualitative Methods London, Palmer Press 92:1985
217 interpretation of data is not merely a theoretical exercise; it is also a
contextual exercise'.
Consequently, while interviewing, the romanticisation of events, forgetfulness or
unintentional misquotation as factors of memory distortion over a period of time that
were taken into consideration. It was considered essential to maintain an objective
viewpoint, which on occasions warranted reiteration of material from another source.
Another problem anticipated was difficulties in contacting relevant individuals, and
relative willingness or unwillingness to participate in the enquiry
Section 4: Public Sources
An important source of primary data arose in the collection of qualitative material from
the public domain. Analysis of local and national newspapers, magazines, radio and
television programmes were considered viable public sources reflecting the general
view on the development of the Welsh medium schools. Twenty eight newspapers were
consulted in attempting to glean information regarding the development of Welsh medium education, 16 regional newspapers (for example, The Aberdare Leader, The
Penarth Times), five national papers (for example, The Western Mail, Barn), and four national papers (for example, The Sunday Telegraph, The Times). In reading local press articles, public reaction to the implementation of bilingual classes and schools was analysed. Community reports were published in the local press where individuals expressed their reactions, whether positive or negative, towards the schools. Negative
530 S.J.Ball 'Self-doubt and Soft-data: Social and Technical Trajectories in Ethnographic Fieldwork' in Martin Hammersley (ed.) Educational Research: Current Issues The Open University, Paul Chapman Publishing 40:1993
218 views were most commonly expressed in this manner, the present climate being more
favourable towards the Welsh language. Many instigators for the Welsh medium
schools took advantage of this medium by advertising the opening of a school with the
view of informing the general public as to the purpose of Welsh medium education and,
furthermore, attracting the interest of potential parents, thus increasing pupil numbers.
The national London based press published articles, not infrequently, concerning the
Welsh schools movement with some speculation on its expansion, although there was a
tendency to discuss certain aspects pertinent to bilingual education in general.
Information on a more national level provided interesting information as to public
attitude to the venture. Data received from the press was of intrinsic value to the study
as they were considered notes concerning public awareness and opinion of the era.
Access to documentation of this kind was comparatively easy, however, this was not the
case regarding television and radio documentaries, access to information being
unavailable in television archives. However, data from this source was obtained in the
National Library of Wales.
Conclusion
In conducting the study, the range of information gleaned was quite daunting in terms of the time-span covered, and also the many locations for data collection. As Simon notes,
'material relating to education in a formal or informal sense is to found scattered in many separate sectors which have yet to be fully absorbed into the mainstream of
219 history'. While collecting data from primary sources, such as interviewing individuals, visiting schools, much interest was shown in the project, as it was felt that there was a need to provide an overall history of the initial developments of Welsh medium education in the area. This provided an ethnomethodological view of the situation, in an attempt to 'understand how people make sense of and order their environment'. 532 Despite a hiatus of information on occasions, it was possible to collate enough data, which provided a comprehensive framework for interpreting an outline of the development of Welsh medium education in South East Wales since the
commencement of the first schools in 1949. The history has not been recorded in such
detail before, and is of vital importance when considering the future role of bilingual
education in Wales in light of governmental legislation in 1988 enforcing the teaching
of Welsh in all schools as a second language.
531 Brian Simon 'Research in the History of Education' in William Taylor (ed.) Research Perspectives in Education London, Routledge and Kegan Paul 125:1973 532 Louis Cohen & Lawrence Manion Research Methods in Education London, Routledge 32:1994
220 Chapter Seven Chapter 7
PIONEERING EDUCATION THROUGH THE MEDIUM
OF WELSH
Initial Impetus
The first successful attempt made to teach solely through the medium of Welsh began in
the town of Aberystwyth amid the social disarray caused by the Second World War. In
an era when Britain was standing united against the threat of war, it is perhaps
surprising that an ethnic minority should attempt to preserve their identity by operating
a mother tongue school. Yet, as Madgwick et al comment, the commencement of a
Welsh medium school was one element representative of a growing agitation since the
1920s concerning the predominance of English within public life and its infiltration into
all levels of society .533 Although Welsh was the predominant language of Cardiganshire
school children; Education Committee figures report that of the 7,110 Cardiganshire
children in 1923, only 140 were monoglot English speakers; the English language was
increasingly regarded as one facilitator of upward social mobility. Thus many Welsh
speaking parents were adopting English as the home language.
The importance of maintaining the Welsh language had been highlighted by
Plaid Cymru following the decline in Welsh speakers revealed by the 1921 census.
533 Peter Madgwick with Non Griffiths & Valeric Walker The Politics of Rural Wales. A Study of Cardiganshire London, Hutchinson 54:1973
221 Plaid Cymru had taken 'the linguistic definition of nationality as their central axiom for
political agitation' with the aim of establishing Welsh as the sole official language of
Wales and as a medium of education from elementary school through to University.534
The emphasis on language survival, considered as a vital indicator of Welsh culture and
tradition maintenance was a powerful element in the composition of the nationalist
party, precursing the conception of the Welsh school at Aberystwyth.535 Extraneous
forces therefore were coercive in the commencement of a specific educational provision
through the medium of Welsh as a separate, or alternate option from that offered by the
local education authority.
The University College at Aberystwyth instigated research into bilingualism
during the 1920s (as discussed in Chapter 5), and despite the negative outcomes of
initial research by Saer and Smith, there was persistent pressure for the maintenance of
the Welsh language in Cardiganshire, resulting in the adoption of a suggestion made by
the National Union of Welsh Societies that Welsh should be taught in all schools.536
Nationalist sentiments and linguistic concern for the Welsh language were prominent in
West Wales, as reflected by increasing support for Saunders Lewis, representing Plaid
Cymru for the University seat at Aberystwyth in 1931. During this time, 'there was persistent but uneven pressure to establish or extend the use of Welsh in local government, in the courts and in schools...'.537 Although Welsh was the main medium of instruction in areas where the language was the most widely spoken, there was little
534 Colin H.Williams 'When Nationalists Challenge: When Nationalists Rule' Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy Vol.3 31:1985 35 This has been discussed in detail in Chapter 3 536 Colin H.Williams 'When Nationalists Challenge: When Nationalists Rule' Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy Vol.3 31:1985 537 ibid.58
222 specific provision for the minority of children who came from Welsh speaking homes in
anglicised areas. In 1939 Aberystwyth had been inundated with war evacuees and it
was a consequence of that, coupled with the anxiety of a handful of parents lest their
children should lose knowledge of the mother tongue, Welsh, which prompted the
opening of the first Welsh medium school. 'Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth', was initially
a private institution established by Sir Ifan ab Owen Edwards (the founder of Urdd
Gobaith Cymru, the League of Welsh Youth) with a nucleus of seven pupils. This
school served as a precedent, in inciting other interested parties to campaign for similar
schools in their areas.
Following the passage of the 1944 Education Act, a highly significant step was
taken by Carmarthenshire Education Committee in designating one of its schools at
e oo Llanelli as a Welsh medium school in 1947. By 1950, eleven years after the opening
of Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth, a further fourteen schools were operating under the
control of the Welsh Education Authorities, as Table 7:1 illustrates. The events which
led to the opening and maintenance of Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth established a
pattern of development which recurred in many of the first Welsh medium schools that
were opened in South East Wales. The Welsh school at Aberystwyth became widely emulated, its success and encouragement for many establishing committees in the anglicised areas of South East Wales who began Welsh school campaigns.
538 The school is presently known as Ysgol Dewi Sant.
223
130
1951
19
123
57
65
70
60
60
58
25
68
43
Numbers
Pupil Pupil
13
10
15 17
18
8
34
65
70
On On
opening
31
45
28
1947-1951
Glamorgan
Location
Glamorgan
Glamorgan
Glamorgan
Glamorgan
Clwyd
West West
Gwynedd
Mid Mid
Clwyd
Clwyd
between between
School School
Mid Mid
7:1
Mid Mid
Dyfed
Bay, Bay,
South South
Clwyd
224
Clwyd
Rhyl, Rhyl,
Table Table
Ynys-wen, Ynys-wen,
Treuddyn, Treuddyn,
Colwyn Colwyn
Treffynon, Treffynon,
Cardiff, Cardiff,
Maesteg, Maesteg,
Llansamlet, Llansamlet,
Llandudno, Llandudno,
Mold, Mold,
Y Y
Aberdare, Aberdare,
Llanelli, Llanelli,
opened opened
Schools Schools
Welsh Welsh
Date
1949
1949
1949
1949
1950
1949
1949
1950
1950
1947
1950
1949
June June
March March
March March
September September
September September
January January
September September
September September
June June
January January
January January March March The Origins ofYsgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth
The stimulus that led to the establishment of a Welsh class at Aberystwyth, initially,
was derived from a parent's concern about suitable educational provision for his son.
Following the announcement of the Second World War in 1939, Aberystwyth had given
hospitality to a large number of evacuees from Liverpool. Subsequent to the influx of
evacuees, the number of children and teachers in the town doubled, causing educational
provision in the town to be thrown into disarray. As a consequent to the drastic influx
of Liverpudlian schoolchildren into Aberystwyth, it was decided to hold classes on a
double shift basis, in an attempt to solve the problem of schooling. The organisation
decided upon was to designate a long session in the morning for local children and to
provide the same allocation of time in the afternoon for evacuees. Lack of space and
resources resulted in the amalgamation of all classes, thus causing the termination of
any certain designated classes. In order to accommodate all schoolchildren and provide
basic educational skills, it became necessary to close all special classes, including the
Welsh Infants' Class which had been established at Alexandra Road School. Following
this decision, many parents expressed concern that long teaching sessions in
overcrowded classrooms would have a damaging effect on the health and well-being of their children.539
Owen Edwards, the five year old son of Sir Ifan ab Owen Edwards, was a pupil at the Welsh department in Alexandra Road at this time. Sir Ifan was an active and prominent figure in advocating an increased status for the Welsh language in the public
539 W.R. Jones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 81:1966
225 domain, and was quoted in the local newspaper, Cambrian News, as 'looking forward to
the time when shops in Aberystwyth would display signs, 'English spoken here!'540
The son of Sir Owen Edwards, the first Chief Inspector of Schools in Wales, who was a
eminent individual advocating the use of Welsh in schools, the continued endeavour to
promote the use of Welsh among the younger generation had been manifested by Ifan ab
Owen Edwards in the form of Urdd Gobaith Cymru, 'a youth movement committed to
Wales and its culture'. Such was his vision in attempting to rejuvenate the Welsh
language, that when the Welsh department at the Alexandra Road School was
dismantled, as a means to encounter the influx of evacuees, Sir Ifan was one of the
many parents disconcerted about the changes in schooling at Aberystwyth. Drawing
from his own unhappy linguistic experience in the English environment at Bala
Grammar school, Sir Ifan was concerned for the linguistic welfare of his son.542 It was
his belief that every individual had a right to receive an education through the medium
of the mother tongue, and was concerned that his son would be deprived of this
fundamental right by being forced to attend a local school which to all intent and
purposes was English in character and outlook.
This concern prompted Sir Ifan to offer rooms which were available in the Urdd
Gobaith Cymru Headquarters on Llanbadarn Road free of charge for the use of the
Welsh Infants' Department. However, despite initial acceptance of the offer, the
540 Cambrian News 18 March 1932 cited in Peter Madgwick with Non Griffiths & Valeric Walker The Politics of Rural Wales. A Study of Cardiganshire London, Hutchinson 54:1973 541 ibid.l 17 'The Urdd is more than a youth club. It has a commitment to Wales as a nation and to Welsh culture and the language...The Urdd is non-political - its commitment is cultural, and it has avoided formal relations with political parties. In practice it is political (but not party political) in so far as the Welsh culture is itself political'. 542 R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaith Cvmru Cyfrol 1 1922-1945 Aberystwyth, Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru, 243:1971 343 W.RJones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 82:1966
226 department returned to Alexandra Road within a fortnight, and was again amalgamated
into the other classes. This action caused great disappointment among parents, Sir Ifan
ab Owen especially. The situation was discussed informally among five parents, who
concluded that it would be in their best interests to keep the children at the Urdd Centre
if possible.544 According to Griffith, two factors lay behind Sir Ifan's enthusiasm and
support in establishing the Welsh class, who commented:
'Yn gyntaf, argyhoeddiad personol Ifan ab Owen, fel addysgwr o Gymro, y
dylai plentyn dderbyn ei addysg yn ei famiaith ac y dylai'r addysg honno
sugno ei hysbrydiaeth o ddiwylliant a thraddodiadau'r genedl' [Firstly, Ifan
ab Owen's personal conviction as a Welsh educator, that a child should
receive an education through the medium of Welsh and that the education
should absorb its encouragement from the nation's culture and traditions].
The second factor to which he drew attention was:
'yr amgylchiadau a grewyd gan argyfwng y rhyfel, a sefyllfa bersonol Ifan
ab Owen gyda golwg ar addysg ei fab' [the circumstances caused by the war
crisis, and Ifan ab Owen's personal situation with an eye on the education of his son].545
He maintained that it was the determinism of Sir Ifan, who had the will and the means
to ensure the success of the venture which enabled the work of the class to begin
immediately. It can also be argued that Sir Ifan's 'determinism' appeared at a time when concern for the linguistic maintenance of Welsh predominated Plaid Cymru's policies during this period (indeed education through the medium of Welsh was
544 ibid..... 545 R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaith Cvmru Cyfrol 1 1922-1945 Aberystwyth, Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru 247/8:1971
227 that the considered a feasible and most necessary means of language maintenance), and through influx of evacuees provided him with an opportunity to manifest his vision establishing a school which operated solely through the Welsh language.546
Before the commencement of the Welsh class, Sir Ifan approached Norah Isaac, her who had been working as an organiser for the Urdd and was about to complete for the contract, to inquire whether she would be willing to take teaching responsibility Road class. On the day that the Welsh Infant class was due to return to Alexandra class School, Monday afternoon, September 25, 1939, the first pupils of the new Welsh began commenced their studies.547 Its seven pupils, all children of Sir Ifan's friends, guineas a under the direction of Norah Isaac, the parents being charged a sum of four additional term for the eldest child attending the class, and a further guinea for each salary of child. The payment received was used as a contribution to the teacher's of Urdd £160 a year and a body of governors was elected, comprising representatives 549 The Gobaith Cymru, together with parents and experts in the field of education.
language strategy As Colin Williams notes, "The role of bilingual education is central to understanding Cymru's initial rationale, and language revival in postwar Wales. It was the second main aim in Plaid sector associated with and has attracted more energy, disputation, and government finance than any other When Nationalists the resurgence of Welsh culture' in Colin H.Williams 'When Nationalists Challenge: Rule' Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy Vol.3 33:1985 547 ibid.246. Daniel Gruffydd Jones, The first seven pupils were Owen Edwards (son of Sir Ifan ab Owen Edwards), Non Gwynn, James Jenkins, John Wyn Meredith, John Parry, Ruth Thomas. Aberystwyth, Cymdeithas 548 Dafydd Ifans (ed.) Dathlwn Glod: Ysgol Gvmraeg Aberystwvth 1939-1989 on Ysgol Gymraeg Rhieni ac Athrawon Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth 1989, and H.M.Inspector Report Aberystwyth 13/2/1948. Termly fees paid were as follows: 1939 4 guineas for the eldest child, a guinea for every other member of the family. 1943 5 guineas for the eldest child, a guinea for every other member of the family, 1948 £5 5s Od for the eldest child, £1 Is Od for every other member of the family. for the third member and 1949 10 guineas for the eldest child, 6 guineas for the second eldest, 3 guineas guineas for a fourth child. 2 Urdd Gobaith Cymru 549R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaith Cvmru Cvfrol 1 1922-1945 Aberystwyth, Cwmni 247:1971
228 Governing body of the new school operated to ensure its success, and began to publish
documents and pamphlets which were aimed at convincing doubting individuals as to its
objectives. In a concise statement which was published in the pamphlets and
programmes published by the Urdd Gobaith Cymru at that time, it was declared that the
main aim of the school was to, 'Meithrin dinasyddiaeth, bywyd Cristionogol a chariad at
brydferthwch ydyw uchelgais yr Ysgol, a hynny ar sail diwylliant Cymru' [To foster
citizenship, Christian life and live for beauty is the ambition of the School, founded
upon Welsh culture].550
Opposition to the School
Considerable suspicion surrounded the school venture in its early days, as has considerable antipathy towards the compulsory teaching of Welsh in Cardiganshire schools been a constant source of public contention.55 At that time the town of
Aberystwyth was markedly anglicised in comparison with the encompassing rural areas, to the extent that seventy percent of schoolchildren living in the urban district of
Aberystwyth were estimated as being monoglot English.552 Doubts concerning the
550 Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru Gorfforedig Beth vdvw Ysgol Gymraeg? Aberystwyth, Cambrian News, 1:1949? 551 Peter Madgwick with Non Griffiths & Valeric Walker The Politics of Rural Wales. A Study of Cardiganshire London, Hutchinson 118/9:1973 'Sporadic conflict occurred in the 1920s and 1930s over the place in Welsh in admission to secondary education. In 1946 the establishment of a Welsh-medium primary school aroused opposition. In 1958 there was a protest against the County's policy for the compulsory teaching of Welsh to 'O' level. In 1968-9 the county, following the Gittins Report, extended compulsory Welsh teaching to the 4-7 year olds and announced the introduction of Welsh-medium teaching for all pupils so that 'by the junior stage children should have gained sufficient mastery over their second language to receive a part of then- education through the medium of that language'. There were protests by parents, mainly, but not exclusively, in the Aberystwyth area, and over 160 attended a meeting convened and recruited without public advertisement1 . 52 H.M.Inspector Report on Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth 2:13/2/1948
229 advantages of a Welsh medium education were not confined to monoglot English
speakers. A common attitude expressed by Welsh speaking parents was that by
receiving an education through the medium of Welsh their children would not achieve a
satisfactory competence in English, and would thus be at a disadvantage. Among the
population at Aberystwyth, few people saw the potentials of a Welsh medium education
and the general consensus towards Sir Ifan was, as described by Griffith,
'...dyn od oedd hwn, dyn penderfynol a ystyfnig, eithafwr o Gymro a sonnid
am yr ysgol yn ddirmygus fel 'Ysgol Ifan ab" [ ...this man was odd, a
determined and stubborn man, a Welsh extremist and the school was
referred to with contempt as 'Ifan ab's School ].553
Another name in common use was 'Welsh Nat School' in personal communication with
Norah Isaac.554 In its infancy, the school had to prove itself to be a success in all
aspects, to the extent of having to persuade the local populace that it was a 'normal
school'.555 For a while a familiar accusation was the ironic observation that the venture
was snobbish and elitist, which the reaction of supporters of the school was that if the
death of the Welsh language to come about through snobbishness, then that same
attitude could restore it.55
In the school's infancy, there was some truth in the accusation of elitism, as the
first seven pupils came from families with professional backgrounds and a significant number of the later children enrolled had parents who were members of staff at the
553 R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaith Cvmru Cvfrol 1 1922-1945 Aberystwyth, Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru, 247:1971 554 Interview with Norah Isaac, Carmarthen, 24 February 1994. 555 ibid. 556 ibid.
230 University College Aberystwyth where an increasing consciousness of the school's
academic achievement was emerging.557 Moreover, as Madgwick et al note, individuals
most concerned and active in the promotion of the Welsh language during this period in
general had been educated to a professional level, thus reflected in the social
background of the first pupils at the schools.558 The pupils' social class noted in an
Inspectorate Report in 1948, nearly a decade since the commencement of the school,
observed:
The school draws a considerable proportion of its pupils from the homes of
the professional classes. Most of the parents have the advantage of
secondary education, and many are university graduates. The school is
therefore very highly selective and the quality of the pupils on the whole
tends to be rather above average'.559
Such a statement is reflective of considerable social reservation and tension following
the school's establishment and a prevalent suspicion amongst people in the area
regarding the viability of Welsh medium education, which was conducive to hindering
the growth of the school [Table 7:2]. The laggard augmentation of the number of pupils
at the school caused disappointment to the founder and the governors. However the
557 Griffiths reasons, 'Nid dibwys chwaith mo'r ffaith bod nifer o bobl broffesiynol yn danfon eu plant i'r ysgol hon - nid am ei bod yn ysgol breifat, ond oherwydd natur ac ansawdd yr addysg a gyfrannai. A dechreuodd eraill ymresynu - 'os yw'r Ysgol Gymraeg yn ddigon da i blant hwn-a-hwn, mae'n ddigon da i 'mhlant innau'. Gwgai eraill ar y sefyllfa, gan haeru ei bod yn sawru o snobyddiaeth. Ysgol i blant y 'dosbarth uchaf mewn cymdeithas oedd hon yn eu golwg hwy, ac edrychent ami fel ysgol breifat yn unig'. [That many professional people sent their children to this school was not a fact unnoticed - not because it was a private school, but because of the nature and quality contributed to the education. And others began to reason - 'if the Welsh school is good enough for so-and-so's children, then it's good enough for my children'. Others frowned upon the situation, asserting that it reeked of snobbishness. In their view this was a school for children of the 'highest class' in society, and they regarded it only as a private school.] in R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaith Cvmru Cvfrol 1 1922-1945 Aberystwyth, Cwrnni Urdd Gobaith Cymru, 300:1971 558 Peter Madgwick with Non Griffiths & Valeric Walker, The Politics of Rural Wales. A Study of Cardiganshire London, Hutchinson 111:1973. 559 H.M.Inspector Report on Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth 4:13/2/1948
231 Table 7:2
Pupil Growth at Ysgol Gvmraeg Aberystwyth 1939-1955
Year Number on Roll 1939 7 1940 17 1941 19 1942 32 1943 45 1944 56 1945 71 1946 81 1947 1948 98 1949 112 1950 124 1951 63 (Under Education Authority control) 1952 160
1955 213
Source: Dafydd Ifans Dathlwn Glod: Yseol Gvmraeg Abervstwvth 1939-1989 Aberystwyth, Cymdeithas Rhieni ac Athrawon Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth, 1989 H.M.Inspectors Report on Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth 13 February 1948 R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaith Cvmru 1922-1945 Cyfrol 1 Aberystwyth, Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru, 1971
232 instigators unequivocally believed that the remarkable success which its pupils
achieved in the eleven plus examination would eventually earn community respect for
the school, and so increase its popularity. According to Griffith
'...roedd gweld disgyblion yr ysgol yn sgorio cant-y-cant yn achos syndod i
lawer o bobl. Gwelwyd nad oedd y pwyslais ar yr iaith a'r diwylliant yn
niweidio dim ar siawns y plant 'i ddod ymlaen yn y byd". [Seeing the
pupils achieving one hundred percent was a cause for surprise for many
people. It was seen that emphasis on the language and the culture had no
damaging effect on the children's ability to 'get on in the world'].560
The direct consequence of this academic success, combined with the publicity promoted
by the Governors, resulted in a notable increase in pupil numbers in the years which
followed the end of the war.
Children from non Welsh speaking backgrounds
The Welsh school at Aberystwyth was established with the prime objective of providing
children with an opportunity to receive an education through the medium of their mother tongue. No stringent rules confined admittance to Welsh speaking pupils only.
However, the proposed admittance of the first monoglot English pupil caused much tension among the parents and governors, based as much as anything on a concern that any 'failure' would undermine increasing public confidence and academic prestige which was enhancing the school's popularity. Despite initial concerns, a few monoglot
560 R.E.Grifflth Urdd Gobaith Cvmru Cvfrol 1 1922-1945 Aberystwyth, Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru, 346:1971
233 English children were accepted into the school annually from the second year. Sir Ifan
argued against any prejudgement of this matter, perhaps being more aware than others
of the facility with which young children acquire a second language successfully by
language immersion.561 A declaration of the school policy concerning the linguistic
background of potential pupils was published in the 1941 school programme, which
declared finally:
' Y mae'r ysgol yn agored i fechgyn a merched a all siarad Cymraeg. Ystyrir
derbyn rhai heb fedru Cymraeg os ymunant cyn gadael pump oed, a rhai
ychydig yn hyAn, sy'n deall Cymraeg ond heb fedru ei siarad yn rhwydd.
Gosodir amodau fel hyn er mwyn diogelu ysbryd ac iaith yr ysgol' [The
school is open to boys and girls who can speak Welsh. Consideration of
acceptance will be given to those who are unable to speak Welsh, if they
join before reaching five years of age, and some slightly older, who are able
to understand Welsh, but are unable to speak fluently. These conditions are
set to safeguard the spirit and nature of the school].
Norah Isaac noted in the School Log Book on 6 January 1943 that the
'sefyllfa ynglyn a Saeson yn yr ysgol yn gwbl foddhaol, a'u bod yn dysgu
Cymraeg ac yn dod yn rhan naturiol o gymdeithas yr ysgol' [the situation
concerning English pupils at the school is totally satisfactory and they are
learning Welsh and becoming a natural part of the school community].563
561 Interview with Norah Isaac, Carmarthen, 24 February 1994 562 Rhaglen Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth 2:1941 563 Dafydd Ifans (ed.) Dathlwn G)od: Ysgol Gymraee Abervstwvth 1939-1989 Aberystwyth, Cymdeithas Rhieni ac Athrawon Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth 1989
234 However the school's Governors were acutely aware of the necessity of maintaining the
Welsh atmosphere of the school in order to ensure the success of the venture. Reports
from the 1945 Log Book demonstrate that the Governors were prepared act accordingly
in sustaining the Welsh atmosphere in the school, in refusing to accept an application
from the parents of a three and a half year old girl for her to join the school, 'gan y
teimlid bod y cyfartaledd o Saeson yn y dosbarth eisoes yn rhy uchel' [as it was felt that
the mean number of English speaking students in the class was already too high].564
The action of the Governors reveal a concern for the maintenance of an indigenous
language and culture at the school, and an awareness that while a minority of first
language English-speaking children attended the school, their linguistic assimilation to
Welsh would be a success. To many, who observed what was happening at this time the
speed of learning and mastery of language by children for an English language
background was a continual surprise. This was also noted by Inspectors of the School;
observing the school in 1948, and reporting:
'Moreover, what causes a perpetual surprise to anyone coming in contact
with the school is the speed and efficiency with which the non-Welsh
speaking section of the younger pupils attain a good working knowledge of
Welsh and the facility with which they speak, read and write Welsh before
they leave school'.
564 ibid. 565 H.M.Inspector Report on Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth 4:13/2/1948
235 The Success and Development of the School
The Inspectorate Report of 1948 provided the school and its supporters with a definite
and public statement concerning the success of the school. It was clear that this success
could be perceived not only educationally, but sociologically, culturally and
linguistically. Sir Ifan's venture had now begun to overcome local community
suspicion and had established itself as a thriving independent school.566 The change in
community perception of the school, and its consequent success and maintenance did
not however come about without growing pains. In the initial stages of development
sponsorship of the 'experiment' was put under the auspices of the Urdd in order to
ensure its success. However, the maintenance of the school was to become a huge and
ever increasing financial burden on the Urdd. Although there had been initial awareness
that the school could not maintain itself on a self-supporting basis, the increase in pupil
numbers sequential to its success had steadily increased the financial constraints on the
patrons. By 1951, the amount of capital needed to ensure effective school
administration was immense, and clearly beyond the capabilities of the Urdd. As a
direct consequence of this recognition, came the threat of school closure, despite the fact
that the establishment of the Welsh school at Aberystwyth had from the late 1940s
become a powerful symbol for individuals and organisations in more anglicised regions
of Wales, and was viewed as a beacon in the quest for Welsh medium education.
566 As Merfyn Griffiths 'The Growth of Welsh Medium Schools' in Merfyn Griffiths (ed) The Welsh Language in Education Cardiff, The Welsh Department, Welsh Joint Education Committee 18:1986 notes, 'Members of the professional classes in Aberystwyth soon took note of the quality of the education being given in the school and many decided to send their children there. Seeing them 'venturing' to do so induced others to follow suit'.
236 As early as 1942, an attempt had been made to put the school under the control of the Education Authority, as the school governing body had been eager to correlate the teachers' salary with that of the Burnham scale, and also to ensure provision for a pension on a par with their colleagues in the public sector. It was reported that the
Education Authority was monitoring the experiment carefully, but despite a favourable report by one of their Inspectors, the Education Authority resolutely determined that:
'na fyddai modd 'cydnabod' yr ysgol yn yr ystyr swyddogol hyd nes bod
ganddi 30 o blant dros seithmlwydd oed, a mwy o le a gwell cyfleusterau
mewn rhai cyfeiriadau' [that there were no means by which it could
'acknowledge' the school in the official sense until it had 30 children over
seven years of age, more room and better facilities].5 7
The crisis deepened over a period of nine years, and on 3 January 1951, the Urdd
Council announced, after great deliberation
'ei bod yn ariannol amhosib parhau i gynnal Ysgol Lluest, ac y dylid
hysbysu Pwyllgor yr Ysgol o hynny, gan awgrymu mai cywir fyddai galw
Cyfarfod Cyffredinol o Rieni ar y cyfle cyntaf posibl. Ymhellach, ein bod
o'r farn y dylid hysbysu Pwyllgor Addysg Ceredigion, gan bwyso eto am
sefydlu Ysgol Gymraeg rad yn Aberystwyth a chynnig pob cymorth posibl
iddynt yn yr ymdrech honno, a chan addo y caeid Ysgol Lluest yng
Ngorffennaf 1952, neu ynghynt pe sefydlai'r Pwyllgor Addysg Ysgol
Gymraeg cyn hynny' [that it was financially impossible to ensure the
maintenance of Lluest School and that the School Committee should be
567R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaitb C.vmm Cvfml 1 1922-1945 Aberystwyth, Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru, 302:1971
237 informed of this, with the suggestion that it would be appropriate to call a
general meeting of the parents at the first available opportunity.
Furthermore, we are of the opinion that Cardiganshire Education Authority
should be informed of the pressing need to establish a free Welsh school in
Aberystwyth and offer all the support possible to them in this attempt,
promising that Ysgol Lluest will be closed in July 1952, or earlier should the
Education Committee establish a school before this].568
However, despite this attempt to publicise and press its case for financial
assistance, Urdd Gobaith Cymru were unable to fulfil its hopes in maintaining the
school until July 1952. By July 1951, the Urdd could find no means of supporting the
school further, and it was formally closed. The experiment had proven itself to be a
success, which prompted the decision that
'gwell o'r safbwynt hwn hefyd fyddai cau yn fuan, a thrwy hynny dwyn
pwysau trymach ar yr Awdurdod Addysg i weithredu'n ddioed bellach
mewn ateb i gais a wneud atynt am ysgol Gymraeg wyth mis ynghynt' [ it
would be better from this standpoint to close quickly, and by doing this
putting further pressure on the Education Authority to act immediately to
answer the application made to them for a Welsh school eight months earlier].569
Urdd organisers were aware that the Education Authority had sanctioned the opening of a Welsh medium primary school in Llanelli in 1947, (indeed, one of the inspectors, Dr
568R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaith Cvmru Cvfrol 2 1946-1972 Aberystwyth Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru 115:1972 569R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaith Cvmru Cvfrol 1 1922-1945 Aberystwyth, Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru, 371:1971
238 Mathew Williams spearheaded the campaign for the Welsh school), and also of the fact that alternative measures had been devised by the instigators of the school, as an
insurance should arrangements with the authority falter.570 However, with the public
announcement that the school at Aberystwyth was to close due to financial difficulties, the Cardiganshire Education Authority decided to reinstate it, and in September 1951, it reopened under the Authority's sole control. It seems ironic that the private venture at
Aberystwyth, which prompted the opening of Welsh medium schools across Wales
under local authority control, in its quest for state support faced imminent closure before
Cardiganshire Education Authority conceded to maintain the school.
The Influence of the Aberystwyth Venture
The influence of the Welsh school at Aberystwyth had undoubtedly a catalytic effect on the development of Welsh medium education throughout the anglicised areas of Wales.
Sir Ifan, with the assistance of parental support and financial aid from the Urdd movement, had transgressed state educational provision, by establishing a feasible and flourishing objective for others to simulate in other anglicised areas.571 The initial
570 Merfyn Griffiths, 'The Growth of Welsh Medium Schools' in Merfyn Griffiths (ed.) The Welsh Language in Education Cardiff, The Welsh Department, Welsh Joint Education Committee 19:1986 'Members of the school inspectorate kept a watchful eye on this new development in Welsh education and subsequently supported the establishment of Welsh medium schools. It was one of these inspectors, Dr Mathew Williams, who urged Miss Olwen Williams to start a campaign to obtain a Welsh school for Llanelli. The year was 1944 and the inspector and the teacher had been discussing the wretched state of the language in some of the town's primary schools.' An ardent campaign were launched immediately, with public meetings to gain support, and a petition with the names of children who proposed to attend the school. The school opened on the 1 March 1947 under the auspices of the local education authority with 34 children. 571 It should be noted here that in Welsh heartland areas Welsh was used as a teaching medium in many primary schools. However, the significance of the Aberystwyth venture was that the school provided an education through the medium of Welsh (although whether it was the teaching medium for all subjects is questionable) for a minority of children. It was the strength of this example that incited others in anglicised areas of Wales to campaign for such schools in their areas.
239 impetus for the establishment of the school at Aberystwyth, Sir Ifan later claimed at the
annual meeting of the school in 1945:
'Gwir amcan yr arbrawf oedd symbylu awdurdodau addysg Cymru i agor
ysgolion ar yr un patrwm yn seiliedig ar draddodiadau, diwylliant a bywyd
Cymru, ac yn defhyddio'r Gymraeg fel prif gyfrwng yr addysg ac unig
gyfrwng yr ysbrydiaeth' [The main objective of the experiment was to
encourage Welsh education authorities to open schools on the same pattern
which is founded on Welsh traditions, culture and life, and using Welsh as
the main medium of the education and the only medium of
encouragement].572
This expression, the attempt to resist and reverse a trend that was assimilating
Wales, including the Welsh language, into England (and English), by Sir Ifan is a
reflection of a cultural nationalism expressed by Plaid Cymru. The social philosophy
adopted by the parry during the 1930s and 40s, was that Welsh national identity was
tangible only by the preservation of traditional culture and values, by which the Welsh
language was an integral feature. Concern about the rapid decline of Welsh in the
industrial valleys of south east Wales, and the demand for equality of status in order for
the Welsh language to survive was expressed by Gwynfor Evans, who was later to become president of Plaid Cymru, as early as 1937. In his view, the crisis was great,
572 R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaith Cvmru Cvfrol 1 1922-1945 Aberystwyth, Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru, 371:1971 573 Early Plaid Cymru policies were solely concerned with the expression and preservation of national identity by means of the Welsh language (even if this meant degrading the status of English). Despite the radical re-appraisal of the party in 1930, and the prominence of political objectives, the language policy was still a contentious issue as noted in D.Hywel Davies The Welsh Nationalist Party 1925-1945: A Call to Nationhood Cardiff, University of Wales Press 77/8:1983
240 'cerddodd y cancr ymhell i gorff cymoedd y Rhondda, Ogwr, Rhymni,
Aberdar a Merthyr Tydfil; lie bu bron ddim ond Cymraeg hanner canrif yn
61, Saesneg yw iaith y mwyafrif erbyn hyn, ac ni chlywir gair o Gymraeg ar
enau'r plant wrth chwarae ar yr heol' [the cancer has driven deeply into the
valleys of the Rhondda, Ogmore, Rhymney, Aberdare and Merthyr Tydfil;
where fifty years ago there was almost only Welsh, English is now the
language of the majority, and not a word of Welsh is heard on the lips of
children playing in the street].574
Aware of evolving attempts to establish Welsh medium schools in other areas, and the
need to regain the status of Welsh within communities, at the annual school meeting in
1945 Sir Ifan expressed the hope that the education authorities would work
constructively in establishing state financed Welsh schools to those who desired such
education for their children. Movements had been formed in many anglicised
communities in the quest to establish Welsh medium schools in their areas, and in the
evenings, Sir Ifan and Norah Isaac would frequent meetings held in these areas to advise
and encourage individuals.575
Sir Ifan viewed the expensive experiment at Aberystwyth as definite testimony
for education authorities to view similar ventures with successful potential. Following
conversations with parents at meetings, he would consult with the Local Education
Authorities with the aim of persuading them to respect parental wishes by opening
574 Gwynfor Evans, 'Eu Hiaith a Gadwant?' Y Ddraie Goch, Papur Genedlaethol Plaid Cymru Vol.XI No.7July8:1937 575 Interview with Norah Isaac, Carmarthen, 24 February 1994.
241 Welsh medium schools. During the visits campaigners were advised to instigate the
setting up of independent schools, as recorded in Maesteg:
'With the Welsh school as far away as ever, Sir Ifan ab Owen Edwards
advised the Maesteg organisers to find themselves a large church vestry in
which to set up a private school and this of course was unanimously agreed
to. In other words, Maesteg parents who are desirous of their children being
educated through the medium of Welsh ... have shown that they are tired of
waiting for the Education Authority'.576
Such action was regarded by Sir Ifan ab Owen Edwards as an initial method in
ensuring that Welsh medium education was implemented, and that by witnessing the
success of the schools the local education authorities would take control over the
independent schools. He invited interested parties to the school at Aberystwyth in order
formulate ideas for school operation.577 This was the reason why, according to
R.E.Griffith,
'y bu ysgol Aberystwyth yn fenter breifat gyhyd, am fod yn esiampl i
weddill Cymru bod modd sicrhau addysg Gymraeg yn annibynnol, yn
wyneb penderfyniad cadarn' [Aberystwyth had been a private venture for so
long, because it was an example to the rest of Wales that there was a way of
ensuring independent Welsh education in the face of determined
C'JQ decision].
576 'Education Authority under Fi^' r.lamorgan Advertiser 4 March 1949. 577 Letter from Enid E. Morris, one of the first teachers at Ysgol Cynwyd Sant, Maesteg 26 August 1994. 578 R.E.Griffith Urdd Gobaith Cvmru Cyfrol 2 1946-1972 Aberystwyth, Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru 54:1972
242 The establishment of a number of Welsh medium schools, initially as private ventures, from the late 1940s (subsequent to the opening of the Welsh school at Llanelli under the auspices of the local education authority) can be viewed as an expression of an
emerging cultural awareness. The venture at Aberystwyth provided the initial impetus
for groups in anglicised regions of Wales, where the Welsh language and culture were in
apparent terminal decline, to demand public recognition of its status, thus defending its
vitality within society.
Opening Welsh Medium Schools in South East Wales
In the aftermath of Second World there was increasing demand for the provision of
Welsh medium education in many areas of Wales. In examining a rationale for the
development of Welsh medium education in South East Wales the influence of
preachers and prominent members of the of Nonconformist chapels was paramount. The
influential power of nonconformity had infiltrated all aspects of Welsh life, as Williams
notes,
'for nowhere else in the British Isles has been so completely suffused with
the ideology and expectations of Nonconformist culture, in that almost every ^579 aspect of Welsh life has been touched by its influence and institutions'.
The emergence of a radical challenge to governmental policy in the form of
Nonconformist Liberalism served to realign a burgeoning pride in Welsh identity.580 In
attempting to incite a Nonconformist revival and the endeavour to re-instate the status of
579 Colin H.Williams 'Christian Witness and Non-Violent Principles of Nationalism' in Sartryck ur STAT-NATION-KONFLIKT Enfestskrift Tillagnad Sven Tagil Bokforlaget Bra BOket 6:1996 580 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 165:1992
243 the Welsh language within the community, the need to provide a comprehensive
education through the medium of the language was essential. As Griffiths more recently
has commented,
'over the years the chapels of Wales have become strongholds of the
language but as people have turned their backs on them, a substantial
decline has been seen in the position and status of the language in society'.581
The attempt to establish Welsh medium education in the anglicised areas of Wales,
predominantly occurring within the realm of the chapel highlights an endeavour to
enhance chapel congregations by reinstating the language by increasing its popularity
among the younger generation.
Three interdependent elements, religion, language and education have served to
reassert an awareness of being Welsh, divergent from the hegemonic 'English' or all-
encompassing 'British' identity. Religion and education have long been intertwined,
COT with the moral education of the individual taught through the mother tongue. In
examining reasons for the development of Welsh medium education during the late
1940's, social and economic factors should be considered in addition to the tripartite
interdependence of religion, education and language. As Williams notes,
'the phenomenal spread of Nonconformity, [was] nowhere more rapid than
in the new industrial areas. The chapels were intensely Welsh in character.
Their commitment to achieving literacy among all their members was
581 Merfyn Griffiths (ed.) The Welsh Language in Education Cardiff, The Welsh Department, Welsh Joint Education Committee 17:1986 582 W.R.Jones Bilingualism in Welsh Education Cardiff, University of Wales Press 13:1966
244 typical of that of all the more strongly Protestant forms of worship and
belief; and it was their Sunday schools which taught adults, as well as
children, to read, discuss and treasure the classic Welsh prose of the Bible.
Their emphasis on the Calvinist virtues of restraint, sobriety, industry and
self-improvement were an invaluable adjunct to the ethics of an industrial society'.583
Regarding language within the confines of its functional use in availing economic and social opportunity, thus creates a 'hierarchy of values with consequential language attachments', promoting the English language.584 The strong linguistic association with religion, provides a means of understanding the nature and reasoning behind
Nonconformist motivation which succeeded in changing the fate of the Welsh language in areas where it was in decline.
Social Status of the Welsh Language
At the turn of the twentieth century, the social and economic situation of South East and
North East Wales was undergoing rapid change. In South East Wales, the growth of coal mines and consequent port development resulted in dramatic population increase.
Undeveloped agricultural areas were transformed into important industrial habitations.
The largest increase in population occurred between 1864 and 1914, with migration from rural Wales, England and Ireland. A typical illustration of population growth is seen in the expansion of the town of Merthyr Tydfil. 1861 census returns record a
583 Glanmor Williams Language Literacy and Nationality in Wales' History Vol.56 11/12:1971 584 leuan Gwynedd Jones Mid-Victorian Wales The Observers and the Observed Cardiff, University of Wales Press 69:1992
245 village consisting of 3,857 inhabitants. By 1921, the town had grown to encompass
162,717 citizens.585 The majority of immigrants came from within Wales, and Welsh naturally was the language of these newly developed communities.586 Societies heavily influenced by Nonconformism, typically, Temperance meetings (Cyfarfodydd Dirwest),
Prayer meetings (Cwrdd Gweddi), and Male Voice choirs were established. These
emphasised the fact that, 'Welsh speakers collectively were an important component of
the elite service class chiefly in metropolitan South Wales and its industrial hinterland
and secondarily in North Wales'.587 This accentuates Thomas' argument that the
internal migration as a consequence of industrial growth was a significant factor in the
revival of the language.588 As Williams comments, industrialisation in South East
Wales prompted internal migration, 'the Welsh were colonizing their own country, and
most of the inhabitants of the industrial areas were Welsh by origin, speech and
culture'.589 It was the development of these communities with a migrant majority from
rural areas of Wales that succeeded in halting the erosion of the language by confining it
to dwindle in agricultural areas as happened to the Irish language.
It is possible to consider how social factors affected daily linguistic usage of
Welsh in communities as a consequence of industrial growth, and in-migration.
Between 1880 and 1920, the social status of the language was stronger than it had ever
been before as the initial Welsh speaking population growth was greater than the influx
585 Ann Rees An Assessment for the Provision of Welsh Medium Education M.Ed, University of Wales, College Cardiff 14:1989 586 leuan Gwynedd Jones Ar Drvwydd Hanes Cvmdeithasol vr laith Gymraeg: Towards a Social History of the Welsh Language Aberystwyth, University of Wales, Aberystwyth 12:1994 587 John Giggs and Charles Pattie Croeso i Gymru: Welcome to Wales. But Welcome to Whose Wales? Working Paper 10 Nottingham, University of Nottingham 21:1991 588 Brinley Thomas 'A Cauldron of Rebirth: Population and the Welsh Language in the Nineteenth Century' Welsh History Review 13 419:1986/7 589 Glanmor Williams Language, Literacy and Nationality in Wales' History Vol.56 11/12:1971
246 of English speakers in South East Wales.590 The 1891 census records that fifty-four percent of the population was Welsh speaking.591 Despite an increasing number of
Welsh speakers settling in the industrial regions, the census returns after 1891, record a decrease in the percentage of Welsh speakers as the in-migration from England and
Ireland became greater as Figure 7:3 illustrates. As a consequence of increased in- migration of English speakers, Welsh language domains began to dwindle amidst the industrial communities. Rapid economic growth as a consequence of industrial development, increased the status of the English language as a medium for business and commercial use. A diglossic situation developed in these areas, with intensifying
English domains beginning to unbalance Welsh bastions. The great depression of the
1920s resulting in severe unemployment caused quarter of a million people between the
ages of fifteen to twenty-nine years of age to emigrate from South East Wales.592 The
increasing importance of English as a vehicle for social mobility and acceptability
aggrandised as economic affliction hindered employment prospects. The Welsh
language began to be supplanted in many aspects of society, and the language of
increasing higher status, English, won its way into the daily life of local communities.
The traditional domains of Welsh usage began to constrict as the status of the
Welsh language became more unstable within local communities, and promotion
prospects through the medium of English began to take precedence. Linguistic balance
within multilingual communities is difficult to sustain according to Di Pietro as
590 Brinley Thomas 'A Cauldron of Rebirth: Population and the Welsh Language in the Nineteenth Century' Welsh History Review 13 432:1986/7 591 Robin Okey 'Education and Nationhood in Wales 1850 - 1940' in J.J.Tomiak (ed.) Schooling. Educational Policy and Ethnic Identity Vol. 1 Aldershot, Dartmouth 51:1991 592 lorwerth W.Morgan A Study of Parental Motivation and School and Home Interaction in the Social Milieu of a Welsh Medium School M.Ed. University of Leicester 57:1969
247 1000000
906000
•800006 NUrABERS
PERCENTAL OF 1-500000 IN THE POPULATION
•300000
200000
100000
o 19SI 1991
Figure 7:3 Welsh Speakers in the Population of Wales
Source: Colin Baker Bilingual Education in Wales School of Education, University College North Wales, Bangor 3:1992
248 'presenoldeb amlieithedd mewn cymuned llafar yn dibynnu ar gysylltu pob un o'r ieithoedd a pheuoedd penodol o ryngweithiau cymdeithasaol' [as the presence of many languages in an oral community depends on connecting each one language with definite domains of social inter-operations].593 An example of a social organisation maintaining
strong links with cultural and linguistic identity was the Liberal Party, which maintained
close relations with Welsh Nonconformity.594 By the end of the nineteenth century,
political view had turned towards socialism, that being a socialism which saw itself as
international and urban. It did not retain any affinity with Welsh traditions and culture,
looking for a wider field of expression. Subsequently, the emerging new 'religion' after
1922 was a combination of a new union amongst the miners and socialism, and the
English language became the sole medium of operation. The Welsh language was put
aside, and thus, another philosophical and political operation was lost to the English language.595
Despite the waning of a previously unchallenged and traditional connection
between Nonconformism and the Liberal Party, the Welsh language was not as shaken
in the realms of religion. The chapel maintained its role as a stronghold of the Welsh
language, thus the prevailing religious influence on the language was retained. The
secure affinity of the societies towards the Nonconformist chapels ensured the stability
of the Welsh language. However, the rising status of English with ensuing connotations
of economic affluence influenced parents and teachers in implementing a divergent
593 op. cit. Cynog Dafis Cvmdeithasefl Taith a'r Gvmraeg Aberystwyth, Cymdeithas yr laith 4:1979 594 Chapter 3 provides a detailed analysis of the political and social changes occurring in Wales during this period. 595 John Aitchinson and Harold Carter A Geography of the Welsh Language 1961-1991 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 34:1994
249 language shift from Welsh. As Williams, Roberts and Isaac note, 'the simplest and most persuasive explanation for the asymmetry of bilingualism and occupations involves the differential social power in economic organisation'.596 The Revised Code of 1862 by Robert Lowe which implemented the installation of an educational curriculum based upon payment by results. The exclusion of Welsh from the designated curriculum succeeded in supplanting the Welsh language, further devaluing its educational and economic worth.
The creation of the Welsh Department of the Education Board in 1907, and the relative success of Sir O.M.Edwards, was seen as an endeavour to rejuvenate respect for the Welsh language in anglicised areas of the country. By 1914, schemes to teach
Welsh as a compulsory subject in schools were operating in towns such as Cardiff,
Newport and Barry.597 With the commencement of the First World War, it became
impossible to continue operating the schemes. An attempt to operate a bilingual plan in
the Rhondda at certain appointed primary schools commenced in 1921 under the
CQQ direction of R.R.Williams, Director of Education for Rhondda. It was unanimously
agreed five years later, in 1926, following the success of the plan that all junior schools
in the Rhondda should teach through the medium of Welsh, and that the administration
of secondary education should follow the same direction. Despite this accomplishment,
596 Glyn Williams, Ellis Roberts & Russell Isaac 'Language and Aspirations for Upward Social Mobility' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Social and Cultural Change in Contemporary Wales London, Routledge & Kegan Paul 193:1978 597 Robin Okey 'Education and Nationhood in Wales 1850-1940', in J.J.Tomiak (ed.) Schooling. Educational Policy and Ethnic Identity Vol. 1 Aldershot, Dartmouth 52:1991 598 This is discussed in Chapter 4
250 the venture was forced to cease due to industrial and financial difficulties in the region as a consequence of economic depression.599
Religious Influences on Welsh Medium Education
The instability of the Welsh language in local communities confined language use to fewer domains, thus causing a decline in the number of proficient speakers. Between
1901 and 1951 the population of Welsh speakers declined by 18.7 per cent (213,138), as
Table 7:4 reveals. The Welsh language depreciated further as language shift began
occurring in families, with bilingual parents raising monoglot English children. Welsh
gradually became the language of the older generation as the younger generation used
English as a daily means of communication. Among chapel members, a gradual
realisation that young people attending services were experiencing increasing difficulty
understanding the sermon and therefore ceasing their chapel attendance prompted a
reaction to the situation. A primary concern was that falling congregation levels would
cause many chapels to close. By conducting classes through the medium of Welsh for
the younger generation, the future of the chapels would be more secure. The powerful
connection attested between the Welsh language and religion is thus manifested in the
attempt to establish Welsh medium education. As Williams notes, 'of the many factors
which have contributed to language maintenance, religio-societal insulation, it is
claimed is sufficiently powerful that groups so endowed can resist assimilation'.600 The
earliest attempt to open a Welsh school in South East Wales began in the Rhondda in
599 Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education (Wales) The Place of Welsh and English in the Schools of Wales London, Her Majesty's Stationary Office 17:1953 600 Colin H.Williams 'Language Contact and Language Change in Wales, 1901-1971: A Study in Historical Geolinguistics' Welsh History Review Vol. 10 No.2 211:1980
251 Welsh
of
Speakers
80
Percentage
67
66.2 54.5
46.2
34.9 35.8
40.4
27.5
1801-1951
Wales
in
CENSUS
Wales
in
NO
7:4
1046073
1669705
1412583
587245
2012000
2593000
Population
2422000 2658000
2599000
252
Speakers
Table
Welsh
Welsh
of
of
1006100
929824
929183 909261
716686
910289
977366
700000
Speakers
470000
Number
Percentage
Year
1951
1931 1941
1921
1901 1911
1891
[1871]
[1841]
[1801]
Census 1942 and was instigated by the Reverends W.G.Thomas and Elwyn Jones, ministers at the Nonconformist chapels in Trerhondda, Ferndale. However due to the outbreak of the Second World War, the project failed to materialise.601
The original motivation, surrounding the genesis of a Welsh medium education movement, derived from an attempt to socially reconstruct the Welsh language. This commenced initially within a religious domain with the belief that the maintenance of
Welsh Nonconformism and associated cultural and linguistic ramifications would be ensured. Increasing governmental control over education during the nineteenth century, caused discontent among religious bodies who challenged the idea of secular, state
education. As Williams and Roberts note,
'despite different work-views and organizational structures of the four main
denominations (Calvanist and Wesleyan Methodist, Baptist and
Independent) they united in expressing opposition to the control of the
gentry over local government, and their hegemony in the world of ideas and
social institutions'.
The prominent part played by chapel leaders with the inception of movements in many
areas across Wales for the establishment of Welsh medium schools during the 1940s
therefore comes with minimal surprise. Dwindling congregations were an ever
increasing problem, and this was the primary reason for the instigation of Welsh
medium schools in anglicised areas by ministers and prominent chapel leaders. One
601 Interview with Glyn James, Maerdy, Rhondda, 26 January 1995. 602 Glyn Williams & Catrin Roberts 'Language and Social Structure in Welsh Education' in Jacquette Megarry, Stanley Nisbett & Eric Hoyle (eds.) Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 152:1981
253 Maesteg crystallises campaigner, the Reverend Geraint Owen, a minister at Bethania, the situation in his reason for campaigning: ychydig iawn 'Rhifai y capeli Cymraeg dros ddeg-ar-hugain ond ni allai ond na wers yn y o'r plant a ddaethai i'r ysgolion Sul ddilyn unrhyw wasanaeth iddynt yn Gymraeg, a'r peth a wneid ar bob adeg oedd cyflwyno'r cyfan roi o'r neilltu. Saesneg, fel bod pob traddodiad a chefndir capel yn cael ei Welsh chapels Roedd y sefyllfa yn un beryglus i ddyfodol y Cwm' [The to the Sunday numbered over thirty but very few of the children who came thing that was schools could follow any service of lesson in Welsh, and the so that done every time was to introduce the whole thing to them in English, was a every tradition and chapel background was put aside. The situation
dangerous one for the future of the valley].603
ministers in the A meeting arranged by the Reverend Geraint Owen and other beth llwyddiannus fuasai area decide that in view of dwindling congregations, 'yr unig successful thing to do agor ysgol feithrin Gymraeg ar gyfer holl blant y Cwm' [the only the valley].604 The long would be to open a Welsh school serving all the children in language and education connection of inter-working between Nonconformity, the Welsh the eighteenth century, in Wales was being reiterated, as a means for survival. During with their schooling the Nonconformists had refused governmental assistance educating individuals and programmes, believing that there was a religious purpose to Morgan notes, 'not until that responsibility for moral education lay with the chapels. As
1948-1973 Briton Ferry, Derwen Press 603 Ysgol Gymraeg Cynwyd Sant Dathliad Chwarter Canrif 9:1973 604 ibid.
254 the middle decades of the nineteenth century were the nonconformist churches, so active elsewhere, roused from their hostility towards secular aid for education'.605 As a result, a strong affinity developed between the chapel and education in Wales.606 The religious awakening during this period was that the survival of Welsh nonconformity lay with the success of the quest for an education through the medium of Welsh.
The Struggle to Open Welsh Medium Schools
Between 1948 and 1955, ten Welsh medium schools opened under the auspices of local
education authorities [see Table 7:5]. Each area witnessed a long and difficult struggle
in attempting to open schools under the direction of the education authorities, many
commencing initially as private ventures in chapel vestries. The influence of ministers
on campaign success was pivotal in collecting names of children whose parents were
desirous of a Welsh medium education; arranging temporary classroom accommodation
in vestries; approaching local education committees concerning the location of the
schools; publishing letters in local newspapers which advocated the benefits of Welsh
medium education. Chapel members approached local chapels urging individuals to
involve themselves in the campaign, as illustrated by a supporter in Maesteg:
'After Sunday services, we visited the local chapels to explain why we need
a Welsh school and disbelief and prejudice were obvious on faces we knew
605 Kenneth O.Morgan Wales in British Politics 1868-1922 (revised edition) Cardiff, University of Wales Press 3:1970 606 Sheila M.Owen-Jones 'Religious Influences and Educational Progress in Glamorgan 1800-1833' Welsh Historical Review 13 1986/7
255
Glamorgan.
Mid Mid
in in
1979
in in
1955 1955
1995)
Sant in in
and and
(dispersed (dispersed
Ffransis
Lawnt
1949 1949
Sant Sant
Ynys-wen
Pen-y-Bont
Cynwyd Cynwyd
y y Llwyncelyn
Tonyrefail
Pontsionnorton
Bryntaf Bryntaf
Ynys-lwyd
known known
(1995)
(as (as
Name Name
Gymraeg Gymraeg
Gymraeg Gymraeg
Gymraeg Gymraeg
Gymraeg Gymraeg
Gymraeg Gymraeg
Gymraeg Gymraeg
Gymraeg Gymraeg
Gymraeg Gymraeg
Gymraeg Gymraeg
Gymraeg Gymraeg
between between
7:5
256
Ysgol Ysgol
Ysgol Ysgol
Ysgol Ysgol
Ysgol Ysgol
Ysgol Ysgol
Ysgol Ysgol
Ysgol Ysgol
Ysgol Ysgol
Gwent Gwent
School School
Ysgol Ysgol
Ysgol Ysgol
Table Table
opened opened
and and
Fach
Fawr
Gymraeg) Gymraeg)
Rhondda Rhondda
Rhondda Rhondda
Rhymney
Pontycymer
Tonyrefail
Glamorgan Glamorgan
Barry
Y Y
Y Y
Pontypridd
Cardiff
Maesteg
Aberdare
Location
(Ysgol (Ysgol
South South
Date
Schools Schools
1955
1953
1955
1951
1951
1950
1950
1949
1949
1949
Opening Opening
Junior Junior Welsh Welsh well. Even those who supported everything Welsh cried off from the
venture and there were only a handful of stalwart supporters'.607
However, this was no guarantee of suitable accommodation, buildings or teaching rooms, for the classes, and many of the first schools began life in chapel vestries as
Table 7:6 illustrates.
Chapel ministers held an important public presence in community life and advantage of such influence was taken in their appeals to local authorities, by making public announcements or by commencing own private ventures. In the minutes of the
Aberdare and Mountain Ash Divisional Executive Meeting held on 23 October 1946, it is recorded that a letter sent by the Secretary for the Aberdare and District Council of
Welsh Churches noted the predicament of the Welsh language in the area and asked that the Education Authority lend its support and co-operate fully in implementing Welsh
£f\Q into the school curriculum. Following further discussion between the Divisional
Executive Officer and the Chairman, permission was given for a deputation to investigate the call for schooling through the medium of Welsh in the district. f*(\Q
Having appointed a Sub-Committee to inquire as to the level of demand in the area for a
Welsh school, a decision to establish a school was reached.
In Pontypridd, the intention to open a Welsh school in the area was advertised publicly by the Reverend Morlais Jones, and Mr Bryn Evans, secretaries for the
607 lorwerth Morgan A Study of Parental Motivation and School and Home Interaction in the Scoial Miliwu of a Welsh Medium School M.Ed. University of Leicester 99:1969 608 'Welsh in School'Aberdare and Mountain Ash Divisional Executive Minutes 23 October 1946 609 'Welsh School in Aberdare Aberdare and Mountain Ash Divisional Executive Minutes 23 April 1947 610 'Meeting of Welsh Schools Sub-Committee' Aberdare and Mountain Ash Divisional Executive Minutes 14 January 1948
257 1955,
a
and
but
chapel.
1949
vestry,
Cadoxton.
Crwys
y
in
between
chapel
Authority.
classes.
Heol
used
in
local
a
were
openend Saturday
1944
Education
use
Control
for
to
from
vestries
used.
Local
used
made
was
the
used.
Class
was
chapel
by
or
Glamorgan
Authority
operated
been
was
7:6
vestry
in
had
258
vestry
found
School
school
vestry
Bethesda
Table
of
chapel
was
chapel
and
Schools
Education
Saturday
Salem
building
Arrangements A Bethania Location Tabernacle Bethel
Local
Welsh
the
of
before
Homes
Possible
Cardiff
Barry Pontycymer Aberdare Tonyrefail Maesteg Area
and
Initial committee interested in the establishing of a Welsh school.611 Having received letters of
application from parents eager to send their children to a Welsh school, the secretaries
of the committee forwarded the names and addresses of the interested parties in a bid to
the Divisional Executive Officer indicating that there was a realistic demand for a
Welsh medium school. In advocating the advantage of Welsh medium education, the
Reverend Morlais Jones and Mr B Evans expressed the view at a meeting with the
Pontypridd and Llantrisant Divisional Executive Committee,
'that the establishment of such a school would eventually ventalise the
Welsh life of the locality and thus give the children in question an
opportunity to participate more fully in the religious and cultural life of Wales'612.
Their efforts in amassing enough evidence of a demand culminated in the allocation of
classrooms at Pontsionnorton Junior school, some two miles from Pontypridd in 1951.
However, not all endeavours enjoyed such immediate success by the simple petitioning of parents and through direct appeal to the education authorities. Reacting against an application refusal, campaigners in areas such as Maesteg and Barry commenced their own private Welsh classes, believing that this was the only way of preserving the Welsh atmosphere of the chapels. This too was the response of the
Reverend T.Davies, Ainon chapel, Tonyrefail to the refusal of his application for a
Welsh class, on the grounds that there were insufficient pupil numbers in his appeal 613
611 'Welsh School. Do you want your Children to Attend?' Pontvoridd Observer 14 October 1950 612 'Suggested Establishment of a Welsh School in the Pontypridd Area' Pontypridd and Llantrisant Divisional Executive Committee Minutes 10 January 1951 613 'Welsh Schools' Glamorgan County Council Minutes Report of Primary Education Sub-Committee 8 April 1952
259 Consequently, a Saturday morning class held at the Ainon chapel vestry ensued before a further application was made for the allocation of rooms at Tonyrefail Girls' Junior school for the Saturday lessons due to increasing attendance. Having established a
flourishing weekly class, a request was made once more to the Education Authority resulting in the relinquishment of a classroom at Cwm-lai Junior School on 9 September
1955 for the purpose of establishing a Welsh medium class.614
The Influence of the Welsh schools on the Chapels
The guiding influence of, and the key role played by, chapel members and ministers in establishing Welsh medium education was reciprocated in the close relationship
between chapels and schools. Since the opening of the schools, a 'Cymanfa Ganu'
(singing festival) comprising all the Welsh schools in South East Wales was held annually.615 It was heralded as a public event and employed as a means of exhibiting openly the success of the schools, thus abating any possible doubts surrounding the worth of the effort. The unison of Welsh schools provided recognition of the success subsequent to the chapels ardent campaign for the establishment of Welsh medium education. In their concern and attempt to reverse congregational decline as a result of
Anglicisation, an effort was also made to re-kindle interest in Welsh as a living community language.
614 'Teaching of Welsh' Glamorgan County Council Minutes. Primary Education Sub-Committee 13 September 1955 615 Ysgol Gymraeg Pontsionnorton Log book 17 May 1952
260 The establishment of Welsh schools in anglicised areas, held the aspiration of an
ensuing revival in chapel attendance, as noted by Morgan;
'No doubt that Welsh congregations think highly of the Welsh School. No
fewer than eight ministers or church officials indicated in a questionnaire
and interviews in 1966, that the Welsh school materially contributed to their
Sunday School and children services'.616
The erosion of the Welsh language was viewed as synonymous with congregational
decline in Welsh medium chapels. The commencement of Welsh medium education
succeeded in re-kindling an interest in the chapels and, further, provoked an increasing
awareness of a specific Welsh identity, rooted upon linguistic knowledge, in the
anglicised South East Wales. In the view of two ministers questioned by Morgan, upon
the impact of the Welsh school in Maesteg on congregational levels:
'The contribution of the schools in terms of the members is not one of actual
increase but rather of markedly slowing a rapid decline. The school's main
contribution has been in providing a nucleus of children and by now young
people, who are Welsh in speech and outlook'.617
As the development of the Welsh schools expanded, an increase in chapel attendance by young people was witnessed. In a survey of fifty-nine pupils at Ysgol
Gymraeg Bryntaf, in Cardiff, conducted by Walters in 1967, very few children did not attend a Welsh or English medium Sunday School. The investigation revealed that the large majority of 67.8% attended a Welsh medium Sunday school, 18.6% attended a
616 lorwerth W.Morgan A Study of Parental Motivation and School and Home Interaction in the Social Milieu of a Welsh Medium School M.Ed. University of Leicester 113:1969 617 ibid.
261 Sunday school which was conducted in English, 6.8% went to a bilingual Sunday school, and the same percentage again did not attend Sunday school.618 The chapel created a close atmosphere amongst Welsh speakers of a wider anglicised community.
It also provided another linguistic niche for Welsh outside of the classroom for school pupils. Recognition of the role played by the nonconformist chapels in inciting the
Welsh schools movement, and consequent reciprocation was noted in a letter to the headmaster of Ysgol Melin Gruffydd as recently as 1980, commenting
'O'r cychwyn cyntaf bu'r Eglwys yn gefnogol iawn i'r ysgolion Cymraeg ac
i'r ysgolion Meithrin yng Nghaerdydd, ac erbyn hyn mae ugeiniau o'n plant
wedi pasio drwyddynt. Buom ninnau hefyd ar ein hennill o'r addysg
ardderchog maent yn eu cael yno, yn wir, oherwydd yr ysgolion Cymraeg
nid oes bellach broblem iaith yn yr ysgolion Sul...' [From the start the
Church has been very supportive of the Welsh schools and of the Nursery
Schools in Cardiff, and by this now dozens of children have passed through
them. We too have been favoured because of the excellent education that
they receive there, truly, because of the Welsh schools there is no longer a
language problem in the Sunday schools].
The original motivation for the initiation of a Welsh schools movement, that it would
stabilise or boost chapel attendance levels, had succeeded in its intention, and began to re-construct the social status of the Welsh language in anglicised communities.
618 lolo M.Ll.Walters Hanes Datblveiad Dyseu Cvmraee vn Ysgolion Cvnradd Caerdvdd Undergraduate Dissertation University of Wales, Aberystwyth 143-147:1967 619 A letter from Miss Eirwen Humphreys, Sunday School Inspector, Crwys Road Church to the headmaster of Ysgol Gynradd Melin Gruffydd, 11 December 1980.
262 Opening the First Schools
The influence of the Nonconformist chapels at the initiation of the campaign for Welsh medium education was precursory, as passage of the Education Act of 1944 allowed for serious campaigning for Welsh medium education. In the Act, local education authorities were created with responsibility for the administration of elementary and further education. A section of the Act, created primarily for the utilisation of nondenominational schools, was applied in the quest for Welsh medium education. The section allowing room for such initiative stated:
'So far as is compatible with the provision of efficient instruction and
training and the avoidance of unreasonable public expenditure, pupils are to
fV2fl be educated in accordance with the wishes of their parents. This section
of the Act allowed parents to choose an appropriate education for their
children outside catchment boundaries of local schools.62
Public awareness of the significance of the section propagated and was utilised
fL f) f\ effectively by campaigners for Welsh medium education. Maesteg Welsh School
deputation refer to the importance of the legislation in their endeavour to start the school
under the control of the local education authority, '...that the Education Act of 1944
granted facilities enabling Welsh people to petition the local authorities for the
620 H.M.S.O. Education Act 1944 Part IV Section 76 London 1944 621 Philip Rawkins Studies in Public Policy 40The Implementation of Language Policy in the Schools of Wales Glasgow, University of Strathclyde 22:1979 622 Merfyn Griffiths 'The Growth of the Welsh Medium Schools' in M.Griffiths (ed.), The Welsh Language in Education. A Volume of Essays. Cardiff, The Welsh Department, Welsh Joint Education Committee 110:1986
263 provision of schools in which to teach their children the language of the hearth'.623 The
Maesteg deputation had witnessed the official opening of the Welsh School at Llanelli
by the local education authority in 1947, the commencement of which had arisen
directly from Section 76 of the 1944 Education Act. Mathew Williams, a school
inspector in the Llanelli district believed that the Act gave parents a chance to demand
appropriate education for their children, and that a petition should be organised as
evidence of the call for Welsh medium education.624 Campaigners for the Welsh
school at Llanelli emphasised the intention that the school would be administered and
funded by the local education authority, and that a private venture would not be
accepted. Three years of struggle was conducive to the opening of the first Welsh
medium school under local education authority control on the first of March 1947.
The success of the venture at Llanelli served to inspire contemporary
campaigners in the struggle to establish Welsh medium schools in anglicised districts of
South East Wales.625 Local organisations constituted to promote the development of
Welsh medium education were further enthused by frequent meetings with Sir Ifan and
the headmistress of the Welsh school at Aberystwyth, Norah Isaac. In his enthusiastic
and sometimes fiery address, Sir Ifan gave hope to school establishing committees that
the authorities would have no choice but to condone Welsh medium schooling, '..in the
light of these facts (about Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth) and the 1944 Education Act, no
623 'Welsh Schools Plan' Glamorgan Advertiser 13 February 1948 624 Merfyn Griffiths 'The Growth of the Welsh Medium Schools' in M.Griffiths (ed.), The Welsh Language in Education. A Volume of Essays. Cardiff, The Welsh Department, Welsh Joint Education Committee 19:1986 625 Ysgol Gynradd Gymraeg Ynyslwyd, Aberdare Llvfrvn Dathlu Deugam Mlvnedd o Addvse Gvmraeg vne Nehwm Cvnon 1949-1989 1:1989
264 education authority can refuse a request for a Welsh school'.626 Norah Isaac's role in
these meeting was to abate parental concerns about potential educational attainment of
pupils, and to ease any worries in respect of the serious dearth of Welsh medium
educational materials.627
The suggestions proffered concerning possible actions to be undertaken in a
quest to convince the education authorities of the need to initiate Welsh medium schools
greatly assisted school establishing committees in their campaigns. Undeb Cymru Fydd,
an organisation established in 1941 with the aim of ensuring the continuation of the
Welsh language and culture, also supported the campaigners.628 The movement
published a report in 1945, entitled 'A Policy for Education in Wales' subsequent to the
1944 Education Act, proposed a comprehensive plan for the development of Welsh
medium education across Wales. In propounding curricula possibilities for the Welsh
language in anglicised areas, the report outlines,
'Yn yr ardaloedd hyn, lie byddo disgyblion o gartrefi Cymraeg, dylid
darparu gwersi yn iaith a llenyddiaeth Cymru ar eu cyfer. Dylid ystyried
hefyd y posiblrwydd o gael un ysgol Gymraeg o leiaf mewn rhanbarth
boblog fel Caerdydd, a chodi ysgolion preswyl ar gyfer y cyfnod uwchradd'
[In these areas, where there are pupils from Welsh homes, lesson in
language and literature should be provided. The possibility of having at
626 lorwerth W.Morgan A Study of Parental Motivation and School and Home Interaction in the Social Milieu of a Welsh Medium School M.Ed. University of Leicester 65/6:1969 627 Interview with Norah Isaac, Carmarthen, 24 February 1994. 628 Morgan notes that the Welsh schools movement 'was also strongly backed by Undeb Cymru Fydd . This was a pressure group founded during the Colwyn Bay Eisteddfod in 1941 under the Secretaryship of T.I.Ellis; son of the old Meirioneth apostle of Cymru Fydd, and the chairmanship of a time of Cassie Davies'. Kenneth O.Morgan Rebirth of a Nation: Wales 1880-1980 Oxford, Clarendon Press 361:1981. It is also interesting to note that Cassie Davies, later became a H.M.Inspector for Glamorgan and played a prominent role in supporting the Welsh medium schools established.
265 least one Welsh school in populated areas such as Cardiff, and establishing
boarding schools for secondary education should also be considered].629
Undeb Cymru Fydd had no official power to enforce its suggestions, however, the report
may be interpreted as an echo of rising public awareness of the advantages of a Welsh
medium education. The growing support for the Welsh schools movement was ever
increasing, and campaigners in Glamorgan were gaining the support of prominent public
figures such as members of the school inspectorate, County Councillors. Their
influence gradually reversed local community opinion and slowly convinced local
education authorities to react positively to their educational demands, resulting in the
experimental Welsh medium schools and classes.
Education Authority Reaction
Reaction to the demands of parents and ministers in anglicised areas for Welsh medium
education provision by local education authority was lethargic. The struggle preceding
the opening of Ysgol Gymraeg Llanelli seemed to reiterate itself in the effort of
movements across South East Wales. In 1947, the year Ysgol Gymraeg Llanelli opened, a recommendation was proposed for the abolishment of the stipulation that candidates for headships in Glamorgan should have qualifications in Welsh.630 The same minutes record a cautious reaction to the campaigns for Welsh medium education:
'The deputation also expressed a general approval of experiments in the provision of
Welsh schools with the reservation that the establishment of such schools should not
629 Undeb Cymru Fydd A Policy for Education in Wales 8:1945 630 'Report of the Committee appointed to consider the teaching of Welsh' Glamorgan County Council Minutes. Primary Education Sub-Committee, 2 December 1947
266 prejudice the teaching of Welsh in other schools in the same areas'.631 By 1948,
campaigns for Welsh medium education had commenced in areas such as Cardiff,
Morriston, Colwyn Bay, Maesteg and Llandudno demanding their right to mother
/\1*5 tongue education. A growing awareness of the need to halt the decline of Welsh
caused members of the Glamorgan Education Committee to emphasise the necessity for
compulsory Welsh lessons in every junior school in the county.633 However, individual
endeavours for Welsh medium schooling utilised two methods of ensuring the
establishment of schools funded by the local education authority, namely through
petitioning parents and opening voluntary schools.
Petitioning Parents
The organisation of petitions provided a means of showing public support for a venture.
The majority of Welsh medium schools that opened under the control of the local
education authority between 1949 and 1955 commenced following stringent campaigning by established groups. All had canvassed Welsh speaking parents collecting names of potential pupils, as part of their campaign. Name collecting created a sound foundation from which strong arguments could be debated in favour of Welsh medium education. In general the names were amassed from chapel congregations;
631 ibid. 632 'Dinas Caerdydd yn Arloesi'r Ffordd' Y Cvmro 16 January 1948 [Cardiff] Treforys yn symud am Ysgol Gymraeg' Y Cymro 6 February 1948 [Morriston] 'Ysgol Gymraeg i Fae Colwyn' Y Cvmro 5 March 1948 [Colwyn Bay] 'Pum Cant o Rieni am Ysgol Gymraeg' Y Cvmro 18 June 1948 [Maesteg] 'Ysgol Gymraeg a'i harloeswyr' Y Cvmro 9 July 1948 [Llandudno] 633 'Compulsory Welsh Tuition for Glamorgan Juniors' Western Mail 21 July 1948. 'The need for positive measures to check the decline in the use of the Welsh language was stressed by members when Glamorgan Education Committee yesterday decided by an overwhelming majority on the compulsory teaching of Welsh in Junior Schools.'
267 advertising the intention of establishing a Welsh school in the local press and asking interested parties to respond; publishing pamphlets and printing articles in the local press explaining in detail the implications of Welsh medium education; or canvassing houses. In Pontypridd having collected the names of children attending Welsh chapels in the district, a letter was published in the 'Pontypridd Observer' by member of the
Welsh school establishing committee in the district requesting the names of further interested parties. Letters of application were received ensuing this request, as
illustrated in Appendix D.
In publishing pamphlets and newspaper articles, the intention was to publicly
announce the implicit aims of the instigators in wishing to establish a Welsh medium
school, which was to,
'sef sylfaenu gwybodaeth plentyn at y pethau hynny sydd yn agos ato a
defhyddio'r famiaith fel cyfrwng y wybodaeth honno' [which is to found a
child's knowledge on those things which are close to him and using the
mother tongue as the medium of that information].
An essential feature of the published material was the emphasis laid on reassuring readers that children would be not be educationally disadvantaged by being taught through the medium of Welsh.636 Publishing speeches made by Sir Ifan ab Owen and
Norah Isaac at local meetings on the success of the venture at Aberystwyth in the local press kindled key individual support for campaigns.
634 'Welsh School. Do You Want Your Children to Attend?' Pontvpridd Observer 14 October 1950. 635 Cwmni Urdd Gobaith Cymru Gorfforedig Beth vdvw Yseol Gvmraeg? Aberystwyth, Cambrian News 5:1949? 636 A common concern voiced by parents was that their children would be at a linguistic and educational disadvantage should they receive an education through the medium of Welsh. It was also feared that perhaps a Welsh medium education would hamper the child's employment prospects.
268 'Rhowch Gymro da imi, meddai Miss Isaac, 'yna rhoddaf innau Sais da yn
61 i chwi, nid ydyw'n deg i Gymro gael ei gadw o fewn clyw iaith estronol,
mwy nag ydyw i Almaenwr neu Sais. Cenedl fechan ydyw cenedl y Cymry
a dylai dysgu ei hiaith ei hun gyntaf. Gall Caerdydd gadw enaid a diogelu
enaid trwy gael ysgol Gymraeg' ['Give me a good Welshman, 'said Miss
Isaac, 'then I'll give you a good Englishman in return, it is unfair for a
Welshman to be kept within hearing of a foreign language more than it is for
a German or Englishman. The Welsh nation is a small nation who should
learn its own language first. Cardiff can keep its soul and save its soul by
having a Welsh school].637
Publication of similar speeches explaining the purpose of the demand for Welsh medium education was employed as a means of soothing possible public apprehension towards the schools.
Reaction to Petitions
In the areas where a petition was held, reaction to the appeal was very positive. In
Cardiff, potential for the establishment of a Welsh medium school seemed quite favourable in light of the reaction by more than three hundred parents to the proposal.638
A public meeting to discuss the opening of the school attracted over five hundred people.639 When the petition was analysed, it revealed surprising information that the majority of potential pupils for the school came from the dockland area of Cardiff,
637 'Dinas Caerdydd yn Arloesi'r Ffordd' Y Cvmro 16 January 1948 638 'Ysgol Gymraeg i'w Sefydlu yn Ninas Caerdydd' Y Cymro 12 November 1948 639 'Value of the Welsh Language' Cardiff and Suburban News 17 January 1948
269 typically a multicultural community with very little Welsh [see Table 7:7].640 No theory was proposed to explain this phenomenon, however, it was a disappointment to campaigners when only eighteen pupils commenced lessons at the Welsh class housed at Ninian Park Road Junior School on 5 September 1949.641 Canvassing houses was another method of collecting names for petitions as well as the distribution of information concerning Welsh medium education to both interested and suspicious parties. Lilian Jones, a campaigner from Aberdare reminiscing about the pleasurable time that she experienced, found enthusiasm for the Welsh medium school infectious, which was reflected in an increasing positive attitude and promises of support following door-to-door canvassing.642 The reaction to the petition in Aberdare was similar to that witnessed in the Rhondda where over three thousand replied positively to a circular
suggesting the establishment of a Welsh medium school in the area.643
Three primary reasons can be accounted for the large variation between potential pupil attendance and actual pupil admittance on the opening day of the Welsh schools.
Firstly, a stipulation by Cardiff Education Authority and also by Glamorgan Education
Authority that children from Welsh speaking homes who could speak and understand
Welsh fluently was adhered to completely.644 This rule was a restriction upon families where there was a generation gap in the use of Welsh, and in other families where there was an eagerness to learn the Welsh language. The second main element causing number differentiation was the delay in commencing the class by the education
640 'Should Cardiff have a Welsh School? Cardiff and Suburban News 8 May 1948 641 'Welsh School 'Cardiff Only' for Time Being' Western Mail 7 September 1949 642 Ysgol Gynradd Gymraeg Ynyslwyd, Aberdare Llvfrvn Dathlu Deueain Mlvnedd o Addvsg Gvmraeg vne Nehwm Cvnon 1949-1989 1:1989 643 'Are Welsh Schools Desirable?' Rhondda Leader 3 July 1948 644'Twenty-six to start Welsh School' Cardiff and Suburban News 18 June 1949
270
1947
of of
May May
Education Education
5
9
in in
10
10
38
30
57
30
25
22
27
29
292
Families
Number Number
Medium Medium
published published
3
3
8
9
9
4
4
years
18
16
10
10
29
123;!;,.
Welsh Welsh
7-8 7-8
, ,
Authority, Authority,
desiring desiring
Age
3
8
5
2
9
0
years
10
19
17
10
13
12
108
7:7
6-7 6-7
271
Parents Parents
Education Education
of of
Table Table
5
7
8
4
2
5
8
4
years
12
11
12
22
100
5-6 5-6
Cardiff Cardiff
Number Number
bv bv
the the
7
9
10
35
70
30
13
45
25
29
30
28
331
Pupil Pupil
Potential Potential
Numbers
into into
commenced commenced
Survey Survey
was was
a a
North
Area
of of
Park
Docks
Hayes
Survey Survey
Canton/Fairwater
Riverside
Grangetown
Splott
Total
Ely
The The
Adamsdown
Llanrumney
Roath Roath
Llandaf Llandaf
The The
Gabalfa
Results Results The The authority. As a consequence, some children were too old to start their education through the medium of Welsh, and having begun schooling, many parents were reluctant to
uproot their children to another school. The demarcation of the first schools as
experimental was the third factor causing a drop in numbers. The ambiguity of the
situation caused the removal of names from the potential register.645
Delay in opening schools had a damaging effect on the potential development of
some schools. In an survey conducted by the Maesteg Divisional Executive Committee
in 1947, the names of over five hundred potential candidates for the Welsh school were
received, with the parents of over three hundred children Welsh speaking. Despite a
large response, no attempt was made to form a school until September 1949, even
though elementary and secondary education in the area had undergone re
organisation.646 In a meeting of local councillors in January 1949, concern about the
delay in establishing the Welsh school was voiced by a member of the public, to which
the reply was: 'We are taking the necessary action to bring the Welsh school about'.647
However, in April 1949, the Education Authority had not taken responsibility for the
school and in an appeal for financial support, a reflection of the situation given by
Reverend Geraint Owen emphasises a feeling of growing despondency:
'We have been working for two years in an attempt to secure a Welsh school
in Maesteg run by the local authority, but so far our efforts have been in
vain. Last June the Education Committee promised to open such a school,
645 'Changing Views on Welsh school' Cardiff and Suburban News 30 April 1949 646 'Scheme for Reorganisation of Maesteg Schools' Glamorgan Advertiser 21 January 1949 647 ibid. 'By the laws of the country we are allowed to have the Welsh schools we require. We pay our rates. We shall not interfere with English education. But we are entitled to have our own education in Welsh, when can we get our Welsh school? We have waited two years.'
272 but this has not yet been done and there is no sign that it will be opened in
the near future'.648
During May 1949, however, the local education authority took control of the administration and funding of the Welsh school from September 1949.
Other areas encountered similar experiences. In the Rhondda, the Reverend
Haydn Lewis (a member of the Undeb Cymru Fydd deputation) reported that parental interest in the development of Welsh medium schools was waning due to the dearth of educational resources in Welsh.649 In Aberdare, 'fe fu oedi a llusgo traed am tua deunaw mis' [there was delay and sluggishness for about eighteen months'].650
Consequently, many children who had initially expressed an interest in attending a
Welsh medium school had started at other schools, and the initial enthusiasm had faded.651 From a suggested opening of two schools in the Aberdare district, the delay in commencing the school resulted in only twenty-six pupils attending the Welsh school on its day of opening.652
Establishing Voluntary Schools
Despite the lack of co-operation by local education authorities at the outset, it was a hindrance that could be overcome. While awaiting for a decision or permission
648 'Maesteg Welsh School Appeal' Glamorgan Advertiser 1 April 1949 649 'Are Welsh Schools Desirable?' Rhondda Leader 10 July 1948 650 Ysgol Gynradd Gymraeg Ynyslwyd, Aberdare Llvfrvn Dathlu Deugain Mlvnedd o Addysg Gvmraee vne Nehwm r.vnon 1949-1989 1:1989 651 ibid. 652 'Aberdare to have two Welsh Schools. Over 300 children will go to Park and Capcoch' Aberdare Leader 2 October 1948
273 concerning the location or establishment of a Welsh school or class the enthusiasm of the campaigners increased. In their quest for mother tongue education provision, committed individuals were prepared to establish voluntary schools before the local education authorities reached a decision on the location and administration of the
schools. Such ventures required considerable dedication from individuals maintaining
and administering to the needs of the schools; the good will of chapel in providing
accommodation; the free and willing service of parents who were able and willing to teach the pupils; and a considerable amount of financial donations and presents in order to sustain the school. Concerts, nosweithiau llawen (variety shows) and other social
events were held in the attempt to raise enough money to support the cause.653
In Barry, the decision to open a voluntary nursery school commenced in the
belief 'fod ysgol feithrin Iwyddiannus yn angenrheidiol er mwyn sicrhau llwyddiant yr
Ysgol Gynradd Gymraeg' [that a successful nursery school was essential in ensuring the
success of the Welsh Junior School].654 A nursery school provided the means of realising potential pupil numbers for a Welsh infant and junior school in the area. The voluntary Welsh nursery school in Maesteg began in 1947 under the direction of the
Reverend Geraint Owen. A total sum of thirty pounds was donated by sympathetic individuals for the school to open. Children between three and five years of age attended the school, and the intention was that a Welsh medium primary school would open as the oldest nursery school pupils reached five years of age. Consequent to the delay by the education authority in opening the school, an independent school was
653 Letter from Enid E. Morris, Texas, U.S.A. 26 August 1994 (one of the first teachers at the Welsh school in Maesteg). 654 Y-rH TT— g* Ff™ncig AHHysff fivmraeg v Barri 1952-1992 1992
274 opened in order to maintain pupils numbers and to keep momentum. The independent school opened on the first of May 1949, and lessons were held in Bethania chapel vestry. A fee was charged to parents, although a few children attended the school on a
scholarship. The success of this venture and further appeals campaigners, prompted the education authority to take the school under its control, moving it to shared accommodation with Nantyffyllon Junior School in September 1949.656
The examples illustrate the level of determination and strength of independence
in the action of the campaigners for educational provision in the mother tongue. The
first schools set an example for developing campaigns to follow. In the quest for a
Welsh medium school at Tonyrefail, a voluntary Welsh class was commenced with the
sole aim of collecting the names of a sufficient number of potential pupils for a Welsh
school funded by the authority.657 The class was held on Saturday mornings at Bethel
chapel vestry by the Reverends M.Mainwaring and T.Griffiths. Llantrisant and
Pontypridd Divisional Executive Minutes record an application by the Reverend
T.Griffiths for the use of rooms at the Girls' Junior School for the expanding Saturday class, another ploy to draw the education authority's attention to the fact that a Welsh class was operating successfully.658 By 1955 there were over ten Welsh medium schools operating in the county of Glamorgan. Each school operated independently, but the establishing experiences of the first schools in 1949 no doubt had a great influence on the success of campaigns in other areas, as exemplified in Tonyrefail.
655Letter from Enid E. Morris, Texas, U.S.A. 26 August 1994 656 ibid. 657 Telephone conversation with Miss Betsi Griffiths, headmistress at Ysgol Gymraeg Tonyrefail 15 June 1994. 658ibid.
275 Individuals with a Vision
Without the enlightened guidance of numerous influential individuals, there is no doubt that the Welsh schools movement would not have begun. Despite the awareness of growing language erosion in the Welsh communities during the latter part of the nineteenth century, due to lack of official power the creation of societies with the purpose of inciting Welsh language use were comparatively ineffective.659 This was the primary reason in the failure of attempts by societies such as 'The Society for the
Utilisation of the Welsh Language' and Undeb Cymru Fydd to have a permanent effect
on the official status of the language in the community, education and business. In
industrial Wales, the erosion of the language was more intense than the rural areas due
to concentrated in-migration at the turn of the century. Welsh language assimilation by
immigrants on the whole was unsuccessful due to socio-economic pressures. The
language domains of Welsh decreased, as 'the two languages began pertaining to two
separate circles, and there was a connection between one circle and the other'.660 As the
status of the Welsh language diminished, its predominant language domains were
confined to the nonconformist chapels and to the hearth.
It was a natural phenomenon therefore, for the initial instigators of Welsh
medium education to be drawn from these areas of language use. They had first hand
experience of the erosion in Welsh language use and its confinement to certain social
functions. The traditional connection between nonconformist religion and the Welsh
659 Byron Ashton 'The Status of the Welsh Language in the Schools 1889-1914' History of Education Vol. 19 No.3 265/6:1990 660 leuan Gwynedd Jones Ar Drvwvdd Hanes Cvmdeithasol vr laith Gvmraeg: Towards a Social History of the Welsh Language Cardiff, University of Wales Press 12:1994
276 language caused ministers to realise the potential decline of chapel congregations as the younger generation experienced increasing difficulty in understanding the services.
Concern for the religious welfare and the preservation of identity induced a reaction by ministers, as justified by the Reverend Geraint Owen:
'...nid mater of gadw iaith plentyn yn fyw, ydyw'r peth yn y pen draw ond
mater o ddiogelu diwylliant crefyddol a Chymreictod ein plant' [the purpose
of the effort it is not a matter of keeping a child's language alive, but a
matter of safeguarding religious culture and Welshness of our children].661
The importance of home use of Welsh in safeguarding the language was realised by some parents. However, the constriction of the language to the home was a cause for concern, as illustrated by an ardent campaigner, and parent to three children:
'...he was really worried about the problem of what his own children's
reaction would be towards his own Welsh 'way of living' as a result of their
continued education in an English school where they were always subject to
outside influences'.662
Parents campaigning for Welsh medium education in general held professional occupations (Inspectors of Schools, businessmen, teachers, individuals in the media, local and county councillors). Their social status as prominent members of the local community was reflected in a commanding influence in the establishment of the schools. The awareness of the importance of an education through the mother tongue by parents who had experienced second language education was advertised by
661 Turn Cant o Rieni am Ysgol Gymraeg' Y Cvmro 18 June 1948 662 'Are Welsh Schools Desirable?' Rhondda Leader 3 July 1948
277 campaigners in the local press. The intention of such publication was to dispel any fears
and to boost parental interest in Welsh medium education, as illustrated in a letter to ' Y
Cymro' in 1948, before the official opening of the Welsh school at Maesteg:
'Neges bendant pob addysgwr o fri ydyw dweud y gwna hyn gam dybryd a
datblygiad meddyliol y plentyn. Y ffordd briodol... ydyw rhoddi cyfle iddo
gael ei addysg a rhyddid i fynegi ei hunan, yn bennaf dim yn iaith ei
fagwriaeth gartref [The explicit message of every well-known educator is
that this (educating a child through a second language) commits a serious
error in the mental development of the child. The appropriate way ... is to
give him the opportunity of education and freedom of expression, through
the language of the home].663
Campaigning together, ministers and parents co-operated in manner which was
both strong in motivation and effective in execution. They were united in intention, to
strengthen the status of the Welsh language in society amongst the younger generation
by reviving chapel attendance and the maintenance of Welsh as the language of the
hearth. Welsh speakers in industrial areas formed small isolated communities in a sea of English speakers. The Welsh language was an important and apparent feature of their identity, and therefore, guaranteeing the survival of the language was paramount in maintaining unity. The fear was that linguistic assimilation of English would confine
Welsh language use to the older generation, thus accelerating its fate. As a minority group asserting its linguistic rights, it was vital that language use increased amongst the
663 'Pum Cant o Rieini am Ysgol Gymraeg' Y Cymro 18 June 1948 664 'Public Meeting Hears Case for Welsh School' I -lantrisant Observer 7 November 1954
278 younger generation to ensure survival, through 'y ffordd gywir a mwyaf effeithiol ... dysgu plant trwy gyfrwng iaith yr aelwyd a'r capel y perthynai'r plant iddynt' [the correct and most effective way ... teaching children through the language of the hearth and chapel that the children belong to].665 The high status awarded to education by minority languages is a common element in their strive for ethnic acknowledgement.666
The high quality of an education through the medium of Welsh was a factor that
was vehemently stressed in the campaign for schools. Attempts to convince the public
that education through the medium of Welsh was not an educational hindrance, using
the results of naturally Welsh rural schools, were published in the local press:
'We need to remind ourselves that a Welsh school is not a new thing in
Wales. In our rural areas, such schools were the rule, and still are -
Tregaron for instance has proved that a Welsh school can produce great men
capable of becoming national leaders in education, politics, and social
administration'.
With reference to the Welsh medium schools established in anglicised districts, the
academic success of the schools was emphasised, '...up to the present there has been no
backwardness on the part of all Welsh schools in securing scholarships to Welsh schools'.668
^Ysgol Gymraeg Cynwyd Sant Damliad Chwarter Canrif 1948-1973 Briton Ferry, Derwen Press, 10:1973 666 Phillip M.Rawkins Studies in Public Policy 40 The Implementation of Language Policy in the Schools of Wales Glasgow, University of Strathclyde 17:1979 667 'Aim and Purpose of the Welsh School. How children will Progress: Will be Ready for the Scholarship1 Aberdare Leader 3 December 1949 668 'Welsh School Plan' Glamorgan Advertiser 13 February 1948
279 While attempting to establish Welsh medium schools, campaigners were aware
of efforts in other districts. The schools that opened during the 1950s drew from the
experience of the first schools that opened in 1949. Knowledge gained from the
experience was used in planning campaigning strategies.669 Although no concrete
evidence of co-operation between school establishing committees exists, many
prominent members of local education authorities worked on behalf of the establishing
committees. Mr Haydn Thomas, Chairman of Glamorgan Primary Education Sub-
Committee, was noted as having a great influence on the development of Welsh
medium education throughout the county, and was an essential figure in the
establishment of the Welsh school at Tonyrefail.670 Miss Cassie Davies, an Inspector of
Schools was reputed to have been a key individual in the growth of Welsh medium
schools in the Rhondda.671 The prestige of their status doubtless had a positive
influence on the decisions made by the education authorities, and succeeded in opening
several schools across South East Wales.
With over ten school operating successfully through the medium of Welsh by
1955 in South East Wales, the prosperity of the venture was apparent. Pupil numbers
increased as the schools earned academic and community respect. It was a success that
owed much to the foresight of Sir Ifan ab Owen Edwards, as stated by Davies, 'am ei weledigaeth wrth gychwyn ysgol fach wirfoddol yn Aberystwyth, yr ysgol a symbylodd i eraill ddilyn ei eisampl' [for his vision in starting a small voluntary school in
669 Telephone conversation with Miss Betsi Griffiths, headmistress at Ysgol Gymraeg Tonyrefail 15 June 1994 670 Letter from Mair Thomas, Cardiff, 4 July 1994 (daughter of Mr Haydn Thomas) 671 Interview with Glyn James, Maerdy, Rhondda, 26 January 1995
280 Aberystwyth, the school that motivated others to follow his example].672 The propensity of the movement in amassing support for individual ventures reflected the enthusiasm and dedication of individuals in realising the opportunity availed by the commencement of Welsh medium education. However, the manifold developments
surrounding the growth of Welsh medium educational provision; supporting and maintaining the gradual emergence of a 'comprehensive' system; occurred subsequent
to the establishment of the initial schools. Success of the first schools was dependent on
the vitality and vision of the individual teacher in developing specific pedagogical
resources. Pedagogical methods and teaching resources were a later development as the
schools became established entities within the educational framework of South East
Wales.
672 Cassie Davies Hwb i'r Galon: Atgofion Swansea, Gwasg John Penry 130:1973
281 Chapter Eight Chapter 8
School Maintenance
The Growth and Management of the Welsh medium schools between
1947 and 1963
Difficulties Encountered: An Introduction
Between 1947 and 1963, approximately thirty one designated Welsh medium schools
had been opened under the auspices of the local education authorities in anglicised areas
of Wales. In South East Wales, fourteen Welsh medium schools and units were
opened during this period, in the former counties of South Glamorgan and Mid
Glamorgan. Despite requests for Welsh medium education provision in the eastern
county of Gwent, development was tardy, the first Welsh medium unit not commencing
until 1967.674 The efforts of campaigners for the instigation of the schools had been
realised, with all Welsh medium schools commencing under Local Education Authority
auspices. However, additional ramifications associated with the daily maintenance,
pedagogical support, and general public acceptance of the educational provision caused
serious dilemmas in school organisation. Despite the allocation of designated Welsh
schools by the Education Authority, subsequent difficulties were encountered in the daily organisation and teaching of the schools. As Baker more recently has noted,
673 Thomas notes that in 1960, twenty eight designated bilingual schools were operating in Wales. Beryl Thomas 'Schools in Ethnic Minorities: Wales' Journal for Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.7 No.2/3 172:1986 674 Gwylim E Humphreys Darlith Atgoffa Orleana Jones 1/8/1988 Addvsg Ddwvieithog vng Nehvmru: Camu 'Mlaen vn Hvderus: Bilingual Education in Wales: facing the future with confidence Newport, Eisteddfod Genedlaethol Casnewydd 1988
282 'the classroom practice of bilingual education depends on provision:
provision of suitable institutions, teachers, materials and resources. The
provision of bilingual education depends on policy. Doubts exists about
whether the policy is long-term, systematic, planned and co-ordinated
enough to ensure that bilingual education in Wales can play its part in the
survival of the language'.675
Despite proposals for the consideration of a specific procedures regarding the Welsh
language in education [see Appendix E], no stringent policy was implemented by the
Glamorgan Education Authority, as witnessed by campaigners for the Welsh school at
Maesteg. Facility of interpretation, and uncertainty surrounding its success, deemed
the schools as 'experimental' entities.677 The transitory nature of the schools, reflected
by such an definition, amplifies the uncertainty and vacillation encompassing the
decisions made by the Education Authorities. Attempts to overcome, or to
accommodate ancillary difficulties, as highlighted by linguistic problems encountered
with a Welsh unit located within an English medium school, for example, ultimately
affected the nature of the schools.
Believing that children had an inherent right to receive an education through the
medium of their mother tongue, and that the establishment of Welsh medium education
provided an opportunity to maintain small linguistic communities in the anglicised
Colin Baker Aspects of Bilingualism in Wales Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 64:1985 where Despite recommending the 'principle of setting up Welsh schools within the Authority's area, arises' required and practicable, and that the question of setting up a school area be dealt as the occasion little (16/06/1948), following a request for accommodation for the Welsh school at Maesteg, action be consideration was given by the Primary Education Sub-Committee, which recommended 'no Welsh taken with regard to the proposal'. Minutes of the Primary Education Sub-Committee 'Proposed School at Nantyffyllon' Glamorgan County Council Minutes June 1949 County 677 Report of the Sub-Committee appointed to consider the teaching of Welsh' Glamorgan Council Minutes 16 June 1948 [See Appendix E]
283 regions of Wales, one initial difficulty faced by the pioneers of the movement was to convince both Welsh and English speakers of the purpose for the campaigning. They
endeavoured to justify the validity of their efforts by taking advantage of evidence from
disciplines such as psychology, linguistics and sociology.678 In attempting to attract
parents to the idea of bilingual education, letters and articles by campaigners were
published in the local press which emphasised the high linguistic, cultural and academic
competence displayed by children receiving bilingual education:
'In fact the children are bilingual - able to understand and use English and
Welsh with ease, well qualified to enter into the full life of both their
localities and to contribute to it, in both languages as the occasion demands'.679
The schools provided a Welsh medium education for a minority in a highly anglicised
community, and a challenge was encountered in attempting to overcome community
suspicion surrounding the schools.680 To allay doubts concerning the worth of bilingual
education and to reverse any negative attitudes to the usefulness of Welsh medium
schooling, it was necessary for the schools to establish relations with the local
community and also to ensure the academic success of pupils in the eleven-plus examinations.
The attempt to overcome prejudices against the new schools and difficulties in operation and resourcing will be analysed in three ways. Firstly the administrative dilemmas encountered by the new developments will be analysed, encompassing the
678 E Glyn Lewis Rilineualism and Bilingual Education Oxford, Pergamon Press 1981 679 'What is a Welsh School? A Challenge to our Native Loyalty' Rhondda Leader 19 November 1949 680 Bud B. Khleif 'Cultural Regeneration and the School: An Anthropological Study of Welsh Medium Schools in Wales' International Review of Education Vol.22 27:1976
284 problem of accommodation in schools and units (established within English medium
schools) and transportational difficulties (the 'catchment area' of the initial Welsh
medium schools/units was extremely wide). Secondly, the educational difficulties
encountered by teachers, parents and pupils will be discussed. One major difficulty
encountered was the lack of suitable pedagogical resources in Welsh that were suitable
for young children. Many teachers overcame this problem by adapting existing English
language material or by developing their own. Providing a 'comprehensive' education
therefore, had a great demand upon the individual teacher's own resources and insight.
One measure of the success of a school is deemed by parental satisfaction with the
education provision, by receiving information as to the content of the education, and the
maintenance of school-home links. As Baker notes, 'information and communication
may help create a positive parental attitude towards bilingual education and a desire for
fQ I their children to become bilingual'. From the outset, parental involvement with the
Welsh medium schools was tenacious, many parents being directly involved in the
movement for Welsh medium education provision.
The third aspect in the analysis of the difficulties encountered with the
development of Welsh medium education provision was the general attitude displayed
towards the schools by the public. The emergence of a distinct educational system is
one element symbolic of a demand for recognition of a separate group identity. As
Williams notes,
'the form of the political project and territorial reorganization desired for the
revitalized culture will vary according to the socio-economic composition
681 Colin Raker Aspects of Bilingualism in Wales Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 110:1985
285 and interests involved and the internal balance of social and political forces
within the subordinate culture and its relationship to the dominant culture.
The demands emanating from the subordinate culture may be principally
non-territorial, for example, more resources and the possibility to control the
reproduction of the particular cultural system'.682
Detachment from the hegemonic norm was viewed as a challenge by some, to the existing educational system. Locating the schools in specific buildings, such as nursery schools caused increasing hostility in the surrounding area. Such conflict is noted by
Williams,
'It is known that two or more language groups occupying a shared territory,
whether it be an urban neighbourhood, a region or a multi-ethnic state, often
diverge in their interpretation of the precise portion of a share territory each
group dominates. Where there is ambiguity over territorial dominance,
conflict often arises. However, where each group is clearly demarcated,
£Q"l ethnically homogenous areas perform a number of essential functions'.
Suspicion surrounding the schools rendered the schools as elitist entities by many individuals. The emergence of Welsh medium schools, as distinct from English medium schools was regarded as divergent from the hegemonic norm, and therefore viewed as socially unacceptable by many. The analysis of the difficulties overcome form a framework outlining the development of Welsh medium schooling as a viable system of education in comparison with existing provision.
682 Colin H.Williams & Eleonore Kofman (eds.) Community. Conflict. Partition and Nationalism London, Routledge 12:1989 683 Colin HWilliams 'On Cultural Space: Perceptual Culture Regions in Wales' Etude Celtioues Vol.18 275:1981
286 Administrative Problems
An awareness of the growing need to provide a guideline for the teaching of Welsh in
junior schools was realised by the Glamorgan Education Authority in 1935 when a
report by the Sub-Committee appointed to consider the question of Welsh Instruction
was published. Guidelines were given, but a Welsh language teaching policy was not
drawn up until 1948 [see Appendix Fj. The general nature of the policy was that every
junior school should provide one half hourly lesson of Welsh daily and that at least four
hours a week should be assigned to teaching Welsh during the first two years of the
secondary school. Due to difficulties in employing suitably trained teachers, the
policy was not adhered to stringently. By 1947, the Sub Committee appointed to
consider the teaching of Welsh reported that a
'fundamental decision on the part of the Authority as to the place of Welsh
in the curriculum of schools was necessary. The success of teaching the
language depended on adequate well-trained and enthusiastic staff, but the
deputation were not yet in a position to express themselves in detail on the
fCOC staffing question'.
The Glamorgan Education Authority were forced to reconsider its Welsh
language teaching policy following the campaigns for Welsh medium education across the county. This was reported in a letter from Mr B. Ben Thomas, Secretary of the
Welsh Education Department at Whitehall to campaigners in Maesteg:
684 Phillip M.Rawkins Studies in Public Policy 40 The Implementation of Language Policy in the Schools of Wales Glasgow, University of Strathclyde 27:1979 685'Report of the Sub-Committee appointed to consider the teaching of Welsh' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 2 December 1947 & 15 January 1948
287 'It happens that the County Education Committee have now set up a special
Sub-Committee to deal with the matter of framing a comprehensive
language policy in respect of Welsh throughout the whole county of
Glamorgan, and the problem of Welsh schools such as the one you propose
at Maesteg is receiving consideration in this framework. The Committee
has already met, and its recommendations may be expected fairly soon ... I
am assured, however, that definite steps are now afoot and that it is likely
that some material steps can be expected before very long'.686
Anxieties expressed concerning the proposed Welsh school at Maesteg by local
councillors reflected anxiety about the success of the school, as indicated by Councillor
J. Joshua: 'This is an experiment. Unless the child is taught Welsh and uses the Welsh
fLQ*J language at home, it is going to suffer a great drawback'. Only a small minority of
school children were considered eligible to attend the Welsh schools, and it was
generally thought that failure of the ventures would ultimately be at the expense of
English medium education.688 This viewpoint expressed publicly by a Western Mail
reporter implied that in commencing a Welsh school in the Cardiff area, one direct
consequence would be a fall in the staffing levels at English medium schools.689 The
Education Authorities were bound by the 1944 Education Act to comply with parental requests for the provision of suitable education for their children, but in doing so they were also tied by financial and public constraints. In dealing with the Welsh schools, the primary dilemmas facing the Education Authorities were accommodation and transport arrangements.
686'Yr Ysgol Gymraeg' Glamorgan Advertiser 5 March 1948 687'Maesteg Welsh School Project' Glamorgan Advertiser 5 March 1948 688'Can the Welsh Language be Revived?' Rhondda Leader 5 February 1949 689'Cardiff Approves Welsh School Plan' Western Mail 10 November 1948
288 School Accommodation
The demand for Welsh medium education increased the financial requests of the local
authorities at a time when there was a general need in expanding public services. It was
not possible for the Education Authorities to provide luxurious buildings for the Welsh
schools and no bias to this respect was shown either. Requests for Welsh medium
education were ever increasing and petitions were held by parents in Aberdare, Cardiff,
Maesteg and Rhondda between 1948 and the opening of the first schools.690 Having
petitioned parents and ascertained numbers eager to attend the schools, the next step was
to determine the provision of appropriate accommodation for the school. The
Authorities reacted by attempting to find suitable buildings, but administrators were
well aware that this form of education was experimental. As a consequence old empty
buildings or classrooms within established English medium schools were chosen.691 A
reporter for the Western Mail noted that 'the practicality of establishing a Welsh school
must depend on existing conditions and the availability of suitable premises to be
allocated to a Welsh school or department'.692 Two means were found as a way of
solving the problem, by creating individual schools and Welsh units. Table 8:1 provides an illustration of the accommodation situations of the first schools. The individual schools were an entity on their own, while the Welsh unit was an independent class surrounded by the English school. Even though the two types of school operated with the same aim, the development of the schools was completely different.
690 This is discussed in detail in Chapter 7. 691Phillip M.Rawkins Studies in Public Policy 40 The Implementation of Language Policy in the Schools of Wales Glasgow, University of Strathclyde 27:1979 692'ProbIems of all Welsh Schools' Western Mail 27 June 1949
289 Table 8:1
The Distribution of Welsh Medium Education in South East Wales 1949-1955 - Schools and Units
School Opening Date Unit Opening Date Aberdare 1949 Cardiff 1949 Pont-y-gwaith 1950 Maesteg 1949 Ynys-wen 1950 Braichycymer 1951 Barry 1952 Pontsionnorton 1951 Tonyrefail 1955 Rhymni 1955
290 The Welsh 'School'
No purposeful policy was operated by the Education Authority in the decision to open
individual schools or units. Schools were opened according to accommodation
availability within the Authority, and were usually located in empty school buildings.693
Other empty buildings were also put to the use of the new Welsh schools, Ysgol
Gymraeg Pont-y-gwaith, Rhondda was located in a former Scouts' Hall and Ysgol
Gymraeg Y Barri operated in a chapel vestry for five years before moving to permanent
accommodation at St. Francis-on-the-Hill, a purposely adapted chapel. The adaptation
of such disused buildings was not a cause for concern among the instigators of the
Welsh school movement. Appreciation of the establishment of a Welsh medium school
by the Authority attracted most comment, as exemplified by Mrs Mair Kitchener
Davies, secretary of the Parents' Association in the Rhondda: 'we received every
possible support and encouragement from the Rhondda council and they have gone to
great expense to make the school successful'.694 The Education Authority was further
praised for the standard of the buildings by a Schools Inspector in 1954 in a report on the school: '...rhaid cydnabod bod yr athrawon a'r plant yn ffodus yn yr adeilad a roed
at eu gwasanaeth gan yr Awdurdod - lie sy'n fanteisiol i ryddid ac annibyniaeth' [...it must be acknowledged that the teachers and children are fortunate in the building that
693'Report of the Sub-Committee Appointed to Consider the Teaching of Welsh' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 16 June 1948 'Welsh Schools - in considering applications for the establishment of Welsh schools in the Aberdare district "That Bedlington House, Trecynon and the present disused Cap Coch Boys' School be visited with a view to ascertaining suitability for the purpose.' 694'38 Children at new Welsh School' Rhondda Leader 1 July 1950
291 has been given to their service by the Authority - a place that is opportune to freedom
and independence].695
Not every school was fortunate enough to receive a suitable building without
any problems or difficulties. Two examples of schools facing extreme difficulties
regarding the provision of appropriate accommodation was the Welsh school established
at Barry, and Ysgol Gymraeg Aberdar. Ysgol Gymraeg Y Barri was established under
the auspices of the Local Authority in 1952, but waited some five years before moving
from Salem Chapel Vestry in Cadoxton as there were no suitable buildings available to
house the school. In 1951 a consideration was proposed by the Education Authority to
move the school to more appropriate premises, and a suggestion was made to move the
school to the former St. John's Ambulance quarters. However, the St. John's
Ambulance movement was not happy with the suggestion, and no decision was made
(or other considerations discussed). In 1954 the situation was again reviewed with
the intention of moving the school to the former premises of the Barry Special School.
The application was refused as the buildings were considered unsuitable for educational purposes; 'there would therefore be no advantage in transferring Ysgol Gynradd
Gymraeg Y Barri to the New Dock Hotel (Barry Special School) and that the expense would not be justified'.697 In 1955 the Glamorgan County Council Sites Sub-
Committee received a letter 'enquiring whether the Authority would be interested in the
Church buildings known as St. Francis on the Hill, Barry as a free gift for welfare and
695YsgoI Gymraeg Ynys-wen Log Book Report by His Majesty's Inspectors on Ysgol Gynradd Ynys- Wen, Morgannwg, inspected on 26 January and 5 May 1954 and earlier dates. 4 November 1954 696Primary Education Sub-Committee 24 (e) Glamorgan County Council Minutes 18 September 1951 697< Meeting of Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the Education Buildings Sub-Committee and the Chairman of the South East Divisional Executive' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 6 April 1954
292 cultural work'.698 It was decided that the St. Francis on the Hill church buildings, with
some adaptation, would be suitable for junior school use. On 30 June 1956 the Welsh
school moved into the buildings, sporting an official new name 'Ysgol Gymraeg
St.Ffransis-ar-y-Bryn' in accordance with the wishes of the Church trustees.699
Despite the obvious difficulties incurred in the establishment of Ysgol Y Barri,
the problems experienced by promoters of the Welsh school at Cwmdare was one that
saw the nature of local opposition at its worst. At the beginning of the campaign it was
proposed to open two schools in the Cynon valley consequent to the remarkable interest
that had been shown locally in the venture.700 After some discussion, it was announced
in the 'Aberdare Leader' 5 February 1949 that the Education Authority's proposed to
establish an experimental Welsh school at the top of the Cynon valley, and another one
further down the valley following the success of the venture. In the quest for suitable
buildings for the Welsh school it was decided to relocate the English nursery school
situated in Cwmdare, and amalgamate it with the local junior school. Subsequent to the
opening of the Welsh school in September 1949 there was fierce opposition by parents
of the local nursery to the newly established school. A public meeting was held by
698 Minutes of Sites Sub-Committee 'St. Francis on the Hill, Barry' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 8 February 1955 699 '2. Subsequent to the meeting at 'St. Francis on the Hill', Barry on the 21 February 1955, confirmation had been received from the trustees that they were prepared to make a gift of the property without any hard-and-fast conditions but coupled with following four requests: (a) that the name 'St. Francis on the Hill' be retained in the new title. (b) that the apse and its fitment be presented, as at present, as a momento of the church. (c) that no structure alteration be undertaken which would impair the architectural design of the church. (d) that existing organisations now using the Halls should be allowed to continue such use. -recommended.' Minutes of Sites Committee 'St. Francis on the Hill, Barry' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 11 May 1955 '""'Divisional Executive Recommends Two Welsh Schools for Aberdare' Aberdare Leader 7 February 1948 701 'Welsh School Experiment at Aberdare: Will Parents Send their Small Children from Lower End? Aberdare Leader 5 February 1949
293 parents protesting strongly against the decision of the Glamorgan County Council to
'sacrifice' the Cwmdare nursery school for the Welsh school.702 Complaints were made
against the Councils decision in opening a Welsh school with such a small amount of
pupils, and moving young children out of their environment. A report in the Aberdare
Leader, 19 November 1949 reported that:
'One mother, who said she was not 'against' the principle of a Welsh school
declared that she thought it most unfair that the twenty six children in the
Welsh school should have the use of five classrooms, a hall, a meal-room
and a cloakroom, while the 50 to 60 infant children at Cwmdare who
previously used them had to 'bundled into two classrooms' without the
added facilities they once enjoyed'.703
The antagonism witnessed following the establishment of some schools placed the Education Authority in a precarious position of complying with the legislation of the
1944 Education Act (Section 76) in attempting to accommodate the demands of a
'significant' minority, while fuelling the possibility of altercations due to educational modifications.704 The development of 'Units', classes established within existing schools, were not regarded as having the same imposition as the schools, rather they were considered subsidiary to the educational provision already in place.
702 Nursery Class 'Sacrificed' for Welsh School' Aberdare Leader 17 September 1949 703 ibid.bid. 704 This will be discussed in detail later in the chapter.
294 The Welsh 'Unit'
From Table 8:1, it is possible to ascertain that a Welsh class or unit was opened in the
majority of cases. For those who struggled for Welsh medium education provision for
children, the support of the Education Authorities was appreciated. Official opening of
the classes was a step ahead in attempting to revive language status in the community.
The classes operated within the English schools as separate units, and at the start there
was some antagonism between the school and the unit. Supporting a Welsh class was
regarded by some as an interference with the infrastructure and daily life of the school.
In attempting to ensure and maintain a Welsh atmosphere within the units, teachers tried
to establish separate play and dinner times from the English school which was an idea
condoned by the Education Authorities [see Appendix G]. In Tonyrefail, the problem of
the Welsh language teaching situation caused great antagonism between teachers of the
Cwmlai Junior school where the Welsh class was situated. Circumstances became so
difficult, that the Welsh teacher was accused of creating an 'apartheid' system between the Welsh class and the English school for requesting separate play times.705 Concern about the future of the English school and the education of their children was at the root of such accusations.706 Welsh medium education offered a different ideology, a positive attitude to the language that had not been witnessed before to such an extent in these areas. Located within an English school, the Welsh units were an obvious feature, and local parents could not fail to acknowledge the presence of the classes.
7051 Apartheid' Comparison and Insult to Parents' I .lantrisant Observer 9 April 1960 706 'Unfair advantages in the 11-plus Examination' j.lantrisant Observer 2 April 1960
295 In their forecast for establishing a Welsh medium organisation, establishing
Welsh medium classes in English medium schools was not supported by Undeb
Cenedlaethol Athrawon Cymru (The National Union for Teachers in Wales) as they
were concerned about the negative features of such a situation:
'A valuable suggestion is made that until the complete educational system in
Wales is reconstructed pressure should be directed immediately on the
Board of Education and Local Education Authorities to establish one truly
Welsh elementary school in large town in Wales to which the parents of
Welsh speaking children might have the option of sending their children.
This would make the type of education provided in Ysgol Gymraeg
Aberystwyth available to large numbers of Welsh children irrespective of
parents ability to pay fees. It is maintained that this would be more
desirable than to establish Welsh sections in existing elementary schools
which might lead to unhappy results owing to the necessity of segregating
Welsh from English-speaking children. Moreover, much of the value of the
Welsh school arises from the atmosphere created by a unit of Welsh society
in miniature'.
It was realised, after opening the units, that one of the main disadvantages of opening a Welsh class within an English medium school was that the Welsh class was attempting to assert a separate identity in the shadow of the existing English medium school. It was difficult to establish the class as a independent unit in the eyes of the local community as a consequence. There was further confrontation in some schools as
707'A Memorandum on Education in Wales' Undeb Cendlaethol Athrawon Cvmru 8:1943
296 Welsh classes increased in numbers at the expense of numbers in the English medium
school, as exemplified by Ysgol Gymraeg Pontsionnorton.708 The establishment of a
Welsh unit within the English medium school was to the advantage of promoters for
Welsh medium education, as parents began to realise the standard of bilingual education
provision in the school and saw the value in providing their children with such an
opportunity. By the end of the 1980s, following repeated protests by the parents of
Pontsionnorton Welsh school due to the lack of reaction by the Education Authority
concerning the need to expand the school, pupils from the English school were
dispersed and all the buildings on the site were put at the disposal of the Welsh school.
A similar situation at currently presents itself at the junior school in Gwaelod-y-Garth,
but as yet, there are no signs of closing the English department as a direct result of the
Welsh unit expansion.
Transport Arrangements
In attempting to situate a Welsh school or class in a specific area, pupil transportation
needs came to the forefront. As the English school were local community schools, daily transportation of small children to and from the school had previously not been a matter
of concern for Glamorgan Education Authority. The catchment area for the Welsh
schools and classes was vast, and within the areas, the location of pupils' homes was widely scattered. This created transportation problems for the Local Authority on a scale that had not been presented before. Initially, the Authority were concerned that maintaining special transportation costs for pupils would be far too great in relation to
708Ysgol Gynradd Gymraeg Pontsionnorton Log Book 1 September 1980
297 numbers attending the school, and therefore would not be economically viable.709 The main concern of parents was the safety of children while utilising public transport. This issue was fundamental in the parents choice of school for their children. This was highlighted in a survey conducted by the Education Authority, and subsequently published in the 'Rhondda Leader' 19 June 1948 with regard to the establishment of a
Welsh school in the Rhondda Fawr.710 The survey revealed that parents of the ninety children who had expressed initial interest in the development of a Welsh medium school in the Rhondda were more hesitant after discovering that the school would be situated at Ystrad, a town some way down the valley.711 This caused some delay in the decision of the Education Authority to open the school, as potential pupil numbers were unclear, noting that,
'...the Sub-Committee Recommend having regard to information at present
available, which indicated that 14 Welsh speaking pupils would only be
available for enrolment at present information (sic) and that the
709'Can the Welsh Language be Revived?' Rhondda Leader 5 February 1949 '...the question of a Welsh school at Ynyswen Junior Instruction Centre is still in doubt. When the Rhondda Education Committee met on Tuesday they heard from the Glamorgan County Council that the Sub-Committee dealing with the teaching of Welsh in schools had considered the Rhondda's committee proposals but felt that the number of pupils was disappointing - there are only fourteen - in view of the fact that the school population of the Rhondda is 2,000. It was pointed out that the cost of transport too, would be very high. The matter was deferred so that the Rhondda Committee could examine the position and ascertain whether any greater number of Welsh speaking children would be available and whether transport problems could be solved more economically.' 71°'Let Us Have Welsh Schools' Rhondda Leader 19 June 1948 711 ibid. 'Members of the Education Committee had already been informed by the District Education Officer, Mr W. Morris Jones, that the parents of the 90 children who had formerly expressed a desire to attend a Welsh Primary School had been interviewed with the object of ascertaining whether they would be prepared to allow their children to attend such a school if it were situated in or near Ystrad. The result showed that parents of only 36/90 children formerly agreed that they were now in favour of the scheme'.
298 transportation costs would be disproportionately high, that consideration for
the proposal be deferred'.712
In an application for the establishment of Welsh medium education provision by
the Rhondda Education Committee, transportation costs of pupils to and from school
were analysed. It was estimated that transportation costs for the Authority, would be
£15 8s Od. per child per term to attend Ysgol Gymraeg Ynys-wen and £27 per child per
term attending Ysgol Gymraeg Pont-y-gwaith.713 Despite these estimations, a special
bus was not provided by the Authority until 12 May 1952, nearly two years following
the opening of the Welsh school.714 In Barry, transportation problems were not resolved
resulting in the instigation of independent arrangements made by parents in the
Cowbridge area to transport children to the school. It is also likely that similar
arrangements were to be had in Dinas Powys, Sully and Penarth for pupils attending
Ysgol Gymraeg St. Ffransis, Barry.
Initially, the Education Authorities attempted to solve the transportation difficulties by allotting termly travelling tickets to pupils attending Welsh medium schools. Stringent rules were drawn up by the Authorities which were distributed among the parents of potential pupils [see Appendix F]. As reported in the Aberdare
Leader, 2 April 1949, the Glamorgan Education Authority allowed free school
712'Report of the Primary Education Sub-Committee: 'Application for the Establishment of a Welsh School at Ynyswen Junior Instruction Centre, Treorchy, Rhondda' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 24^ January 1949iyty 713 'Report of the Primary Education Sub-Committee: 'Application for the Establishment of Welsh Classes at Ynyswen and Pont-y-gwaith' niamorean County Council Minutes 24 January 1950 7l4Ysgol Gymraeg Ynys-wen Log Book 12 May 1952 715 Llvfrvn Dathlu Addvse Gvmraeg Y Barri 1952^1992 (Celebration Booklet).
299 transportation, utilising public transport, for every child living over one and a half miles
from the school. The decision, however, was a cause for concern among parents in
the Rhondda as it was believed that the Education Authority had not considered the
needs of the young children who lived closer to the school (under the one and a half
mile rule). Ynys-wen Welsh Schools Parents Committee appealed against the ruling
and the Education Authority were asked to re-consider the situation and provide a
special bus for the pupils.717 Parents were willing to send their children to the school on
the condition that special travelling arrangements were organised by the Education
Authority for pupils. Despite concern for the safety of the young children travelling
unsupervised to the Welsh medium school, the dilemma was not resolved until May
1952 when a special bus was arranged by the Education Authority for the transportation
of pupils - the first time following two years of hard campaigning. 718
In some cases, neither distance nor authority boundaries were a hindrance in the
quest for an education through the medium of Welsh. In Cardiff, a bid was made by parents of three children for attendance at the Welsh School. Despite living outside the boundaries imposed by the Cardiff Education Authority, they attempted to appeal for a place for their children at the Welsh school. According to Glamorgan County Council
Report:
716 'Transport of Pupils to Welsh Schools. County Director's Statement' Aberdare Leader 2 April 1949 '...stated that the County Education Committee would be prepared to waive the rule which laid it down that no special transport provision could be made for parties of less than 10 in number. The children attending the Welsh schools would be issued with season tickets, but in accordance with a previous standing rule, transport would not be provided for junior children living less than one and a half miles from the school'. 7I7'ValIeys to have one Welsh School. Parents set up their own Association' Rhondda Leader 10 September 1949 'The parents of the 67 children had given undertakings that they would allow their children to remain at the school on condition that special transport was provided to convey them to and fro'. 7l8Ysgol Gymraeg Ynys-wen Log Book 12 May 1952
300 'The Director of Education reported that the parents of three children
residing in Whitchurch, Rhiwbina and St.Fagans respectively, have applied
to the Cardiff Education Authority for permission for their children to attend
the Welsh school which the Authority propose to establish, and ask that this
Authority agree to the transfers from the Glamorgan school in the event of
the application being successful'.719
A decision was reached in November 1951 to accept the three pupils on the condition
that transportation costs were met by the parents.720 Administration problems were
overcome by the continuous efforts of parents and teachers in their attempt to ensure the
existence of the Welsh schools.
Doubtless, a large number of potential pupils were lost as a consequence of
authority delay with buildings and transportation problems. Despite this, by
commencing Welsh medium education, either through opening schools or units, the
campaigners did succeed in commencing Welsh medium schools or classes across
anglicised areas of South East Wales. According to Mr Gerallt Jones, headmaster of
Ysgol Gymraeg Cynwyd Sant, Maesteg, parents were a key factor in ensuring the
success of the venture, due to their determinism, 'tystiant, lawer ohonynt, i'r modd y bu
eu plant yn foddion iddynt hwythau, rieni, i ddarganfod o'r newydd eu perthynas a'u lie o fewn y genedl Gymreig' [they testified, many of them, to the way that their children
7l9'Report of the Primary Education Sub-Committee 'Choice of Schools' Glamorgan County Council Minutes June 1949 720 'Report of the Primary Education Sub-Committee 'Cardiff Welsh School' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 23 January 1951 'a) It was Reported that a number of pupils form areas within Glamorgan contiguous to Cardiff have been permitted to attend the Cardiff Welsh School on the basis of the usual financial judgement, and the parents and the Cardiff City Authority were informed that the Authority could accept no responsibility whatever the cost of conveyance of such children'.
301 were medicine (revelation) to them, parents, in discovering anew their relationship and
place as members of the Welsh nation].721
Educational Problems
Further to the administrative and developmental problems, other dilemmas unique to the
Welsh schools were to be overcome. These were a natural development which followed
as there was a lack of experience in the field. Education had developed through the
medium of English following the Forster Act of 1870 and therefore, there had been no
advance in the evolvement of Welsh medium education. Consequently the first Welsh
schools that opened in South East Wales commenced formal teaching without suitable
buildings, books, special training and without previous experience of the problems that
were to be faced. However, in experiencing the strength of vision showed by the
campaigners and establishing the schools, the next step was to ensure the success of the schools in the eyes of the parents, the local community, the education authorities and the public in general. Ensuring the schools' reputation would be a way of reversing any negative attitude towards Welsh medium education. There were two ways of maintaining school success by increasing pupil numbers and constant academic success.
These two elements interact with each other, the success of one element reflecting on the development of the other.
721 Ysgol Gymraeg Maesteg Uyfrvn Dathlu (Celebration Booklet) 6:1973
302 Pupil Admittance Regulations
According to the Education Act of 1944, Section 76 (iv), parents had a right to request the type of education that they wished for their children. However, in commencing
Welsh medium schools in South East Wales, it was declared by the Education
Authorities (Glamorgan, Rhondda and Cardiff) that there was only room for children four years and upwards from Welsh speaking families in the experimental schools.722
Evidence was also required, proving that the child could speak or understand the language well before attending the school.723 This ruling affected the possible start of a few schools as there were not enough pupils 'linguistically competent' to justify opening the school.724
Having opened the school, the Education Authorities would send
H.M.Inspectors to the school to verify the Welsh language proficiency of the pupils.
Records of these visits can be found in the Log Books of each of the first Welsh schools that were opened in South East Wales.725 Two Inspectors were appointed to be responsible for Welsh medium education in Glamorgan, Miss Cassie Davies, 'a schools
722< Report of the Primary Education Sub-Committee 'Establishment of Welsh schools' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 24 January 1949, 'The Sub-Committee Recommend as a matter of principle that admissions to Welsh primary schools be established by the Authority, be restricted at the outset to those children who can speak Welsh only and who have attained the age of four years'. 723Ysgol Gymraeg Y Barri Log Book 9 January 1952 724'Suggested Establishment of a Welsh School in the Llantrisant Area' Pontypridd and Llantrisant Divisional Executive Committee Minutes 30 April 1952 'In connection with the Minute 28 (26/3/1952) the Officer read a letter from the Director of Education stating that it appears that the 44 children, aged 4-11 years, in the general Tonyrefail area, who desire to attend the Welsh school providing this can be established there, only 12 have been ascertained as linguistically qualified, and that in view of this, the Authority are unable to proceed any further in the matter at present'. 725 Examples include records in Ysgol Gymraeg Pontsionnorton and Ysgol Gymraeg Aberdar Log Books dated 10 January 1968 and 7 September 1949 respectively.
303 inspector of decidedly nationalistic outlook', and Mr Lewis Angell [see Appendix G] who were very supportive towards the Welsh medium schools.726 An example of their support can be seen in the history narrated by T.J.Jones, one of the first instigators of the
Welsh class at Braichycymer. He described the 'test' that Mr Lewis Angell gave to the pupils, which simply consisted of individual questioning, asking the child's name and address in Welsh. As each child answered the question, with occasional prompting, so acceptance to the school was gained. Mr T.J.Jones story is further reiterated by Mr
Elwyn Richards, (headmaster of Ysgol Gynradd Gymraeg Y Barri 1961-1968):
'Rheol ac arferiad haearnaidd yr Awdurdod oedd bod Mr Lewis Angell
M.A., yr arolygwr sirol, yn ymweld a'r ysgol y bore cyntaf, ac yn ei ffordd
hynaws cymerai'r plant bach yma'n ei gol, gan geisio ganddynt ateb rhai
cwestiynau syml - yr arholiad 4+, fel y'i bedyddiwyd hi. Os oeddent yn
barod i ateb a sgwrsio, yna roedd hawl eu derbyn, ond os na chawsai ateb,
yna fe'u gwrthodwyd! [an iron cast rule and tradition of the Authority was
that Mr Lewis Angell M.A., the County Inspector, would visit the school on
the first morning, and in his own genial way would place the children on his
lap, and attempt to get them to answer some simple questions - the 4+ exam,
as it was baptised. If they were willing to answer and chat, then they had a
right to be accepted, but if he did not receive an answer, then they were
refused!].
726 Kenneth O. Morgan Rebirth of a Nation: Wales 1880-1980 Oxford,Clarendon Press 361:1981 As noted earlier in Chapter 7, Cassie Davies had prominent links with Undeb Cymru Fydd, a movement which strongly advocated the development of Welsh medium education. Cassie Davies describes her experiences as an H M Inspector in South Wales, and visits to the newly established Welsh schools in her autobiography Cassie Davies Hwhivnalon: Ateofion Swansea, Gwasg John Penry 1973 727'Atgofion Mr Elwyn Richards ddaeth yn brifathro ysgol Sant Ffansis yn 1961 ac yn brifathro ysgol Sant Baruc yn 1974' I.lvfrvn Dathl" Addvse Gymraeg Y Barri 1952-1992 (Celebration Booklet) 7:1992
304 Acceptance into the Welsh school was not that easy and the purpose of the school was emphasised by the Education Authorities before opening the schools [see
Appendix F]. The general belief held by educators was that teaching in the child's mother tongue was the best medium of education, especially during the early developmental years of a child.728 During the 1950s, non-Welsh speaking children were refused admittance to the Welsh medium school, some children were removed from the schools as their mastery of the language was considered inadequate. This is seen in
Ysgol Gymraeg Y Barri, when Mr Angell decided, 'nad oedd __(merch 7.5 oed) yn gwybod digon o Gymraeg i aros yn yr ysgol hon' [that __(girl 7.5 years old) did not
T)Q know enough Welsh to stay in this school]. In some cases a child was accepted into a school with some knowledge of Welsh, but if the child was unwilling to use the language, then they were removed from the school as illustrated: 'Danfonwyd tri bachgen (yn yr Adran lau) yn 61 i Ysgol Cwmdar am nad oeddynt wedi dangos parodrwydd i siarad Cymraeg ac felly'n analluog i dderbyn budd o addysg yn yr ysgol'.
[Three boys (in the Junior Section) were sent back to Cwmdare School as they had not
shown willingness to speak Welsh, and so were incapable of receiving any benefit from the education in the school].730
In due course, however, it seemed that the individual schools expanded upon their interpretation of the Education Authorities rule on pupil linguistic competence. In the 'Cardiff and Suburban News' in February 1951, the hope was expressed that the
7281A Memorandum on Education in Wales' Undeb Cenedlaethol Athrawon Cymru. 7:1943 729 Ysgol Gymraeg Y Barri Log Book 23 January 1952 730Ysgol Gymraeg Ynyslwyd, Aberdare Log Book 19 September 1949 & 23 September 1949
305 English speaking Welsh school in Cardiff would open its doors to accept children from George Williams) families, '...in declaring the school open the Lord Mayor (Alderman of children expressed the hope that its purpose would be so as to permit the attendance claim as the former of parents who could not speak Welsh.731 Mr Elwyn Richards' the first children headmaster of Ysgol Gymraeg St.Ffransis was that the school accepted the Inspectors were from non-Welsh backgrounds in 1961. He further recalls that to commence unable to differentiate between children who had received an opportunity the age of two and a their education in the nursery school which accepted children from not received such an half, and those children (from Welsh speaking homes) who had the nursery school opportunity. His claim therefore, was that the establishment of Addysg heb caused the, 'agor y llifddorau a newid polisi swyddogol yr Awdurdod Gymraeg gyntaf i ganiatad! Gall Ysgol Sant Ffransis honni mai hi oedd yr ysgol the Education dderbyn plant bach hollol di-Gymraeg [opened the doors and changed can claim that it Authority's official policy without permission! Ysgol Sant Ffransis
i 732 was the first Welsh school to admit totally non-Welsh speaking children].
them to Despite the experience and knowledge of some headmasters allowing backgrounds, some move forward and offer places to children from non-Welsh speaking as liberal or had discussion of the subject was needed. Not every school was monoglot children headmasters who were as confident in the linguistic ability of young learning in in acquiring a second language. The wider discussion on immersion
731 < February 1951 School's Value to Welsh Language' Cardiff and Suburban News 3 732 Booklet) Llyfryn Dathlu Addysg Gymraee Y Barri 1952-1992 (Celebration
306 teaching had only just commenced.733 In 1962, a letter from a parent was published in the local paper claiming that his child could not attend the local Welsh school,
'...because my wife and I do not speak Welsh ... The funny thing is that I
have no-one to speak to at home, yet when I go to Cardigan they only speak
to me in Welsh. I can understand them and I can speak a little Welsh
myself. No-one connected with the Council has asked me if I speak Welsh
or not. Could you tell me the object of a Welsh school? To preserve the
Welsh language I think, yet they will not start my child, and there are many
other parents who wish to start their children but cannot as I have found out'.734
A possible concern of many headteachers was that admitting too many children from
English speaking backgrounds would undermine the Welsh atmosphere of the school
and consequently the status of the Welsh language amongst the pupils. These concerns were expressed by the headmaster of Ysgol Gymraeg Aberdar in 1961 to the Divisional
Executive Officer in a reaction to the Inspectors' Report on the school,
'...I would like to point out that strict control is kept of the number of pupils
admitted who come from English homes, so that there does not appear to be
any danger of the present nature and the aim of the school being altered.735
As a consequence of these developments, other concerns were appearing as to
the linguistic nature of the Welsh schools.736 In a report by the H.M.Inspector, some of
733 Chapter 2 and 5 provide a full discussion on minority and bilingual education programmes. 734'Child cannot Start in Welsh School' Rhondda Leader 9 June 1962 735Ysgol Gymraeg Ynyslwyd, Aberdar, Loe Book 8 November 1961 Letter from Idwal Rees, Headmaster, to the Divisional Education Officer following an Inspectorate report on the school 25 June 1961.
307 these worries were voiced. It was claimed that the nursery teacher was not fluent in
Welsh,
'which deprives the children at a most formative period in their linguistic
development of opportunities of hearing colourful and correct speech used
to define and illumine their everyday classroom experiences, a disadvantage
which is all the more marked because few of the pupils have easy command
of Welsh - most of the conversation heard in the classroom was English and
because the mother tongue of at least five of these children is English'.737
As a consequence to the rules imposed upon the schools by the Education Authority
pupil numbers were restricted. Limiting pupil places, and accepting children with at
least one Welsh speaking parent, confined admittance to pupils from only one area of
the population. In order to overcome this problem, the Welsh medium schools began to
admit children at four years of age, a year earlier than the statutory age noted by the
Education Act of 1944. 'J'tO These___ pre-schools were private ventures with the intention of
accepting children from homes where Welsh usage was infrequent and sporadic, or from
non-Welsh speaking homes. It was possible therefore to increase linguistic knowledge of children unsure of their language, and prepare children from non-Welsh speaking homes for then- educational life in a Welsh school. One of the first schools to do this was the Welsh school in Maesteg. This was advertised in the local press:
736 Concerns about the linguistic nature of the Welsh medium schools, in the anglicised areas of Wales are still prevalent today. Despite discussion about the role of education in language preservation, little research has been conducted into the linguistic development of children attending the Welsh medium schools One example is, Peter Wynn Thomas 'Children in Welsh-medium education: Semi-linguals or Innovator*?' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.12 Nos.l&2 1991 737 Ysgol Gymraeg Ynyslwyd, AberdSr, Log Book Inspectors' Report 25 June 1961 731 H M S O Education Act 1944 Part II London, 35:1944 'In this Act the expression 'compulsory school age' means any age between five years and fifteen years, and accordingly a person shall be deemed to be over compulsory school age as soon as he has attained the age of fifteen years'.
308 'Children who are able to speak Welsh will be admitted to the new school at
Nantyffyllon. The school at Bethania will be kept open for those children
who understand Welsh but are not fluent in the language, and also for
children under four years'.739
There was some opposition to this plan of establishing nursery classes to prepare children for junior school education. An example of the opposition occurred in Ysgol
Gymraeg Y Barri, following a request for extra classrooms as a consequence of the large
growth in numbers attending the school. The parents of the school were accused by the
Chairman of Barry Local Council Committee of deliberately causing the problem by
sending their children to the school from four years of age. Their main reason for this
according to the Chairman of the committee was for peace and quiet at home.74 The
Education Authority was not prepared to finance the Welsh medium nursery classes, as
is documented in a report of Maesteg nursery school:
'Reported for some time past an independent Welsh nursery school has been
maintained by local Welsh Parents Association in the above named premises
by taken over by the Authority as an extra classroom for a nursery class
attached to the Nantyffyllon Welsh School.' The Sub-committee
recommend that the premises be not taken over'.74
Despite the unwillingness of the Education Authorities, nursery schools were opened with the intent of nurturing and sustaining the Welsh junior schools. The effect of the nursery schools can be seen on the growth in the Welsh schools and on the linguistic
739 'Maesteg's New Welsh School' r.lamorgan Advertiser 12 August 1949 740 Barrv and District News 1965 from Mrs. Eleri Hourahane, Headmistress of Ysgol Gymraeg StCurig. 741 'Nursery Class, Bethania Nursery, Maesteg' Glamorgan County Council Minutes. 20 June 1950
309 background of the pupils in Table 8:2. Exemplifying the growth of pupil numbers in the
Rhondda district since the opening of the first Welsh school, the linguistic shift from
Welsh to English speaking backgrounds can be seen, in that only a small minority of children come from Welsh speaking backgrounds by 1981 (10.2%).742
By relaxing admittance regulations and growth in the voluntary nursery schools, the potential numbers of pupils grew. Despite this, there was a need to convince the public of the success of Welsh medium education and the only secure way of doing this was by academic excellence. This was noted in the Aberdare Leader 10 May 1949,
'First Welsh School Opens with 26 Pupils' when the Welsh school opened there in
1949: 'If this Welsh school proves as successful from the educational standpoint as those already established in other parts of Wales, the demand for accommodation from parents with Welsh speaking children will grow substantially'743
742 R Davies Attitudes to Bilingual Education with Specific Reference to the Teaching of Languages through the Medium of Weigh M.Ed. University of Wales, College Cardiff 26:1982/3. 743 'First Welsh School Opens with 26 Pupils' Aberdare Leader 10 September 1949
310 M.Ed.
151
Total
290
213
654
Welsh
of
1981
in
Rhondda
168
130
C
280
587
Medium
the
Pupils
the
in
of
through
12
B 7
3
5
Schools
Background
Languages
Medium
of
Linguistic
A 3
6
9
0
Welsh
Teaching
Date
the
8:2
to
13
123
38
72
Total
311
attending
Opening
Table
on
reference
Pupils
72
0
66
C 6
Pupils
of
specific
of
parent
homes
with
homes
speaking
18
11
1
6
B
Background
Background
Education
Welsh
26:1982/3
Welsh-speaking
English-speaking
one
33
0
27
6
A
Linguistic
Bilingual
Cardiff
from with from
Linguistic
to
in
College
children children children
1979
1950
1950
Opening Date
Attitudes
of of of
Wales,
Changes
of
Fawr
Fawr
Fach
Number Number Number
R.Davies
B
Source:
University
TOTAL
Rhondda
Bodringallt
Rhondda
Ynys-wen
Rhondda
Pont-y-gwaith
Llwyncelyn
School Appointing Teachers
Experience of teaching through the medium of Welsh, and ascertaining linguistic proficiency did not form any component of a junior school teacher's training or instruction. These skills were essential to the understanding of teaching needs in a
Welsh medium school, and instruction was needed for fluent speakers. The educational- linguistic needs of the pupils were not fully realised at the instigation of the first Welsh medium schools. In advertising for teachers, the fact was emphasised that the Welsh schools had been established by the Education Authorities primarily as experiments.
The element was very obvious in advertising and attempting to appoint teachers. The general feeling among Welsh teachers at English medium schools was that a bilingual education system was a good thing. Concern had already been expressed at the lack of
facilities for Welsh speaking children attending the English medium schools.744 No degree courses in education were provided for potential Welsh teachers at this time. A
list was complied as a guideline or reference in ascertaining a criteria for academic competence in the Welsh language in appointing prospective teachers 'responsible for the teaching of Welsh', by the Glamorgan Education Authority, which was as follows,
'..and/or a certificate from one of the following:
a) Principal of a University College or a member of staff of the Welsh
Department.
b) Principal of a Training College or the Lecturer in Welsh.
744'Can the Welsh language be Revived?'JhonddaLeader 5 February 1949, 'What is a Welsh School? A Challenge to our Native Loyalty' Rhondda Leader 19 November 1949
312 c) Headmaster or Headmistress of a Grammar School or the Specialist
Welsh teacher.
d) H.M.Inspector of Schools' .745
As a consequence, there was difficulty in some areas in appointing appropriate
teachers.7 It is feasible that the description 'experimental' restricted a number of
possible candidates from applying, as no guarantee of job permanency was given. The
lack of candidates applying for teaching posts at the new Welsh school was a cause of
surprise to the Education Authority.747 Some teachers were found in the local
comprehensive schools, and others came straight from the training colleges.748 The
Welsh schools were paving the way during the 1950s and in order for effective teaching,
the development of educational resources and equipment was necessary. On the first
day of opening, some schools were not even equipped with essential resources such as
pencils, pens and paper. As Bethan Roberts, the first teacher at the Welsh class in
Tonyrefail notes,
'Un peth sy'n sefyll yn fy nghof yw i ni gyrraedd y bore Llun cyntaf hwnnw
heb i'r sir ddarparu dim ar ein cyfer. Bu rhaid benthyg papur, pensiliau,
paent a.y.b. gan Miss Morgan (athrawes yn Ysgol Cwm-lai), a bu Miss
Gwen Netherway, Prifathrawes Ysgol Gymraeg Pontsionnorton, Pontypridd
yn garedig iawn yn rhoi benthyg llyfrau addas' [One thing that remains in
my memory is that we arrived on that first Monday morning without the
county having provided anything ready for us. We had to borrow paper,
745 Report of Primary Education Sub-Committee, 'Appointment of Teachers, Welsh Qualification' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 10 April 1951 746 'Welsh School opens in September with Temporary Staff Aberdare Leader 6 August 1949 747 '26 Pupils with a Mission' Western Mail 15 June 1949 748 Correspondence with Bethan Roberts, first teacher at the Welsh class in Tonyrefail 20 June 1994 & Llvfrvn Dathlu Addvse Gymraeg Y Barri (Celebration Booklet) 1952-1992
313 pencils, paint etc. from Miss Morgan (a teacher at the Cwm-lai English
medium school), and Miss Gwen Netherway, Headmistress of Ysgol
Gymraeg Pontsionnorton, Pontypridd was kind enough in lending suitable books].749
The dedication of teachers and parents can be seen as they collected essential materials
for the maintenance of the school. There are stories of collecting free toys from local
factories, generous donations by local residents as well as the generosity of one
headmistress in donating a school with a rocking horse, and a harp among other
presents. Reading books were received from local library stock remainders through
H.M.Inspectors.751
Preparation of Teaching Resources
The main difficulty with the provision of teaching resources was the paucity of suitable
reading material in Welsh for junior pupils. This was realised as early as 1948 when Dr.
J. Henry Jones, Director of Education for Cardiganshire's address to the Annual
Conference of the Cardiganshire section of Undeb Cymru Fydd. He stated that 'prif angen yr iaith oedd cyflenwad (o lyfrau) yn Gymraeg i apelio at blant - llenyddiaeth waedlyd hollol ddi-chwaeth i hudo diddordeb bechgyn ysgol at ysgrifau Cymraeg ac i wasanaethu fel carreg lam i lenyddiaeth well' [the main need of the language was a supply (of books) in Welsh appealing to children - bloody and totally distasteful
749 Correspondence with Bethan Roberts, first teacher at the Welsh class in Tonyrefail 20 June 1994 & Llyfryn Dathlu Ysgol Gymraeg Aberdar. 750 Ysgol Gymraeg Maesteg I.lyfrvn Dathlu (Celebration Booklet) 1973, correspondence with Enid E Morris 26 August 1994 & interview with Caryl Williams, one of the first pupils at Ysgol Gymraeg Pontsidnnorton, Pontypridd and later headmistress at the same school, 28 June 1994. 751 Ysgol Gymraeg Y Barri Log Book 23 May 1952 & 13 November 1956
314 literature to attract the interest of school boys to Welsh writings and to serve as a
stepping stone to better literature].752 The response of publishers following questioning
concerning the lack of Welsh medium books, was that publishing Welsh medium books
was not economically viable, and that there was not a wide enough market for such
books. By 1950 the situation of publishing books in Welsh had reached a crisis as the
number of new publications fell to some fifty per year.754
A questionnaire was prepared for school teachers by the Central Advisory
Council following consultation with the Welsh Joint Education Committee in April
1950. Much was learnt from the questionnaire about the type of books used by the
schools and also the nature of the problems experienced, and the perceived needs of
pupils. From the results, it was concluded that there was little provision of Welsh
medium textbooks across the curriculum for Welsh speaking pupils.755 In a bid to solve
the crisis a Welsh Language and Culture Sub-Committee was established within the
Welsh Joint Education Committee with the task of discovering the needs of teaching
*7C£ Welsh as a first and second language in school in Wales and Monmouthshire. Mr
E.G.Lewis, H.M.I., explained at a meeting of the Welsh Language and Culture Sub committee on 4 April 1950,
'...that the Central Advisory Council for Education (Wales) had adopted the
following terms of Reference: 'a Review of the Place of English and Welsh
752'Galw am Lyfrau Cymraeg ar Gyfer Fob Oed' Y Cvmro 6 August 1948 753 ibid. 754 Meic Stephens Cvdvmaith i Lenvddiaeth Cvmru Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1986 735Thomas Prys Jones 'Thirty Years of Progress: A Brief Outline of the Development of Welsh Language Teaching Material' Education for Development 9/10 26/7:1985/7 756 'Welsh Language and Culture Sub-Committee' Welsh Joint Education Committee 28 April 1950 (P-61)
315 in the Schools of Wales and the Problem of Bilingualism in Wales
generally. Three Sub-Committees had been appointed to investigate and
report on a) Statistics b) Bilingualism c) Supply of teachers and the
technique of second language teaching.757
The conclusion of the report was that there was a serious dearth of text books and
general reading material available through the medium of Welsh, and a panel was
established to advise the Sub-Committee about possible steps in the restoration of the
situation. 7SX The advisory panel questioned local education authorities and teachers on
the special needs of children in Welsh medium education, and also asked the opinion of
publishers and authors about publishing and assessing manuscripts759.
One answer to the problem was suggested in 1951 by the librarian for
Cardiganshire, Alun R.Edwards. His suggestion was that an independent body should be created which would facilitate publishing in the Welsh language for adults for the use of county libraries throughout Wales. This body would operate under the auspices of the Local Education Authorities, who, in his estimation would contribute some thousand pounds each annually.760 The following year the 'Ready Committee' was established under the Home Office to investigate the publishing situation in the Welsh language for schools. It was reported that there was a serious lack of suitable books in Welsh for junior school education and that around £40,000 was needed to satisfy the need.761 The
757 'Welsh Language and Culture Sub-Committee' Welsh Joint Education Committee 28 April 1950
58 ibid. 20 November 1950 759 Thomas Prys Jones 'Thirty Years of Progress: A Brief Outline of the Development of Welsh Language Teaching Material' Education for Development 9/10, 26/7:1985/7 760 Alun R Edwards Vr Hedvn Mwstard Llandysul, Gwasg Corner 49: 1980 761 Thomas Prys Jones 'Thirty Years of Progress: A Brief Outline of the Development of Welsh Language Teaching Material' Education for Development 9/10 25: 1985/7
316 type of books needed urgently in the Welsh schools were outlined - such as graded
reading books, short dramas and simple fables for young children. The Welsh Joint
Education Committee attempted to overcome publishing difficulties in two ways.
Publishers had an interest in the Welsh book market but emphasised the predictable
budgeting difficulties due to confined circulation and comparatively high costs. As a
consequence it was decided to increase school budgets according to the percentage of
bilingual pupils in individual schools. Their purpose was to increase the money to
spend on books according to the number of Welsh speakers in the school. The school
budget increased from 15% if 1-25% of the population were Welsh speaking, to 33% for
schools where 76%+ spoke Welsh762.
In addition, it was decided to set up a Central Scheme which would stimulate
and arrange a supply of Welsh books for school use. The 'Welsh Books for Schools
Scheme' was established in 1954 by the Welsh Joint Education Committee, a scheme with its purpose very similar to the idea proposed by Alun R.Edwards some three years
earlier. The advice urged by the Welsh Joint Education Committee, was that every
Education Authority should agree to spend a particular quota of their budget based upon the number of children learning Welsh in that Authority. It was suggested, in the first year scheme, that around £16,000 would be the total spending amount of the Authorities on Welsh books.763
762 < Publications Advisory Panel' Welsh Joint EducationCommittee 29 October 1951 763 ibid. 'Welsh Language and Culture Sub-Committee' 19 January 1953 & 20 March 1953 4. Proposed Expenditure on Welsh Books for Schools The Sub-Committee noted that the W.J.E.C. had agreed to the preparation and submission to constituent Authorities of a scheme whereby each Authority would undertake to spend each year on the purchase of Welsh books an amount based on the number of children taught Welsh in the Authority's schools. In the first year of the scheme, it was suggested that the aggregate expenditure of the Authorities on Welsh books should be approximately £16,000 (inclusive of grant) and that the aggregate in subsequent years should be determined in the light of supply and demand.).
317 Glamorgan County Council in accordance with the suggestion proposed by the
Welsh Joint Education Committee, agreed to co-operate with the scheme, intending to
spend a total amount of £4,570 on books during the 1954/5 financial year.764 With
financial backing it was possible for the 'Welsh Books for Schools Scheme' to stimulate
and arrange a supply of Welsh books to schools as illustrated in Table 8:3. In addition,
it was anticipated to try and get favourable pricing conditions from publishers, thus
decreasing the cost of books. Despite this, the Welsh Joint Education Committee's
efforts had not succeeded in solving all the difficulties in preparing suitable and
attractive educational materials for the Welsh schools. In a report on Ysgol Gymraeg
Aberdar in 1956, the headmaster notes the short supply of reading books, and as a
consequence, 'cyfyngu'n fawr ar fesur ac amrywiaeth y profiad o ddarllen a gaiff y
plant' [constrains greatly the measure and variation of reading experiences of the
children].7 5 The dearth of books affected other aspects of school life as headteachers
put aside money from school budgets for expensive books, forcing them to omit buying
other materials. As the headmaster of Ysgol Gymraeg Aberdar notes, 'Cyfyngir ar y
gwaith mewn celfyddyd a gwaith Haw gan brinder defnyddiau, bu raid i'r Prifathro
gynilo yn hyn o beth er mwyn prynu llyfrau darllen' [Work in arts and crafts are restricted due to a lack of material, the headmaster had to be frugal with these things in order to buy reading books]. The same problems were reiterated again five years later at the same school by the Inspectors in 1961, seven years after the establishment of the
Welsh Books for Schools Council,
764 ibid 'Special Sub-Committee on Welsh Language Publishing' 12 February 1954 765 Ysgol Gymraeg Ynyslwyd, Aherdar Log Book, H.M.Inspector's Report 3-4 April 1956
318 Table 8:3
WORK OF THE PANEL (Welsh Books for Schools Scheme) Accepted by Recommended Published the Panel A INFANT SCHOOLS (5-7 years) 1 . Learning to Read Books 8 6 6
B JUNIOR SCHOOLS (7- 11 years) 1 . Reading Books 57 32 20 2. Plays 7 4 2 3. Fiction 8 7 1 4. Nature Books etc. 6 2 0 5. Language Learning 5 0 0 6. Reading Books to teach 1 1 1 Welsh as a Second Language 7. Poetry, 'Hiwangerddi', 6 0 0 Rhymes 8. Music, Songs etc. 2 2 2 9. History of Famous 1 1 0 People 10. History 2 1 0 1 1 . General Entertainment 2 0 0 Books
C SECONDARY SCHOOLS (11+ years) 1 . Novels and Reading 10 4 2 Books 2. Poetry 2 1 0 3. Plays 2 1 0 4. History - Famous People 6 2 2 etc. 5. Geography, Travel etc. 3 1 0 6. Language 3 1 0 '3>8 •>•••'••••••• •• •"••-•••• ^^•^—————.^':-% TOTAL 131
Source: Welsh Joint Education Committee Minutes Appendix 1954
319 '..the Welsh text books available are not well graded or colourful enough, so that the teacher has to make more use of a formal phonic approach than she would wish...' 766
The Eleven-plus Examination
In attempting to provide resources for pupils in the Welsh schools, there was a need to prepare material for pupils attempting the eleven-plus examination for grammar school entry. This was an important consideration as the academic success of the schools was one major expression of the educational worth of Welsh medium schooling. In an attempt to provide suitable resources for these pupils and to resolve the paucity of books, meetings were arranged among headteachers to choose and organise suitable books for publishing.767 By developing pedagogical resources across the curriculum it was possible for teachers to ensure educational success. The pressure of success was a burden upon the Welsh medium school teachers as they registered their first pupils for entrance examinations to the county schools, or grammar schools. A high status was associated to these examinations as they decided the educational future of a child, or
T/TO __ rather categorised pupils within the confines of grammar and technical schools. The
766 ibid. 29 May 1961 'Welsh reading is begun in the Infant 'b' class: the Welsh text books available are not well graded or colourful enough, so that the teacher has to make more use of a formal phonic approach than she would wish. Even so, a small group of pupils are mastering the rudiments of word recognition as a result of the teacher's patient and sustained efforts. In the Infant 'a' class reading is again confined to Welsh.' Idwal Rees' reaction, School Headmaster, 8 November 1961 'I am deeply concerned about the references made to reading in the School (vide Paragraph 5). The Welsh reading material available for Infants is very limited, and I would gladly accept suggestions for improvement. But it appears that there must be a considerable improvement in the amount and type of such material to enable a real and satisfactory choice - which is already available for English Infants.' 767 ibid. 15 September 1965 & 3 December 1965 768 (Welsh Department of Education, Memorandum No.2. September 1930 'Suggestions for the consideration of Local Education Authorities and teachers which might lead to increased efficiency in the arrangements for admission. Briefly the memorandum suggested: i) that in the year of 'break' between 'primary' and 'post-primary' education (whether at 11 plus or 12 plus according to the pressure of accommodation and other circumstances in the same area), there should
320 original aim of the examination was to test pupils on subjects across the curriculum,
including Welsh.769
Initially, the Education Authorities requested for a 100% success rate for all
pupils in the examinations, threatening school closure if this was not achieved.770 As a
consequence, it is understandable why the entrance rules to the Welsh schools were so
stringent. As they had to ensure such high standards, teachers did not have the time to
build upon shaky linguistic skills of some children. In order to ease the concerns of
parents, articles were published in the press advertising the success of Welsh school
pupils in the eleven-plus examinations: 'Mr R.E.Griffiths, the chief organiser of the
Urdd produced figures of exam results which showed that the Welsh school pupils
gained more scholarships than did Welsh children who attended the usual school'.771
There was some truth in these claims which can be viewed by comparing the success of
pupils in English medium schools and Welsh medium schools in the eleven-plus
be a systematic investigation into the bent of capacity of every child by examination and other means, and that each child should be assigned to the type of post-primary school appropriate to him or her in accordance with the evidence so obtained.' 769 ibid. 'In its 'Memorandum No. 1.' issued in 1929, the Welsh Department endeavoured to give a lead to infant and junior schools in the solution of the problem of reconciling the claims of Welsh and English in the curriculum of the primary stage as to ensure that the teaching of Welsh would be stimulated, the teaching of English would not suffer and the general attainments of the pupils in other respects would not in any way be minimised. These recommendations led logically and inevitably to a series of important suggestions with regard to the position of English and Welsh in the examination for the choice of post- primary schools at the age of 'break'. These suggestions were designed to accord proper recognition to all degrees of bilingualism attained by pupils in various localities and under different conditions at that age. At least one Authority (Camarthenshire) has adopted those suggestions in their entirety, and several others have schemes of selection which tend in the same direction of giving due weight to every candidate's equipment in both Welsh and English at this critical point in his education career. Many of the Local Education Authorities in Wales and many of the headteachers and assistant teachers are now devoting considerable attention and thought to what is rightly called "The Language Problem' in the secondary schools and senior schools of the country. The situation today is rather one of quot homines tot sententiae, and we find as many solutions, or perhaps more accurately, as many experiments which may or may not prove to be solutions, as there are schools', ""interview with Mr E.Jos, Headmaster of Ysgol Gymraeg Llwyncelyn (Pont-y-gwaith) 9 November 1994 771 '70 Children Ready to Attend Welsh Schools' Rhondda Leader 3 December 1949
321 examinations for entrance into the grammar schools. The increasing success of pupils
from Welsh schools in the in the eleven-plus examination for grammar schools in
Penarth, Pontypridd, Barry, Aberdare and Maesteg areas showed that pupils were not at
a disadvantage in receiving their education through the medium of Welsh.
The Influence of the Welsh schools
With the success of the Welsh schools in the eleven-plus examination, and the growth in
the numbers of pupils there was a call for Welsh schools to be established in other areas
of South East Wales. In order to abate any concerns about bilingual education, such as the possible linguistic disadvantage of the children as a consequence of attending the
Welsh school, the importance of teaching English to an equal competence was
emphasised. In Maesteg, one of the campaigners claimed that Welsh would be the medium of education until the children reached seven years of age. After this, bilingual education would be applied, with the introduction of English to the curriculum. He added that he thought that children who were good at Welsh would also have a comparable competence in English.772 By 1954 campaigners for the Welsh schools in other areas were using the expertise of the pupils in the established schools. In attempting to open a Welsh school the success of the Welsh schools in the entrance examinations of the Grammar schools was advertised in the local press:
772'Welsh School Plan' Glamorgan Advertiser 13 February 1948 'For the information of readers it may be stated that in the proposed all Welsh school for Maesteg the medium of instruction will be Welsh up to 7 years of age and bilingual between 7 and 11. English will be taught as a second language, but experience has proved that pupils of such schools become more proficient in English and up to the present there has been no backwardness on the part of all Welsh schools in securing scholarships to higher schools'.
322 'These schools are run by the Education Authority and have gained a
reputation for their excellent scholastic results. It has been proved beyond
doubt that the scholarship results are no less successful that those of the
ordinary primary schools. Fears to this effect are therefore groundless'.773
The results of the eleven-plus examination were of importance to parents and teachers
alike, due to concern for the educational future of the children, and the subsequent
development of the Welsh medium schools. The first children to attend these schools
were venturing into the unknown regarding future educational, economic and social
prospects. Advertising the academic success of the schools thus persuaded an
increasing number of parents to choose Welsh medium education. In 1957, there were
discussions amongst headmasters/teachers of the Welsh schools in Glamorgan
concerning the scholarship examination.774 By October 1958 it was suggested that there
should be some changes in the order of the examination by the Secondary Education
Sub-Committee, which included the introduction of an oral test in addition to language
and mathematics tests, to commence in 1959.775 It is probable that these changes
happened following complaints about the inequity of the examination from the
viewpoint of the pupils attending the Welsh medium schools.776 The three parts of the
773'Bid to Start Welsh School at Tonyrefail' Llantrisant Observer, n.d. from a collection given by Heulwen Jones. 774Ysgol Gymraeg Ynyslwyd, AberdSr Log Book 18 September 1957 775'Report of the Secondary Sub-Committee. Selection of Pupils for Secondary Education' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 21 October 1958 '...Sub-Committee recommend: a) that the method selection of primary pupils for admission to grammar schools as from 1959, be by standardised objective tests in language, arithmetic and verbal reasoning.' 776 Ysgol Gymraeg Ynyslwyd, Aberdar, Log Book 5 June 1959 'Wedi ystyried y canlyniad (arholiad 11+), barn y prifathro oedd na fu yn ganlyniad teg. Yn wyneb y ffaith na ddaeth gwybodaeth o drefri na sefyllfa'r plant eraill (yn 61 rheol y pwyllgor), a chan gofio'u gwaith yn ystod y flwyddyn, y casgliad oedd iddynt gael eu barnu ar yr un lefel a phlant o ysgolion 'uniaith' y cylch. Ni theimlai'r prifathro fod hyn yn deg gan na ellid disgwyl yr un safon oddi wrth blant ddwyieithog yn yr oedran ifanc hwn a geir gan blant uniaith. Wedi ymdrin a'r mater a'r staff, penderfynwyd siarad drosto a Mr Angell, Trefnydd laith yr Awdurdod Addysg a chael ganddo i alw cyfarfod o brifathrawon yr Ysgolion Cymraeg i gael eu barn a'u cyfarwyddyd.'
323 examination (i.e. the oral, language and mathematics tests) implemented in 1959 were compulsory to every pupil in Glamorgan. However, despite the inclusion of the oral examination for the children of the Welsh medium schools, it was decided not to consider this test when compiling the results from the examination. The intention instead was to create a separate list for these pupils and to put the oral test for research use, as reported in the Secondary Education Sub-Committee in 1958, '..that Welsh pupils be selected on the results of the arithmetic and Welsh attainment tests but that the
777 score for the verbal reasoning test be recorded for research purposes only'.
The changes in the eleven-plus examination was a cause of difficulty for the
Welsh schools as a number accused Glamorgan County Council of 'racial
77it discrimination' in their examining order. In confronting such complaints, the reaction of the Council was that the policy that had been implemented by the Ministry
of Education 'requiring the Authority to provide for the cultural and spiritual welfare of
the children, and to have regard to the parents' wishes'. A further investigation into
the situation was held following similar accusations in a western area of Glamorgan by
the Primary Education Sub-Committee and Secondary Education Sub-Committee in
777 'Report of the Secondary Sub-Committee. Selection of Pupils for Secondary Education' Glamorgan County Council Minutes 21 October 778 'Welsh Pupils and 11+ examination 'Racial Discrimination' Criticised at Labour Party Meeting Llantrisant Observer, 19 March 1960 'Mr Leslie Carter J P stated that he understood that some of his views on the subject had provoked criticism He had every regard for the language, but he was opposed to 'racial discrimination'. Segregation could promote distrust or hatred and it was quite wrongV 779 'Welsh Pupils and 11+ examination 'Racial Discrimination' Criticised at Labour Party Meeting Llantrisant Observer. 19 March 1960 . 'Dealing with Welsh schools, County Coun. Thomas said the policy had been uUroduced by the Ministry of Education, requiring the Authority to provide for the cultural and spiritual welfare of the chi dren and to have regard to the parents' wishes. The Welsh schools set up since 1948 were thus similar o Church Schools. The children were to be drawn from Welsh speaking homes and in some instances classes had
it was wrong that English speaking pupils should be marked on three papers and Welsh speaking pupils on two. This position should be rectified as soon as possible ).
324 by January 1960. Having considered reports by teacher representatives and the analysis to the Director of Education on the situation, the findings were that there was no basis the claims of unfairness and that examination methods of English and Welsh speaking pupils were satisfactory.780 In discussing the Welsh schools separately from the English schools, the Glamorgan County Council were acknowledging that another assessment system was needed to assess pupil ability in these schools. It is feasible that at this juncture, serious considerations were being given to the possibility of secondary Welsh medium education provision.
The intention to commence secondary education through the medium of Welsh began as early as 1951. In the 'Rhondda Leader' discussion was published surrounding the possibility of increasing the number of Welsh schools in order to commence secondary Welsh medium education provision, thus ensuring that pupils would be able to receive elementary education through the medium of their first language.781 Official campaigning for secondary education through the medium of Welsh began in November
1955. A letter was sent to the Welsh Joint Education Committee by the secretary for the
Welsh Schools Parents Union asking for a continuation in the education provided for their children by starting a secondary school.782 At the request of the Welsh Joint
Pupils' 780 'Report of the Secondary Education Sub-Committee. Selection of Grammar School Glamorgan County Council Minutes 1 March 1960 the Director '...b) having considered the points made by the teachers' representatives and an analysis by schools of Education of the admissions of both Welsh speaking and English speaking pupils to grammar and in West Glamorgan, the Sub-Committee could find no basis for the allegation of unfairness, and English recommend that the arrangement already approved for the testing of Welsh speaking be carried out'. speaking pupils aim is to 'Bright Future for Rhondda's First Welsh School' Rhondda Leader 10 March 1951 "The children can increase the number of schools in Glamorgan and set up a Welsh grammar school so that in their native tongue.' complete their education 1955 782'Welsh Language and Culture Sub-Committee' Welsh Joint Education Committee 11 November that no 'A letter from the Secretary, Welsh Schools' Parents' Union, expressing the Union's concern children now satisfactory provision is at present made for the continuation of bilingual education for
325 Education Committee, a memorandum was prepared by the Union outlining what was
considered to be the true need for secondary provision, as outlined in the appendix of
the Bilingual Schools Panel:
'The panel has considered a memorandum on Welsh Secondary Education
submitted by the council of the Welsh Schools' Parents' Union at the
request of the W.J.E.C...... particular reference was made to the new 'Welsh
schools' which had been set up in the English speaking areas and to the
difficulties which arise when children from these schools move to secondary
schools at the age of eleven plus.
The panel agreed that it was a difficult and serious problem which warranted
careful consideration. It was further agreed that the panel should confine its
attention to an investigation of the suitability, in difficult circumstances, of
the following suggested methods of dealing with the situation:
(a) setting up of centrally situated 'Welsh' secondary schools to serve a
number of'Welsh' primary schools.
(b) establishment of 'Welsh' unites within certain existing secondary
schools.
(c) transfer of children from anglicised areas to secondary schools where
TOT Welsh is more prevalent'.
However, the reaction of the Welsh Joint Education Committee's Panel on Welsh
Medium Secondary Schools was that it was a difficult and serious problem, and it was
attending primary schools in which Welsh is the first language, and asking the W.J.E.C. to urge Welsh L E A 's to set up Welsh secondary schools where the need exists so that the work done in these primary schools is not negatived'. 783 'Welsh language and Culture Sub-Committee. Appendix: Bilingual Secondary Schools Panel Interim Report' Welsh Joint Education Committee 17 May 1956
326 decided at this juncture that further investigation was necessary.784 By October 1956, following a joint meeting of representative of Welsh Joint Education Committee and the
University of Wales, it was stated that all possible means should be explored to ensure linguistic continuation of a child's education, and that a pupil's language should not be a hindrance to academic development.785
Social Attitudes
As the Welsh medium schools succeeded academically, pressure was put upon the establishments to procure the support of the local community and the general public.
Prevalent among a number of Welsh speakers was the attitude 'bod derbyn addysg mewn un iaith yn medru cymhlethdodau ar adegau' [that to receive an education in one language could cause problems at times] and as a consequence 'sut yn y byd medrai plant ddygymod a llwyddo mewn dwy iaith?' [how on earth could children manage to succeed with two languages?].786 Among those unable to speak Welsh, a prevailing attitude was that the language was of little, or no, use as the majority able to speak
Welsh were also competent in English as well. This attitude is reflected in a report published in the 'Rhondda Leader' in June 1948 investigating individual opinion concerning the possible establishment of a Welsh medium school. One resident interviewed illustrates:
784 ibid. 785ibid. 'Welsh Language and Culture Sub-Committee. Appendix B: Joint Meeting of Representative of the Welsh Joint Education Committee and the University of Wales', 25 October 1956: 'During discussion members related experience of several attitudes. There appeared to be agreement on two main principles: 1) Pupils in primary schools should be education mainly through the medium of their first language. 2) Everything possible should be done to ensure that pupils proceeding from primary to secondary schools should not be handicapped by a change in the language in which they were educated'). 786 Rhiannon W.Jenkins Datblveiad Yspolion Cvnradd Cvmraeg vng Nghaerdvdd a'r Cvlch M.Ed. University of Wales, College Cardiff 1:1984
327 'I have nothing against the setting up of a school of this sort, ... but I find
that since 95% of the people in Rhondda speak English, the English
language seems to serve all the purposes that are required ... we are too near
Cardiff with its majority of English speaking people'.787
The social status of the Welsh language at the time is reflected in noting such
attitudes. The Welsh medium schools had to attempt to try and change the general
attitude in society towards the language in order to gain social acceptance. The initial
task of the Welsh schools was to urge the non-Welsh speaking community that it was a
perfectly natural thing to commence schools which operated through the mother tongue
of a child. However, in establishing the Welsh medium schools, negative feelings were
aroused in the communities, the perception that the Welsh schools were impinging upon
existing establishments and creating new difficulties. School reorganisation raised
questions as to whether Welsh had a valid functional role as a teaching medium, as one
councillor in Maesteg remarked,
'that there might be parents who wanted their children to go to a ju-jitsu
school. The question to be decided was whether such a school would serve
a useful purpose. The whole matter (of the proposed Welsh school) should
be gone into very carefully and considered in detail'.788
In Aberdare, conflict arose with the proposed establishment of a Welsh medium school in buildings already housing a feeder nursery school for the local English
787'Are Welsh Schools Desirable? The Challenge Presented to Rhondda' Rhondda Leader 3 July 1948 788 Teach our Children Welsh' r.lamm-gan Gazette 14 May 1948
328 medium junior school. Following the commencement of the school in September 1949, fierce opposition to the school was demonstrated by parents of the nursery class, protesting strongly 'against the action of the Glamorgan County Council in depriving the younger children of Cwmdare of their nursery accommodation in order to house the
*78Q Welsh school'. One individual suggested that the 'Welsh school being a pioneer movement school should show its worth by starting in a pioneering manner, in a small hall or vestry'.790 The situation encountered at Aberdare is one example of similar events experienced in areas following the establishment of Welsh medium schools.
Subsequent to the commencement of the schools, negative feelings were aroused and expressed vociferously in the local communities. After some time, the Local Education
Authorities attempted to relieve somewhat the concerns of the parents of the English medium schools by promising better resources and new amenities in the schools, however, public apprehension concerning the Welsh medium school did not encourage its acceptance by local communities.791
In outlining the initial experience of some schools during the 1950s the advantages and disadvantages of establishing the Welsh schools as 'independent' schools it can be seen that no special priority was given to these schools as they were deemed 'experimental'. At the outset furniture was limited and initial resources were
7Q9 borrowed from headmasters who sympathetic to the situation. The schools were quite isolated in that they were preparing an education for a minority group from outside the
789 'Nursery Class 'Sacrificed' for Welsh School' Aberdare Leader 17 September 1949 790 'The Mothers Grievance' Aberdare Leader 1 October 1949 791 'Cwmdare Parents Accept New Nursery Plans (Under Protest)' Aberdare Leader 19 November 1949 '...mothers demand priority for nursery...'letter accepted proposals under protest and 'demanded' priority in the provision of new facilities for the nursery children'. 792 Letter from Bethan Roberts, the first teacher at Ysgol Gymraeg Tonyrefail, 20 June 1994).
329 community. It was not possible for the Welsh schools to become community schools,
as catchment areas were too vast, this being perhaps one contributory element of the
expression of negative attitudes from the community towards the schools. Despite these
problems, by establishing the Welsh schools as totally separate entities from the English
medium schools, the Education Authorities were acknowledging the existence of the
schools.
Increasing awareness, through media publicity was one method employed to
gain support for the movement, by advertising in the local press the right of an
individual to demand mother tongue education.793 In proving academic success at the
level of the eleven-plus examinations, the schools had shown to the public that bilingual
education was more of an advantage than a disadvantage to a child.794 Despite these
facts, the accusation came that Welsh education was elitist as middle class pupils
received special tutoring in small classes, and that this was the reason for their special
achievements.795 As the comments reported from a meeting in Tonyrefail regarding the
establishment of the Welsh school reflect,
'Many people had the impression that preferential treatment was given to
the Welsh school. They had fewer pupils per teacher than the other school,
and were even given new furniture when the discarded furniture was passed
793 'In Defence of the Welsh School' Aberdare Leader, a letter from 'A Mother' 8 October 1949: '...that it is a privilege conceded to Wales in the Education Act 1944 which was supported by all the Labour Members of Parliament acting on the fundamental education principle that all children of whatever nationality should be taught in the mother tongue.' 794 'Proposed Welsh School at Maesteg: Move to Save Welsh Culture' Glamorgan Gazette 13 February 1948 'In one school where they were almost entirely Welsh-speaking the children got better C.W.B. examination results in the English language than many English-speaking schools'. 795'Unfair Advantages' in the 11-Plus Examinations' Llantrisant Observer 19 May 1960
330 to the ordinary school. Many people were wondering about the purpose of
this and questioning the public representatives, who supported it'.796
The notion of the schools being 'select' was prevalent among both promoters and opposers alike to the establishment of Welsh medium schools.797 There was no consideration given by the accusers to the great age difference and ability range of these small classes. 708 In an editorial column of the 'Rhondda Leader' 18 November 1950, it was emphasised that not every child who attended the Welsh school came from a professional middle class family, as the article on the school listed the occupations of the parents of the first children: The pupils - 36 of them - are aged from three to ten and their parents are not all ministers and teachers as some people believe. Among the parents are miners, council workers, milkmen, clerks and chemists.799
Reversing Negative Trends
Despite such claims of elitism and favouritism, in attempting to reverse negative trends
towards the Welsh language and the development of the Welsh medium schools
involved abating general beliefs that ability to speak Welsh was reflective of a social
and economic disadvantage. An obvious example of this negative attitude and
796 'Welsh Pupils and 11+ Examination' Llantrisant Observer 19 March 1960 797 As noted by a councillor in the discussion for the establishment of the Welsh school at Aberdare, "He was glad that the school was to be confined to Welsh-speaking children and Cwmdare was the only school where such a 'select' school was possible , because to admit children who could only understand Welsh at this juncture, would be jeopardising the future of the school'. 'Welsh School Experiment at Aberdare: Will Parents Send Small Children from Lower End?' Aberdare Leader 5 February 1949 798 "Apartheid' Comparison an Insult to Parents' Llantrisant Observer 9 April 1960 '...in such classes there are differing age groups, all of whom have to be catered for by the teacher, and this largely nullifies any advantage gained.' 799 'Little Wales in Treorchy. Experimental School Proving an Immense Success' Rhondda Leader 18 November 1950
331 consequent ramifications arising from the ability to speak Welsh is illustrated in a letter
by Mr J. Howard Price to the Western Mail, saying that
'the ability to speak English correctly and with a minimum of accent is an
invaluable social asset... not so long ago an acquaintance of mine, a brilliant
student with the highest academic qualifications, lost a most important job
because of his faulty English and strong accent - and this happened to a
Welsh speaking man in Wales. It is surely foolish to the extreme when
Anglicisation of Wales is making steady but inevitable progress, to refuse to
recognise that a boy or girl who speaks English incorrectly and with a
pronounced Welsh accent enters upon a career with a most serious
handicapi j- 5 . 800
In the face of such arguments therefore, it was a difficult task to convince monoglot
English speakers about the worth of teaching through the medium of Welsh. The task
was in the hands of the Welsh schools to attempt to change these attitudes. The public in general needed convincing that the Welsh schools did not symbolise a threat to the established hegemonic culture.
In attempting to change societal attitude towards the Welsh schools, it was vital that the schools demonstrated that they were offering a specific type of education as well as attempting to be community schools. This was done using a number of methods. One way was by holding a 'Cymanfa Ganu' (singing festival) annually
on i among the Welsh schools. The first record of this is on May 5,1951. It was a means
800'Welsh Accent a Handicap' Western Mail 28 June 1948 801 Ysgol Gymraeg Ynys-wen Log Book 5 May 1951.
332 to publicly demonstrate that the schools were increasing in number and also a boost to
those who had campaigned for the schools, to witness their growth. Also, occasional
concerts were held in the schools inviting the general public to see the children perform.
These events were advertised and reported, giving the public a view of how the schools
were developing. 8fl9 In this way any accusations of 'apartheid' were invalid. Public
ignorance and doubt towards Welsh medium education came from the novelty of the
Welsh schools. In making themselves obvious to society and showing a willingness to
be part of the community, a more favourable attitude developed towards them.
The practical and pedagogical difficulties faced in the daily organisation of the
schools were overcome in due course. However, gaining greater social acceptance of
the Welsh medium schools as a viable educational option was a vital element in
attempting to reverse negative attitudes towards the movement, and also the language.
Promoting a general public perception as to the functional value of the schools in
transmitting the Welsh language and associated culture, thus maintaining a specific
'Welsh' identity, was an important consideration for the successful continuation of the
movement. The development of Welsh medium education was concurrent with an emerging nationalist awareness which became increasingly active during the 1960s. As the Welsh medium schools began to establish themselves as a viable option within the educational framework during this period, so new social and political demands were being made regarding the national identity of Wales. While not a direct consequence, the emergence of the Welsh medium schools was a contributory factor in the resurgence of Welsh nationalism during the 1960s and 70s. Welsh medium education served to
802'Yr Ysgol Gymraeg Pontsionnorton' Pontvpridd Observer 15 May 1952
333 establish, or commence, the intergenerational transmission of the language and culture, attempting to reverse the language shift towards English, while also an 'accepted'
feature of society.
334 Chapter Nine Chapter 9
POOR HEDDIW AC YFORY
(YESTERDAY, TODAY AND TOMORROW)
Welsh Medium Education: Conclusions of a Critical Analysis
During the period of 1949 to 1963, fourteen Welsh medium primary schools were
established in disparate areas across Mid and South Glamorgan [Table 9:1]. The
schools operated under the auspices of the Education Authorities, and in 1962,
secondary provision was available through the medium of Welsh with the establishment
of Ysgol Gyfun Rhydfelen in Pontypridd. While the educational provision did not
reflect the needs of the immediate community, and thus were not 'community schools'
in respect of pupil catchment areas, the schools enabled Welsh speakers to maintain and
promote a homogenous linguistic and cultural community. In analysing the growth of
Welsh medium education in South East Wales from its commencement hi 1949 to 1963,
its emergence may be located in the changing nature of Welsh life subsequent to industrialisation. The creation of industrial centres, and the demographic growth of
Welsh speakers in these areas, came with the in-migration of Welsh speakers from rural
Wales. From the new industrial communities emerged a specific Welsh culture and tradition which operated through the medium of Welsh. A major cause of the decline in the use of Welsh was, according to Thomas,
'the collapse of the Welsh economy after World War One ... Because of the
dazzling heights reached just before World War One, the subsequent fall
335 Table 9:1
Welsh Medium Schools opened in South East Wales 1949-1963
Year School 1949 Ysgol Gynradd Cynwyd Sant, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Aberdar, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Caerdydd, South Glamorgan 1950 Ysgol Gynradd Llwyncelyn, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Ynys-wen, Mid Glamorgan 1951 Ysgol Gynradd Pontsionnorton, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Sant Ffransis, Mid Glamorgan 1952 1953 Ysgol Gynradd Pontycymer, Mid Glamorgan 1954 1955 Ysgol Gynradd Rhymni, Mid Glamorgan Uned Gynradd Tonyrefail, Mid Glamorgan 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 Uned Gynradd Garth Olwg, Mid Glamorgan 1961 Ysgol Gynradd Pen-y-bont, Mid Glamorgan Ysgol Gynradd Ifor Bach, Mid Glamorgan 1962 1963 Ysgol Gynradd Bargod, Mid Glamorgan
Welsh Medium Secondary Education in South East Wales
Year Secondary School 1962 Ysgol Gyfun Rhydfelen, Mid Glamorgan
336 and was all the more disastrous. The class war in the coalfields intensified, did to the clarion call was Marxist not Methodist. What the potato famine In the the Irish economy, the great depression did to the Welsh economy. of twentieth century, economic and demographic contraction, the decline with a nonconformity, severe unemployment and emigration, together
number of important factors, have been a curse to the language.'803
of English The shift of language use and the economic and social hegemony towards the resulted in a dislocation of individual linguistic and cultural affiliations for successful Welsh language. The promotion of the English language as a vehicle institutionalisation upward social mobility and economic prosperity, coupled with its of the Welsh within Welsh society, further degenerated the status and functional value World War language. Reconstruction efforts in the aftermath of the Second notes, concentrated on economic and social planning at a national level, as Morgan of 'Labour's ethic was one of nation-wide solidarity and the united advance for a the British working class. Demands heard in the 1945 general election
secretary of state for Wales led nowhere. Welsh nationalism as a political
force was in the doldrums, while Attlee, Morrison and other leading
ministers set their face firmly against concessions to separatism'.804 encompassing of Despite the hegemonic emphasis on nation-wide planning, and the milieu asserting Wales within the imperatives of the British economy, a growing the extent recognition for nationalist demands were growing in significance. Realising
Language in the Nineteenth Brinley Thomas 'A Cauldron of Rebirth: Population and the Welsh Century' Welsh History Review 13 437:1986/7 Herbert & Gareth Elwyn Jones 804 Kenneth O.Morgan 'Wales since 1945: Political Society' in Trevor Post-War Wales Cardiff, University of Wales Press 11:1995
337 of the real decline in language use and, as a consequence, the possible demise of the
Welsh language among members of the younger generation increasingly became a focus
of concern for many Welsh speakers. As Aitchinson and Carter note,
'Recognizing perhaps that the future of the language was critically poised on
a cusp of change, a whole series of movements, inquiries and initiatives
were launched during the following decades. Concern about the health of
the language had of course been voiced throughout the first half of the
twentieth century, but it was during the 1960s that major efforts were made
to strengthen its position. Most notable were developments in the field of education'.805
The emergence of Welsh medium education in South East Wales was one early
reflection of a growing Welsh consciousness, assertion of identity and linguistic vitality.
In the aftermath of the two World Wars, there was a profound change in the social
composition and the nature of economic development in Wales. The economic
depression subsequent to the First World War resulted in a severe population loss in the former heavy industrial regions of South East Wales, and a consequent demographic loss in the number of Welsh speakers.806 As Aitchinson and Carter note,
'De-industrialisation, symbolised by the elimination of the coal-mining
industry, has led to significant population loss. This in turn meant the
805 John Aitchinson & Harold Carter A Geography of the Welsh Language 1961-1991 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 43:1994 806 Williams estimates that 242,000 people left the coalfield during the 1920s. He also notes that 'Neither output nor employment revived in the years of the British economic recovery of the 1930s. Moreover, despite the heavy fall (through migration, heavy wastage, etc.) in the total number of insured miners , both the number and the percentage of miners unemployed increased to over 80,000 and 42 per cent in 1932'. John Williams Was Wales Industrialised? Llandysul, Gwasg Corner 44-6:1995
338 no longer central undermining of coalfield communities where if Welsh was of the anthracite it was still a distinctive element, especially in those areas Wales were to be coalfield where the largest numbers of Welsh-speakers in found'.807
the fragile nature of the The de-industrialisation of South East Wales served to highlight nationalism, with the Welsh Welsh language in post-industrial society. Cultural a critical feature of the Welsh language a vital component of the expression, became of the language was also Nationalist Party, Plaid Cymru. Concerns for the teaching Education and Life in 1927. expressed in the publication of the Report on Welsh in anglicised communities Awareness of the fragility of the language within increasingly spheres. The experiment was slowly emerging as an issue in educational and public in the valley as 'bilingual' conducted in the Rhondda in 1922, designating five schools decline in the region.808 is one prominent example of an attempt to address the linguistic
Education as a Means for Language Revival
the language shift amongst Education was the first expression of an attempt at reversing of the language and the indigenous Welsh speaking population. Transmission declining number of Welsh associated cultural features was a concern of an ever with cultural and speakers in industrial areas of South East Wales. Preoccupation
807 ibid.47-i-j ,,— a resolution was passed by the Cardiff School 808 It is worth noting that in Cardiff, as early as 1897, in the same year had a return of 81 per cent in Board in favour of teaching Welsh. A survey conducted of Cardiff. In 1907, a similar survey was support of Welsh language provision within the schools 40 per cent were still in favour of their children conducted with a less positive response, however, some & Howard Carter A Geography of the being taught through the medium of Welsh. John Aitchinson Press 79:1994 Welsh Language 1961-1991 Cardiff, University of Wales
339 linguistic maintenance transcended all functional and social pressures promoting the use of English. The economic affluence in the years subsequent to the Second World War, the prosperity of the consumer-led market facilitated and assisted in the realisation of the demand for Welsh medium education. The development of an education provision through the medium of the indigenous, albeit minority, language is a means of according the language increasing functional significance within society. As Fishman comments,
'...schools are often important in connection with enriching their students'
attitudinal and overt-implementational commitments to language by
providing and stressing the historical, cultural and moral rationales for such
commitments. Via lessons and discussions about language and via actively
involving students in school-and-society projects on behalf of language,
schools are often the first agencies to articulate what many adults strongly
believe but which few can articulate well, namely, that for any given
ethnohistorical aggregate a given language with which it has been long and
intimately associated is more than just interchangeable 'means of
communication', because it also symbolically implements and activates the
historically associated culture that it quintessentially expresses. By
repeatedly implementing and activating its associated culture and by doing
so with positive affect, a language creates a social bond between the
community of users of that language and its historically associated culture,
symbolism, .. andi identity-j ,•. , .809
809 Joshua Fishman Reversing Language Shift: theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 372:1991
340 Fishman succinctly asserts the inherent political nature implicated in demands
and subsequent emergence of minority language education programmes. The demand
for schooling through the medium of Welsh was an indication of a separatist attempt, an
assertion for the recognition of Wales as a separate cultural, social and linguistic entity,
distinct from England. The appeal for public and governmental support for the venture
arose during a period subsequent to the Second World War when economic and social
policies focused on central planning and direct investment. Demands for Welsh
medium education at this juncture therefore seem to be in direct conflict with the
concurrent governmental proposals. The schools that commenced initially as private
ventures, before gaining recognition and finance from local authorities, can be regarded
as representative of an early quest for the separate identification of Wales as a nation.
The Political Nature of the Educational Demand
The development of Welsh medium education in anglicised regions of Wales therefore may be regarded as a factor in an emerging nationalist feeling. The commencement of the Welsh Nationalist Party in 1925 did not gain significant support in Wales, being initially, 'in reality ... a social and educational movement which created a dedicated core of cultural nationalists rather than a political group campaigning vigorously to gain
Q\f\ popular support for the objective of Welsh self-government'. For members of Plaid
Cymru, concern for the maintenance of the Welsh language was a prominent
810 D.Hywel Davies The Welsh Nationalist Party 1925-1945: A Call to Nationhood Cardiff, University of Wales Press 262:1983
341 consideration in the development of policy, and the development of the Welsh medium
schools reflect a desire to promote and preserve the language intergenerationally.
Ideological changes in the policies of the Party reflected attempts to represent the Welsh
nation as a whole, which emphasised a more political approach, and thus heightened
popular support for the Party during the second half of the twentieth century. The
increasing popularity of the Party forced other political parties to re-address their
position in relation to Wales. The Conservative Party, elected into government in 1951,
'devoted a surprising amount of attention to Wales, considering their
relative amount of weakness in that part of Britain ... Although much
derided by Labour and Liberals at the time, the existence of a Cabinet
minister with specific responsibility for Welsh matters undoubtedly fuelled
demands for a further extension of separate governmental treatment, if not devolution'.811
Thompson suggests that the primary concern of Conservative Party members in
addressing the separate needs of Wales was an attempt to recoup electoral support and
erode Liberal and Labour strongholds.812 However, new policies operating within
Wales were popular among the electorate, as Butt Philip notes,
'It was clear that the Conservatives were in earnest about their pledge to
give special treatment to Wales, and thus for the second time, the
Conservatives entered a general election campaign with a policy on
devolution that was more advanced than that of their Labour opponents.
811 Kenneth O.Morgan 'Wales since 1945: Political Society' in Trevor Herbert & Gareth Elwyn Jones Post-War Wales Cardiff, University of Wales Press 14:1995 812 Andrew Thompson The Social Construction of Welsh Identities Ph.D thesis, University of North Wales, Bangor 123:1994
342 The Conservatives and their National Liberal allies took 31 per cent of the
votes cast in Wales at this election...'.813
Post-war developments in Wales, therefore, suggest that there was an increasing
political recognition of Wales as a distinct and separate nation. Demands for Welsh
medium education during this period reflect the strength of the support for linguistic and
cultural maintenance. The gradual change in public attitude towards the educational
provision is highlighted by the increasing number of Welsh medium schools South East
Wales, and subsequent growth in the 1970s to present day. The schools reflect an
emerging nationalistic trend which burgeoned during the 1960s, as the schools were
being recognised as established features of the educational system in Wales.
Societal attitudes: Establishing Functional Values
'Status planning seeks to allocate societal resources in such ways as to foster
the use of a language in more (and in more important) societal functions
among larger and larger numbers (and proportions) of individuals.
Fostering the home-family-neighbourhood-use-function, the school-use, the
work-use function, the media-use function and the governmental-use
function, which we have discussed so many times before in connection with
various ethnolinguistic groups, are all instances of language planning
effortscf . , . 814
813 Alan Butt Philip The Welsh Question Nationalism in Politics 1945-1970 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 295/6:1975 814 Joshua Fishman Reversing Language Shift: theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 338:1991
343 An over riding consideration in attempting to maintain, or reverse language shift, is the
functional value of the language in society, and its operative worth to the individual.
The currency of a language is determined by daily usage within a variety of domains,
viewed thus as the medium of communication within a 'natural' community. The
decline in use of a particular language in specific domains, (in general 'informal'
situations, such as the home, in daily business, on social occasions) in preference for the
majority language may seriously dislocate the social structure of the minority language
on which its foundations are based. Of particular importance is the maintenance of the
minority language within the home and school environment, this element being vital in
contributing to the intergenerational vitality of the language. Among native minority
language speakers, the focus of language transmission is, in general, a natural means of
communication through the mother tongue. In a bilingual society where there is an
imbalance in the status of both languages, transmission of the minority mother tongue
language by individuals may also include an awareness of identity, separate from the
cultural values associated with the hegemonic language. As Butt Philip notes, the
situation in Wales arose from a concern that the linguistic imbalance was seriously dislocating the intergenerational structure of mother-tongue communication:
'The impetus for founding these [Welsh medium] schools had come from a
common feeling that communication in personal relationships between one
generation and another was being permanently impaired as the hold on the
young of the Welsh language and culture faded. In addition, there was the
344 feeling of urgency in the face of grave danger to the whole structure of
Welsh society'.815
However, attempts to maintain a minority language purely for cultural and nationalistic purpose is not sufficient in the successful reversal of language shift. The value of the language within economic and social spheres is of vital importance in the promotion of language use. As reiterated by Fishman,
'...the functional and motivational/ideological clarity that obtains in
connection with additional languages is an expression of a communal 'vote
of confidence' that these languages are really needed and that considerable
resources, material and psychological, can be counted upon in order to
R1 f\ support the quest for their intergenerational continuity'.
Awareness that competence in a specific language provides wider access to employment possibilities and consequent social mobility promotes the currency of the language and facilitates language maintenance among the indigenous language speakers. It also serves to augment 'new recruits' among members of the majority language group, competence in two languages being regarded as a positive aspect to both economic progress and cultural maintenance.
The emergence of Welsh medium education in South East Wales, therefore may be regarded as a vital component in the attempt to rejuvenate the language within the anglicised regions. Initially, the schools were established for the maintenance of the
sis A|an Butt philip The Welsh Question Nationalism in Politics 1945-1970 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 222:1975 • , A • • i *• A *• <••» 8i6 Joshua Fishman Reversing Language Shift: theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 364:1991
345 At the outset, admittance was language among the children of native speakers. speaking, and who actively used restricted to children whose parents were both Welsh development of the schools, as the language daily in the home. The purpose and summarised in the Gittins Report: a focus of Welsh 'The original aim of these schools was to provide no provision for a instruction, traditions and life in areas which could make wished them to be minority of Welsh-speaking children whose parents modelled on education in their mother-tongue. They have been consciously motivated by the the rural school in the Welsh-speaking areas and are singing, music and traditional Welsh emphasis on literature, penillion strong relationship institutions such as the eisteddfod. Their strength is their and the Urdd. with parents, and their close connection with local chapels were on the Their staff are committed and dedicated... Education authorities possibly because whole reluctant at first to make the necessary provision, unconvinced of the they doubted the viability of these schools and were
need for them'.817
with the emergence of Later, the popularity of the education provided, coupled to an increasing flexibility in nursery provision through the medium of Welsh, led of South East Wales, notably admittance regulations. The escalating importance saw the establishment of Cardiff, as a location for economic and industrial development, the official Welsh agencies in the region. As Williams notes,
Advisory Council for Education (Wales) 817 H.M.S.O. Primary Education in Wales Report of the Central London 221:1967
346 'Changing socioeconomic and political realities have induced pressure for
the legitmization of Welsh within new public-sector domains. The most
evident of these is formal education, but substantial 'concessions' have also
been made in incorporating Welsh as a language of government and public
administration. Education, the law, local government, and the media all
serve to institutionalize Welsh within new speech domains. As structural
change has eroded many long-established speech domains, it is the state and
its local agencies which have assumed the role of nurturing and financing
O 1 O the establishment of alternative scenarios for Welsh language promotion.
The creation of institutions with particular relevance to Wales, and with regard to the
Welsh language have assisted in the modernisation of Welsh as a viable language of daily communication and transaction. Despite the maintenance of traditional cultural ties, the development of the Welsh language and associated culture has slowly accepted necessary change, that is the practicalities of maintaining a living language rather than attempting to preserve a linguistic past. For successful language promotion, it is necessary for the functional value of Welsh language use within society to reflect a modern and practical image.
The Development of a 'Comprehensive' Educational Provision
'Given the complex division of labor and the demands placed upon Welsh
speakers to respond to an ever-changing technological order, new forms and
818 Colin H Williams 'Location and Context in Welsh language reproduction: a geographic interpretation' Journal of the So™l"ffv of Language Vol.66 75/6:1987
347 patterns of Welsh are being developed which emanate largely from the
experience of formal education as the main agency of language
reproduction. The total Welsh population is becoming increasingly urban
and industrial, and the justification for the promotion of the Welsh language
today reflects this urban bias'.819
Success in the primary sector prompted expansion of Welsh medium pre-school
provision, resulting in the growth of a network of nursery schools across South East
Wales. From the outset, provision for Welsh medium teaching did not extend to the
secondary level and concern that the endeavour seemed to be devoid of purpose due to
the lack of continuity at secondary level prompted demands for such provision. The
first Welsh medium secondary school, Ysgol Glan Clwyd, Flintshire, commenced in
1956, primary instigation for the school originating from local authority officers'
influence. However, as Baker notes, the pressure for Welsh medium secondary
education in South East Wales arose primarily through parental endeavour (thus
emulating the earlier efforts for primary education provision). J420 As early as 1955,
correspondence to the Welsh Joint Education Committee from the Welsh Schools'
Parents' Union expressed 'concern that no satisfactory provision is at present made for
the continuation of bilingual education for the children now attending primary schools',
and requested the consideration of the committee regarding appropriate secondary provision.
819 ibid. 74 820 Colin Baker 'The Growth of Bilingual Education in the Secondary Schools of Wales' in W.Gareth Evans (ed.) Perspectives on a Century of Secondary Education in Wales 1889-1989 Aberystwyth, CAA 87:1990 821 Welsh Joint Education Committee 'Correspondence' Welsh Language and Culture Sub Committee 11 November 1955
348 The nonconformist movement was also active in attempting to instigate
secondary provision, although limited in ability to offer practical assistance such as
witnessed in the promotion of primary education. Evidence of this is found in
Glamorgan County Council Minutes, which notes an appeal by the West Glamorgan
Union of Welsh Independent Churches in 1958 to the Secondary Education Sub-
Committee with the request to consider the establishment of a Welsh medium secondary
X77 school. In addition, the increasing development of institutions and the assignment of
individuals to key posts with specific regard to Wales and the Welsh language such as
the Welsh Joint Education Board (1948), the appointment of the Minister of State for
Welsh Affairs (1957), the commencement of a government funded books foundation
assisted in the demand for the establishment of further Welsh medium education
provision. The commencement of the Welsh medium secondary school, Ysgol Gyfun
Rhydfelen in Pontypridd in 1962 made it possible for some Welsh speaking children to receive an education through the medium of Welsh from the age of three to eighteen in
South East Wales.
Nursery Schooling
The role of the nonconformist movement, pivotal in the development of Welsh medium education during the 1950s, undertook a different role following the re-location of the
Welsh schools from the chapel vestries, under the auspices of the education authorities.
822 Glamorgan County Council Minutes 'Welsh Higher Education' Report of Secondary Education Sub- Committee 6 January 1959
349 Nursery provision had extended in popularity since the Second World War following
increased labour demands on women. Many of the early Welsh medium schools which
provided children with an opportunity to speak Welsh, began as voluntary nursery
JJ'5'7 __ groups in chapels. The schools became increasingly important, not only from an
educational standpoint, but as a direct challenge to the decline in the number of Welsh
speakers. Following local authority control of the schools, insistence that the schools
were limited in accepting children whose parents were Welsh speaking, and actively
used the language, restricted pupil entry to Welsh speaking children only. An oral test,
described as the '4+ examination', implemented by the authorities, determined a child's
competence in Welsh, thus ensuring compliance with the 'Welsh only rule'.
Competence in the Welsh language was a stipulation of acceptance into the schools
enforced by the Education Authorities. Inspectors then 'tested' the language
competence of pupils at the schools ensuring that they had a satisfactory knowledge of
the language.
The language testing of children in the Welsh medium schools caused discontent among parents who were non-Welsh speaking, but who desired a Welsh medium education for their offspring. In Barry, the numbers of 'native' Welsh speaking children were so few, that the education authority were unable to justify the opening of a Welsh medium school in the area. Welsh medium nursery provision was instigated in the area in 1951, with the intention of immersing non-Welsh speaking children in the language,
823 This was the case for the school at Maesteg, and Cardiff. In 1943, a Saturday School was opened in Ty'r Cymry' by officials of UCAC with the intention of providing children with a 'cyfle iddynt ddod at ei gilydd i chwarae, i ganu, ac actio trwy gyfrwng eu mamiaith' [an opportunity for them to come together to play, to sing, and to act through the medium of their mother tongue] in Catrin Stevens Meithrin. Hanes Mudiad Ysonlion Meithrin 1971-1996 Llandysul, Gwasg Gomer 1:1996 824 ibid, forward xii/iii
350 thus satisfying numerical constraints and enabling a Welsh school to commence.825
Nursery provision was thenceforth used also as a provision familiarising children with
the rudiments of the Welsh language before commencing primary education, thus
dispelling the notion held by Glamorgan Education Authority that English monoglot
children were linguistically incapable of receiving a Welsh medium education.826 The
increasing numbers of English monoglot children wishing to attend Welsh medium
schools thus promoted the nursery movement further, resulting in the establishment of
the Welsh nursery schools movement, Mudiad Ysgolion Meithrin, in 1971.
Secondary Education Provision
The opening of the first Welsh medium secondary school in South East Wales, Ysgol
Gyfun Rhydfelen, in 1962 enhanced provision for children who had received Welsh
medium primary education in the former county of Glamorgan (in a re-organisation in
1974 this encompassed Mid, South and West Glamorgan) and Gwent, with an opportunity to continue their studies primarily through the medium of Welsh. The school was comprehensive from the outset, an amalgamation of the grammar and modem school, the first intake of fifty children being divided accordingly. Initially, the
'traditional' subjects, History, Geography and Religious Education, due to 'their natural
825 This is discussed in detail in Chapter 8 826 Catrin Stevens Meithrin Hanes Mudiad Ysgolion Meithrin 1971-1996 Llandysul, Gwasg Gomer forward 5:1996 'Dyma sut y dymchwelwyd dadl wallgof Awdurdod Addysg Morgannwg nad oedd plant di-Gymraeg yn 'ieithyddol gymwys' i dderbyn addysg cyfrwng-Cymraeg. Roedd arbrawf y Barri yn fenter holl bwysig ag iddi oblygiadau aruthrol ar y dyfodol'. [This is how the ludicrous belief held by Glamorgan Education Authority that non-Welsh speaking children were not 'linguistically compatible' to receive a Welsh medium education. The experiment in Barry was an all important venture with profound manifestations for the future.]
351 links with Welsh culture, relative lack of problems with terminology and a partial
availability of suitable curriculum material' were taught through the medium of
Welsh. JO 7 Following the intervention of the headmaster, Gwylim Humphreys, who
demanded the development of courses through the medium of Welsh to include French
and Latin; Mathematics and Science were instructed through the medium of English,
emulating educational system of other countries.828 The school was under the scrutiny
of educational authorities and the public, the criteria of success being determined by
academic attainment in external examination. The continual increase in the number of
subjects offered at examination level through the medium of Welsh since the
commencement of Ysgol Gyfun Rhydfelen is testimony to the value of bilingual
education. Realising the functional viability of educational qualifications obtained
through the medium of a minority language has served to promote the vitality of the
Welsh medium schools as a feasible educational option. As Baker notes,
'in a quarter of a century, both 'O' level entries and subjects in Welsh have
increased more than sixfold. This statistic is important in that such
examinations are prime pointers to the currency value of bilingual education
as perceived by pupils, parents and employers'. 829
By 1963 there was a greater availability of Welsh medium education extended from nursery school provision through to the secondary level, which was accorded
827 Colin Baker 'The Growth of Bilingual Education in the Secondary Schools of Wales' in W.Gareth Evans (ed.) Perspectives on a Century of Secondary Education in Wales 1889-1989 Aberystwyth, CAA 85:1990 828 Gwylim F F"™r^r Rhj/Hfe.len: Y Ddene Mlvnedd Cvntaf Llandysul. Gwasg Gomer 17:1972 829 Colin Baker 'The Growth of Bilingual Education in the Secondary Schools of Wales' in W.Gareth Evans (ed.) Perspectives on a Century of Secondary Education in Wales 1889-1989 Aberystwyth, CAA 86:1990
352 initially to Welsh speaking parents who desired mother tongue education for their children. Despite official support for the ventures, the impetus for educational provision through the medium of Welsh arose predominantly from the demands of individuals with a professional, middle-class bias.830 As Madgwick et al comment,
'education is a linguistic battleground partly because education must count a
great deal in any language policy, but also because the people most
concerned about the language tend to be highly educated, and many of them
work as teachers and administrators in education'.831
Such an argument substantiates Smith's interpretation that 'if the bourgeoisie is
coo nationalism's original motor, the intelligentsia are its spokesmen'. Consequently, educational provision through a minority language may be regarded as the provision of a basis for the emergence of an ethnic intelligentsia. However, it may be argued that as a consequence of the existence of bilingual education the numerical and political strength of the national elite increases. Bilingual education creates an institution through which the language is able to regain or establish status within that specified domain. As Lewis notes,
'Language maintenance issues reflect, and may be regarded in some
countries even as arising from, profound changes in the structure of society
as well as in the norms by which behaviours of groups within society are
830 See Chapter 7. Many of the instigators of the Welsh medium schools had influential powers within the realm of their professional occupations such as School Inspectors, teachers, businessmen, local and county councillors. 831 Peter Madgwick, Non Griffiths and Valeric Walker The Politics of Rural Wales A Study of Cardiganshire London, Hutchinson 111:1973 832 Anthony D Smith 'Nationalism, Ethnic Separatism and the Intelligentsia' in Colin H.Williams (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 22:1982
353 guided. On this view, bilingual education is the institutionalization of social change'.833
From this perspective, the emergence of Welsh medium education during the 1950s
provided the basis for the growth of a 'separate' consciousness, and the demand for the
recognition of Welsh national differentiation. The consequent development of a number
of administrative bodies with sole concern for Welsh affairs further enhances the
relevance of Welsh medium education, as an interpretation or manifestation of identity.
Education, Language and Nationalism
Events occurring during the early 1960s were early examples of a resurgence in
nationalistic awareness across Wales demonstrated by attempts to sabotage the building
of the Tryweryn reservoir, the emergence of the 'Free Wales Army', a para-military
organisation believed to be trying to secure an independent Wales, and the rousing
speech of Saunders Lewis' radio broadcast in 1962, 'Tynged yr laith' (The fate of the
Language). Language was the pivotal element in the broadcast, whereby Saunders
Lewis, one of the three founding members of Plaid Cymru, advocated radical action in defence of the Welsh language, failing to envisage an inherent 'Welsh' culture and heritage existing without the vibrancy of the Welsh language and associated ramifications.834 The consequent foundation of Cymdeithas yr laith Gymraeg (The
833 E.Glyn Lewis 'Modernization and Language Maintenance' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society. 1840-1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 147:1983 834 Saunders Lewis 'Tynged yr laith' transmitted 13 February 1962, published as BBC Welsh Annual Radio Lecture 1962 - quoted in translation in G. Morgan, The Dragon's Tongue Cardiff 1966. See Alan Butt Phillip The Welsh Question. Nationalism in Welsh Politics 1945-1970 Cardiff University of Wales Press 90:1975 'It will be nothing less than a revolution to restore the Welsh language in Wales today, Success is only possible through revolutionary methods. Perhaps the language would bring self- government in its wake - I don't know. The language is more important than self-government. In my
354 Welsh Language Society) arose in an attempt to ameliorate the status of the Welsh
language by non-violent political protest.
The early demonstrations by Cymdeithas yr laith, vociferously urged equal
status for both English and Welsh. However, as the growth in the demand for ethnic
separatism, and political autonomy for Wales became increasingly popular during the
1960s and 1970s, the Welsh language became one factor, albeit significant, in an
emerging climate of nationalist expression. As Williams notes,
'in this context the language has emerged as the main symbol of ethnic
identity and initially provided the main support for the movement for
political separation. The linguistic basis of Welsh nationalism is gradually
being replaced by a more comprehensive political, social and economic
policy in order to extend support beyond the Welsh-speaking core-area to
the whole of Wales'.
The appointment of a Minister for Welsh Affairs in 1951, and the consequent establishment of the Welsh Office in 1964 are reflective of a growing political and social acceptance of Wales as a nation, with separate needs from England. Educational developments, such as the Schools Council Committee for Wales (1964), which was largely responsible for the thrust of the Welsh curriculum in the 1970s, and was responsible for fostering experimental bilingual projects (SCBP) during the late 1960s
opinion, if any kind of self-government were obtained before Welsh is admitted and used as an official language in local and national administration in the Welsh-speaking areas of our country, then the language will never achieve official status at all, and its death would be quicker than it will be under the rulei e orofo r-*England'.England i _ ._ J ) . Colin H.Williams 'Non-Violence and the Development of the Welsh Language Society' The Welsh National History Review Vol.VIII Part 4 427/8:1977
355 and the establishment of the Welsh National Language Unit in 1968, began to address
the educational needs of children in Wales from a specifically 'Welsh' aspect.
The creation of a specified realm of language use further enhances opportunity
for language planning, and educational qualifications gained through the medium of the
minority language promotes language 'credibility'. As the language revitalises, with the
rejuvenation of status there follows an increase in economic and social demands upon
the language. The growth of Welsh medium education, as noted by Baker, 'has been
promoted, surrounded and sustained by a wide and complex interacting variety of
formal and informal support systems'.836 Reports such as that of the Welsh Department
of the Board of Education, Welsh in Education and Life in 1927, and the Central
Advisory Council for Education, The Place of Welsh and English in the Schools of
Wales in 1953 were supportive of intentions for the establishment of Welsh medium
education. The role played by the HMI Inspectors in recording the progress of the
primary schools showed obvious support of the initiative. The post-war reorganisation
of schools had a distinctly Welsh dimension, maintaining existing Welsh administrative
structures, such as the Central Welsh Board (which gave way to the Welsh Joint
Q'J'J Education Committee in 1949). The establishment of further institutions such as the
Welsh National Opera (1946), the appointment of a Minister for Welsh Affairs (1951) and the founding of the Broadcasting Council for Wales (1953) are examples of a growing awareness and recognition of Welsh identity. As Davies notes,
836 ibid. 837 Gareth Elwyn Jones 'Post-War Wales' in Trevor Herbert & Gareth Elwyn Jones (eds.) Post-War Wales Cardiff, University of Wales Press 5/6:1995
356 'the growth of a Welsh bureaucracy was important for the Welsh nationalist
movement in several respects. First, it provided, for almost the first time
since the sixteenth century, official reinforcement for a separate Welsh
identity. Second, the organizations comprising this bureaucracy brought a
degree of administrative autonomy to Wales ... The shift in the locus of
decision making quite often brought the Welsh dimension of particular
issues into greater prominence, as well as providing a more readily
assailable target for nationalist pressure groups'.838
Developments from 1963 to Present Day
The expansion of Welsh medium education subsequent to 1963 has been caused by
differing influences and trends from the primary instigation. The initial development of
an educational system through the minority language came as an assertion of an inherent
and ethnic privilege which was ultimately identified by language. Welsh speakers were
responsible for the commencement of the Welsh classes in South East Wales, providing
their children with an opportunity to receive an education through the medium of their
mother tongue. The cultural concern of the assimilation and identification of
'Welshness' located increasingly within an 'English' classification, became an imminent fear and threat for Welsh speaking individuals in the anglicised areas of South
East Wales. The political ramifications which arose following the assertion of a separate educational system through the medium of the indigenous language were
838 Charlotte Aull Davies Welsh Nationalism in the Twentieth Century. The Ethnic Option and the Modern State. New York: Praeger 103:1989
357 perceived as a direct challenge to the hegemonic state and its established educational
system. Early concerns raised asserted that the Welsh medium schools would provide
'breeding grounds' for Welsh nationalists; that they were elitist; and that Welsh
speakers were attempting to establish a separatist education. The products of a minority
language education would, naturally have supportive tendencies towards the linguistic,
cultural, and traditional demands of Wales.839 The rise of nationalism as a political
force during the 1960s, associated with strong linguistic ties, emphasises the
implications that the establishment of Welsh medium schools in anglicised areas of
Wales had a strong bias towards the interests of Wales. The establishment of Welsh
medium schools subsequent to 1963 both reflect and contribute to the construction of
the cultural, political and sociological character of contemporary Wales.
South East Wales has witnessed a significant growth of the schools, from
fourteen junior and one secondary Welsh medium school in 1963 to forty-eight junior
and seven secondary schools in the counties of Mid and South Glamorgan and Gwent by 1995, as Table 9:2 illustrates. The area of greatest growth is Mid Glamorgan, the core area of initial anglicisation following the heavy immigration of non-Welsh bom people in the industrial era. As Williams notes,
'geographical variations in the migration patterns of incoming Welsh and
English migrants further strengthened the threshold density of specific urban
communities, making some valley communities particularly Welsh in
speech and some coastal towns more anglicised than hitherto'.840
839 Politically, the fundamental objectives of Plaid Cymru's ideology were concerned with the preservation of linguistic, cultural and traditional features of Wales, as discussed in Chapter 3. Colin H.Williams 'The Anglicisation of Wales' in Nikolas Coupland (ed.) English in Wales: Diversity. Conflict and Change Clevedon, Multilingual Matters Ltd 32:1989
358 divided
was
total.
Wales
Bryntaf,
East
Glamorgan
Ysgol
14 1
35 Total
6
7
48
South
later
South
the
in
from
Caerdydd,
1
1
8
Gwent
8
removed
Gynradd
been
Schools/Units
Glamorgan
Ysgol
has
9:2
1949,
1
1
8
9
South
2
school
359
in
Medium
Table
open
junior
to
one
Welsh
Glamorgan
school
of
19
1
12
31 5
4
Mid
medium
Consequently
Location
1981.
Welsh
and
first
and
Secondary
Secondary 1964-1995
Primary
the Toial
Primary
1949-1963
Secondary
Primary
1979
Number
between
Glamorgan,
The
schools
South
In
five
into
N.B. (both The early influx of immigrants from England and the subsequent anglicisation
linguistically and culturally) of the counties of Gwent and South Glamorgan primarily areas, in accounts for the reluctant development of Welsh medium education in these
comparison with that of Mid Glamorgan. As Jones reiterates,
'even at the height of invasion from England at the beginning of this
century, there is evidence to show that the preference shown by these
migrants for coastal towns rather than the upland valleys helped to preserve
relatively undiluted the essential Welsh language basis of the new culture.'841
Across South East Wales, the popularity of Welsh medium education has in the resulted in the evolution of a complex linguistic situation concerning education homes schools. The acceptance of children from predominantly English speaking of the during the 1960s onwards has resulted in a shift of the language backgrounds pupils pupils from Welsh to English. At present, the overwhelming majority of This, receiving Welsh medium education are from English medium backgrounds. from undoubtedly has changed the nature of the linguistic aims of the Welsh schools, of both language maintenance among the indigenous Welsh speakers, to a combination have a maintenance and an immersion educational programme.842 Both programmes as identical aims, that is full bilingualism and biliteracy, although it may be questioned due to whether the same pedagogical methodology may be applied to both programmes,
in David Smith (ed.) 841 leuan Gwynedd Jones 'Language and Community in Nineteenth Century Wales' People and a Proletariat 1780-1980 London, Pluto Press 50:1980 842 See Chapter 2 for a full discussion.
360 to the differing linguistic demands of each group.843 However, no research analysing
pedagogical methodology of Welsh language teaching, or immersion, programmes of
English mother tongue infants, has been conducted.
The maintenance of the Welsh language and incipient revitalisation during the
twentieth century can be attributed to the development of Welsh medium education in
the anglicised areas of Wales. The increasing numbers of children from non-Welsh
speaking backgrounds receiving Welsh medium education have been critical in
ameliorating the aggregate of Welsh speakers. Table 9:3 reveals a gradual increase in
the number of people in the younger age groups speaking Welsh during the past two
decades. As Williams notes, 'Welsh medium education is particularly vital in
cultural reproduction because it has become the main agency by which both first and
second language speakers become socialised into a relatively autonomous Welsh
cultural system'.845 Despite the success of the schools within the anglicised regions of
Wales, the development of Welsh medium education should not be considered as a means, or an attempt at, language shift from English to Welsh. Education through the lesser-used minority language is an agency of language regeneration, but the inherent ramifications associated with the development of an 'ethnic' education system affect the
843 Acceptance into Welsh medium infant schools is conditional on attendance at an Ysgol Feithrin, due to the popularity of the schools, and also to ensure adequate instruction in Welsh before formal education. 844 Janet Davies also attributes the increase in the number of Welsh speakers to the emergence of the Welsh medium schools: 'The rise recorded in the census in the number of those aged between three and fifteen claiming to be able to speak Welsh is closely linked with the spread of Welsh medium schools. In Cardiff, for example, where the original eighteen-pupil school established in 1949 had, by 1992, been replaced by six schools with a total of 1,400 pupils, the ability to speak Welsh was 153 per cent greater in the five to fifteen age group than it was among the population as a whole'. Janet Davies, 'The Welsh Language' in Trevor Herbert & Gareth Elwyn Jones (eds.) Post-War Wales Cardiff, University of Wales Press 62:1995 845 Colin H.Williams 'The Anglicisation of Wales' in Nikolas Coupland (ed.) English in Wales: Diversity. Conflict and Change Clevedon, Multilingual Matters Ltd. 44:1989
361 12.0
1991
44.6 47.1 66.2
109.0 109.7
500.0 111.4
8.4
41.9 1981 63.8
33.6
110.8
thousands)
132.6 117.0
508.2
in
9.7
35.2 61.5
32.6
1971
116.9
169.1 117.4
542.4
Welsh
(numbers
group.
Welsh
age
10.5
71.5
32.4
42.8
1961
158.7
118.3
656.0 221.9
the
speaking
for
9:3 speaking
over
362
over
13.7
39.6 77.0
38.4
1951
114.6
714.7 207.2 224.1
20:1994
speakers
Table and
and
3
3
Welsh
aged
London
18.5
87.3 73.7
64.7
1931
aged
146.4
238.1
280.6
909.3
of
People
(Wales')
number
Persons
71.5 88.1
79.8
25.5
1921
164.4
280.3 212.5
922.1
the
in
Language
over
increase
Welsh
an
over
and
3
5-9
3-4
Age
and
15-24
10-14
25-44 45-64
Census
show
65
ages
1991
bold
All
in
H.M.S.O.
marked
Source:
Figures nature or purpose of the provision. External elements provoking the demand for Welsh
medium education, need not be attributed to a concern for the revitalisation of the
language. Public perception, governmental policies and economic factors are but a few
outside components influencing the nature and popularity of Welsh medium education.
From the initial interpretations that Welsh medium education was a political 'symbol',
representative of an effort for national separatism, and an attempt to distinguish the
Welsh speaking minority from the English speaking majority, increasingly, the schools
have become integrated within the local communities.
Creating New Domains for Welsh Language Use
Despite the 'dominance of English as the medium of advancement in an expanding
economy at home and abroad', its integrative and instrumental effects determining
language choice of individuals, a growing number of individuals have begun to choose
Welsh medium schooling as a viable educational option for their children. The
emerging popularity of the schools, among English speaking individuals, has been determined by scholastic accomplishment, community integration, and the development of a positive profile of the schools. The traditional features of the education, concentrating on elements promoting Welsh culture, such as singing, Eisteddfod participation and 'dawnsio gwerin' (folk dancing) seem to have diminished in their strength as symbolising the general ethos of Welsh medium schools. In addition, the emergence of institutions with sole responsibility for developments in Wales, thus
846 Colin H Williams 'Separatism and the Mobilization of Welsh Identity' in Colin H.Williams (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 153:1982
363 identifying Wales as a separate entity within the realm of Great Britain, has further
enhanced the status of the Welsh language. Campaigning for the use of Welsh in public
administration and education, 'not only seeks to enhance status, but provides a vehicle
for taking Welsh outside its traditional and restricted domain of the home, into public life'.847
However, attempting to promote the status of the language within the
community, and to establish Welsh as a natural means of communication is possible
only when the language becomes predominant within wider contemporary social
domains. As Fishman comments, '...the importance of the school is best designated as
'initiatory' and 'contributory' rather than as substantially 'unique' or 'independent". OAO
For language maintenance it is vital that the minority language is used naturally in a
variety of domains. However, difficulties lie with
'the impact of the mass media which consistently reinforces the British
dimension and the dominance of English as the accepted medium of
communication. Recent developments have demonstrated how bilingual
education and language planning can redress this balance somewhat. But
given the magnitude of the task it has been concluded that without
substantial assistance through formal education, or the establishment of a
Welsh-medium television channel and continued subsidies to Welsh-
847 Nikolas Coupland & Martin J. Ball 'Welsh and English in Contemporary Wales' Contemporary Wales 3 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 10:1989 848 Joshua Fishman Reversing Language Shift: theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 372:1991
364 medium publications, the language would continue to decline, even in the
predominantly Welsh-speaking socio-cultural environments'.849
Promoting the use of Welsh as a viable means of communication within such domains thus promotes the language as a relevant feature within a community framework. The creation of a Welsh language television channel (S4C), and the prevalence of Welsh- medium publications expand the language domains of Welsh, thus commencing the creation of a fully bilingual society and expanding the scope for Welsh language use.
As Coupland and Ball note, 'it is argued that status produces respect and so lessens the likelihood of parents abandoning the transmission of Welsh to their children'.850
The survival of the Welsh language, once established in the Welsh medium schools is dependent on functional and instrumental use within the public sector. As
Fishman notes,
'Without considerable and repeated societal reinforcement schools cannot
successfully teach either first or second languages and, furthermore, where
such reinforcement is plentifully available, languages are acquired and
retained even if they are not taught in school A major part of the spread of
English and other lingua francos during the past generation can be directly
net attributed to such out-of-school societal reinforcement.'
Welsh medium education has preserved the language, and to a certain degree promoted its rejuvenation, by creating a new generation of speakers. However,
849 Colin H.Williams Separatism and the Mobilization of Welsh Identity' in Colin H.Williams (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff, University of Wales Press, 155:1982 850 Nikolas Coupland & Martin J. Ball 'Welsh and English in Contemporary Wales' Contemporary Wales 3 Cardiff, University of Wales Press 10:1989 851 Joshua Fishman Reversing Language Shift: theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages Clevedon, Multilingual Matters 371:1991
365 'a realization that the growth in the education sector has outpaced
concomitant developments in the world of work and social interaction
outside the relatively artificial outlines of the schools system. Thus we are
faced with a generation of bilingual school-leavers who have been socialized
into believing that their bilingualism is prized by a society, which on
examination turns out to be a rather narrowly constructed, middle-class
public sector society, which rewards its own as purveyors of information
and knowledge'. QCT
The recent development of mentrau iaith (language ventures) in areas of South Wales
have been instigated with the purpose of reversing language shift, initially in areas of
strong Welsh culture and language maintenance. The first, Menter Cwm Gwendraeth,
(Gwendraeth Valley, South West Wales) began in 1991, with the objective of
'promotion and development of the Welsh language as a medium of social and
institutional communication', thus attempting to reverse the marginalisation of Welsh
within the community. QC 1} Other mentrau iaith have commenced, Menter Taf-Elai,^ is
one example in Mid Glamorgan, and provide opportunity for language use outside the traditional domains of chapel, school and home. Such initial language planning on a small scale is one means of language reversal within a designated area. However, there is a need for the development and creation of language policies at a more comprehensive, national level, as Williams notes,
'despite the language revival, there is a real danger that without formal
language planning the opportunities for speaking Welsh in traditional core
852 Colin H.Williams 'New Domains of the Welsh Language' Contemporary Wales 3 56/7:1989 853 Cefin Campbell Menter Cwm Gwendraeth: A Community Based Attempt at Reversing Language Shift: theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages Menter Cwm Gwendraeth n.d.
366 areas will diminish daily, as the demographic and linguistic composition
changes, and as the demands of the modern economy threaten to displace
Welsh as a language of the workplace and of social interaction even in the
western heartland.'854
Complexity of Interpretation
Complexity in analysis of the growth in educational provision through the medium of
Welsh arises as the development was not solely representative of a concern for the
decline in the overall number of Welsh speakers. Despite its accomplishment, Welsh
medium education has not succeeded in reversing the language shift towards English,
although from Census figures, the numbers of schoolchildren speaking Welsh fluently is
increasing, as Table 9:3 illustrates. As Williams notes, although the growth is
'small in real terms, it does suggest that formal education and the increased
status of the language in recent years are having some effect on patterns of
Welsh language acquisition, and within the general gloom of overall
decline, this is to be welcomed as a source of hope for language supporters
occ and those engaged in Welsh-medium education'.
However, further implications subsequent to the commencement of Welsh medium education and other activities relating specifically to the Welsh language and culture, have arisen which comprise not only of an emerging linguistic consciousness, but cultural, economic, sociological and political developments viewed from a distinctive
854 Colin H.Williams 'New Domains of the Welsh Language' Contemporary Wales 3 45:1989 855 Colin H.Williams 'Public Gain and Private Grief: The Ambiguous Nature of Contemporary Welsh' Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cvmmrodorion 32:1985
367 Welsh framework. The heightened awareness of a specific 'Welsh' identity, expressed
through demands for Welsh medium education, distinct from an 'English' or 'British'
identity should be regarded not only as an ethnic diversification but also as a struggle
between fractions within classes constituting the ethnic group. As Williams and Roberts
note, bilingual education is the focus of the struggle, and
'an understanding of the economic conditions which give rise to the salience
of ethnicity as a dimension of inequality, and an analytical focus upon the
social groups involved, should help to clarify the dynamics of bilingual
education as a sociological entity'.856
During the post-war period, the emergence of differing constructions of Welshness
(most prevalent during the 1960s) were to become pivotal issues in the political
campaigns of all the major political parties, anxious to portray themselves as true
representatives of the Welsh population, and actively promoting 'Welsh' affairs.
The core values identifying an ethnic group reflect the development and nature
of its cultural maintenance, which 'are characteristic of a particular culture and which cannot be abandoned without endangering one's membership of the particular ethnic
8^7 group'. A simple division occurs between those cultures where the native tongue is a focal point of the cultural identity, and other cultures in which importance is placed on religion, family, political, social or historical ideals.858 For a language-centred culture,
856 Glyn Williams & Catrin Roberts 'Language and Social Structure in Welsh Education' in Jacquette Megarry Stanley Nisbett & Eric Hoyle (eds.) Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 151:1981 857 J.J.Smolicz 'Culture, Ethnicity and Education' in Jacquette Megarry Stanley Nisbett & Eric Hoyle (eds.) Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 23:1981 858 ibid. Somilcz adds that most European cultures are language-centred, although differing reasons occur for the relationship between ethnicity and language, for example in Ireland, language affiliation is historical in origin, and relate to the language-persecution that occurred in the nineteenth century.
368 the loss of the indigenous language signifies a cultural shift to the periphery.
Consequent to such a shift, the ethnic culture becomes residual within the framework of
the hegemonic group, identifiers of the ethnic group become assimilated with variables
such as social class, and religion for example. The importance in maintaining the
indigenous language of such language-centred cultures is paramount, in that they 'must
be preserved as the vehicles or carriers of those cultures ... this means the necessity of
teaching minority ethnic languages, either in a bilingual situation or in an ethnic
language programme'. OCQ The____ development of an educational system operating through
a minority language generates manifold opportunities for linguistic vitality. Where the
minority language is a central feature of the ethnic group's identity, the status and
assertion of the group as a viable entity, or nation, is thus strengthened. Promotion of
the minority language within linguistically marginalised areas involves community
integration, as a 'necessary means of counteracting marginal status', in educational terms resulting in schools operating through the minority language. Qfi(\
Since the nineteenth century, changing social contexts resulting from such progression as the escalation of population mobility and an advance in communications placed increasing pressure on homogeneity, or centralism. Language loyalty, used as a
'badge identity' gave minority groups an opportunity of expression that superseded attachment to place.861 Economic and social pressures also played a major role in the
859 ibid. 25 860 Glyn Williams & Catrin Roberts 'Language and Social Structure in Welsh Education' in Jacquette Megarry Stanley Nisbett & Eric Hoyle (eds.) Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 158:1981 861 Colin H.Williams 'When Nationalists Challenge: When Nationalists Rule' Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy Vol.3 31:1985
369 manipulation of power between the ethnic and hegemonic groups. As Williams and
Roberts note,
'the majority tends to be played against the interests and demands of
minorities. Such minorities are obliged to press their claims continually,
and it is only when this pressure meets the point of crisis for the state that a
response becomes evident within the context of the plural system'.862
The claim for Welsh medium education within this framework epitomises the
fragmentation of the bilingual community in the industrialised areas of Wales,
dominated by anglicising influences, and therefore can be viewed as an attempt to
restore or create a specific domain for the Welsh language. The assertion for the
procurement of educational provision in a minority language was, one element
expressive of a specific identity, in an era of 'ethnic awakening' as described by
Khleif. O/T'l The__ emergence of demands for cultural, linguistic and community rights in
an attempt to reassert identity separate from the hegemonic group became more
prevalent in Western Europe subsequent to the Second World War. In the endeavour to
achieve this, Khlief describes the development of two autonomous movements,
'integrationalist' and 'separatist'. The first group is marked by a cultural inclination towards nationalism, while the latter displays predominantly political tendencies.
Khleif s assertion views the nationalist awareness emerging in post-war Wales from a cultural tendency, with emphasis placed on the linguistic, educational and religious aspects of their identity. While such an analysis provides an explanation of all the attendant developments in Wales since the turn of the century, it does not provide an
862 Glyn Williams & Catrin Roberts 'Language and Social Structure in Welsh Education' in Jacquette Megarry Stanley Nisbett & Eric Hoyle (eds.) Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 155:1981 ses Bud R Khleif Language. Ethnicity and Education in Wales The Hague, Mouton Publishers 1:1980
370 absolute explanation for the emergence of nationalist awareness. While language,
religion and education were salient features in the nature of Welsh nationalist
expression, the emergence of political, economic, and social 'separatism' also became
crucial elements of this manifestation. Language is used as a dividing force, the
separation or definition of a group based upon a linguistic criteria. As Smith notes, 'the
separatists are pointing to their vernaculars to assert the value of diversity and to create
chasms that often were not there, or had become muted and politically
inconsequential' ,864
Welsh medium education -Implications of Research and Future Developments
The broad and mutlidisciplinary approach undertaken in the analysis of Welsh medium
education in South East Wales from 1949 to 1963 justifies the complexity of
interpretation. The thesis has attempted to include the precedent and subsequent
ramifications of the movement effecting upon educational, political, social and
linguistic developments in Wales. Reflecting upon the development of the thesis,
interviews with the first pupils at the school would have provided a valuable insight into the nature of the teaching, school ethos and culture. Impressions given by former pupils of the schools may have reflected and supported the information given by former teachers and parents of the schools. Interviewing individuals who were not in support of, or directly opposed to, the development of the Welsh medium schools would have provided a valuable insight into societal attitudes towards the schools at that time. The
864 Anthony D. Smith 'Nationalism, Ethnic Separatism and the Intelligentsia' in Colin H.Williams (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 27:1982
371 teachers of the English medium schools (especially in the schools where Welsh medium
classes were established), parents who had children in English medium schools where
Welsh classes were established, and Welsh speaking parents who chose not to send their
children to the Welsh medium schools at that time would have been valuable sources of
data. The information gathered from such sources thus would perhaps have given a
more interactive and comprehensive impression of the overall development.
The limitations of the research conducted in the thesis draws upon the paucity of
inquiry into the nature of Welsh medium education. Since the inception of the schools
in 1949, little research has been conducted analysing the actual nature of Welsh medium
education. As Reynolds and Bellin question:
'Quite why the Welsh Office has not commissioned research into what
remains Wales' most evident educational success story is unclear, although
there are rumours that research has not been done because whatever it might
show would prove highly controversial in that area of considerable political
QfiC importance, the health of the Welsh language'.
A few investigations into Welsh medium education have concentrated upon analysis of parental motivation in sending children to Welsh medium schools, reflecting the fact that both integrative motivations as well as functional orientations exits, influencing parental choice.866 As Baker notes, 'parents and pupils alike are often positive to the
865 David Reynolds & Wynford Bellin 'Welsh Medium Schools Why they are better' Agenda Summer Issue 20:1996 . 866 Examples of work conducted into parental motivation in choosing Welsh medium education include: Eluned Bush P Atkinson & M. Read 'A Minority Choice: Welsh Medium Education in an Anglicised area Parents'' Characteristics and Motives' Polyglot Vol.5 Fiche 1 April 1984 Cefm Campbell & Anthony Packer 'Cymhellion Rhieni Di-Gymraeg dros ddewis Addysg Gymraeg i'w Plant' The Welsh Journal of Education Vol.3 No.l 1992 Jean Lyon & Nick Ellis 'Parental Attitudes to the Welsh Language' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.12 No.4 1991
372 Welsh language, not only for its utilitarian value, but also for cultural, affiliative and
social reasons'. Analysis of an emergent and distinctive spoken vernacular in Welsh
medium schools located in predominantly anglicised areas, and the questioning of an
accent specific to a school, such as 'Glantaf-ese' or 'Rhydfelen-ese' has raised concerns
but is as yet to be addressed in detail.868 Much concern has been expressed about the
emerging nature of Welsh as spoken and written in the Welsh medium schools, as
Coupland and Ball note:
'...many educators and linguists have felt that the distance that exists
linguistically between this standard and the various spoken vernaculars is so
great that this form of the Welsh language is not best suited for what might
be termed the 'education standard'. That is to say, a form of the language
suitable for use in schools for teaching first- (and second-) language Welsh
children to read and write, and incidentally for use with adults learning
Welsh as a second language. Such a variety, it is argued, should be close as
possible to spoken forms on the one hand, but not subject to numerous local
variations on the other'. RAQ
The long term effect of Welsh medium education also needs to be addressed.
Coupland and Ball question the level of literacy gained among pupils in the language,
lorwerth W. Morgan A Study of Parental Motivations and School and Home Interaction in the Social Milieu of a Welsh Medium School M.Ed thesis, University of Leicester 1969 867 Colin Baker Bilingual Education in Wales School of Education, University College, North Wales, Bangor 19:1992 868 An example of the discussion concerning the development and usage of the Welsh language in a Welsh medium school in South East Wales can be found in Peter Wynn Thomas 'Children in Welsh medium education: Semi-linguals or Innovators?' Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol.l2Nos.l&2 1991 869 Nikolas Coupland & Martin J.Ball 'Welsh and English in Contemporary Wales: Sociolinguistic Issues' Contemporary Wales 3 15:1989
373 asserting that 'not all pupils go on to gain fluency in the traditional literary standard, as
some hoped that they would', could be challenged in light of the lack of evidence, and
the need for comparison with the number of monoglot English pupils gaining a
O*7f\ comparative standard. The lack of opportunity availed in the anglicised areas of
Wales for natural discourse through the medium of Welsh (especially for children from
English-medium backgrounds), and in light of the fact for many such individuals, the
school is the only significant domain for Welsh usage the stabilisation of the language
within these areas will be a slow process. As Humphreys asserts,
'...mae'r holl gwestiwn o ddarpariaeth gymunedol cyfrwng Cymraeg, yn
arbennig felly yn yr ardaloedd Seisnigedig, yn fater o'r pwys mwyaf a dylai
fod yn rhan allweddol o'r cynllunio sydd ei angen ar gyfer adfer a chynnal
iaith - proses sy'n cynnwys addysg ddwyieithog ond sydd, hefyd, yn llawer
iawn lletach na hynny' [...the whole question of community provision
through the medium of Welsh, especially in the anglicised areas of Wales, is
a matter of the most importance which should be a key part of the planning
that is needed for language restoration and maintenance - a process which
includes bilingual education but which also, is much broader than that]. J471
The maintenance of the language among individuals subsequent to a Welsh medium education, whereby access to Welsh was via the specific, designated Welsh language domain of the school, within the wider community needs to be addressed. As Thomas and Williams assert,
870 jijj tj 871 Gwylim E Humphreys, Darlith Goffa Orleana Jones 1/8/1988 Addvse Ddwvieithog vng Nghvmru: ramu Mlaen vn Hyderus Newport, Eisteddfod Genedlaethol Casnewydd 1988
374 'studies of the socialisation of young people suggest that their systems of
values and associated attitudes are closely related to the socio-cultural
environments in which they have lived. Of prime significance are
considered to be the influences of the family, the school and religious and
social organisations, as they interact with information received from the
mass media and the personal attributes and experiences of the individual'.872
If bilingual education is to thrive as one viable means of language restoration, and as an essential element in reversing language shift, then the need for analysis of present developments within the educational domain from multiple perspectives are paramount. A cohort study would provide an initial insight into the development of the bilingual child, with possibilities of analysis from educational, linguistic, sociological and psychological perspectives. Ethnographic studies, ascertaining whether there are distinctive patterns of classroom interaction, the emergence of pupil and teacher cultures, hitherto unknown, would record the situation, thus opening up a forum for debate and comparison. The perceptions held regarding the success of Welsh medium education should be scrutinised, and analysed in comparison with English medium schools which would ascertain differences or similarities within each educational framework. Such a paucity in research regarding Welsh medium education places the success of the movement within a framework of supposition and general presumption.
As Reynolds and Bellin assert,
872 Colin J.Thomas & Colin H. Williams 'Language and Nationalism in Wales: a Case Study' Ethnic and Racial Studies Vol. 1 No.2 April 237:1978
375 '...it is important that the non-Welsh medium sector, and indeed educational
systems should learn what they can from the success of Welsh medium
schools. Whilst the bilingual sector has uniquely committed parents, many
of the other factors which may make it distinctive can be easily replicated in
other schools in Wales. Clarity of goals, the high involvement of the pupils
in 'out of classroom' activities and the congruence, consonance and
cohesion that one can argue make for the success of the Welsh medium
C*71 sector, are all factors that can be generated within non-bilingual schools'.
The analysis into the development of Welsh medium education in South East
Wales from 1949 to 1963 has located the emergence of the movement with a demand
for the recognition of a Welsh identity as a distinct cultural and linguistic entity from
English. The political and economic concerns arising from the assertion reveal the
hegemonic control of the state and attempts to homogenise individuals within one
nation. Commencing educational provision through the medium of the minority
language, while one necessary feature in an attempting to reverse language shift, also
identifies a separatist demand for minority group recognition. The inquiry into the development of Welsh medium education therefore opens the field for further necessary research, locating the emergence of a language movement within a hegemonic society, reflecting the need for an assertion of ethnic identity. That the emergence of such an educational system determined the strength and determination of an ethnic minority
873 David Reynolds & Wynford Bellin 'Welsh Medium Schools Why they are better' Agenda Summer Issue 20:1996
376 should not be forgotten in the attempt to define and locate Welsh medium education in a contemporary framework.
377 Appendices Appendix A
1 1
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The experiment made by the Gelligaer children gain an additional language. (4) School Board has, however, tended to show The improvement in general efficiency of that all these fears were groundless. Not the school results in higher grants for other withstanding that the teachers had no text subjects. (5) Welsh parents and children books io assist them, and that the labour of are brought to take a more lively and teaching was consequently greater in their intelligent interest in school work. case than it need.be in future, neither teachers The Council feels confident that as these nor parents complain of any njaterial addi facts become generally known, managers and tion to the year's work. In more than one- teachers will, in the best interests of their school it appears that the children of English- schools, take up this subject very extensively. speaking parents have passed a highly credit able examination in Welsh—one such child, The foregoing remarks refer exclusively indeed, standing third in the list of total marks to the introduction of Welsh as a subject of earned. As to the effect upon other subjects, instruction in itself, which is only one branch it is sufficient to point out that where Welsh of the Society's proposals. The success lias been taken up the uniform success of nil which has attended this attempt leads the classes has been greater than at any previous Council to hope that results even more time ; that: the children have improved gratifying will follow the adoption of the in English; and that in one case the grant Society's scheme in full. for English was doubled, on account of One of the most welcome results is that the increased proficiency exhibited in that Welsh educationists throughout the country subject. Further particulars will be found, are becoming more and more favourablv in the annexed reports. impressed with the soundness of the These facts speak for themselves, and go principles advocated by the Society. Some to show that BY TEACHING WKJ.SH—(i) An who had held aloof from, if not actually additional grant of four shillings per pass opposed the movement when first started, can be earned. (2) The other subjects have, after a careful study of its tendencv, taught do not suffer. (3. The English of given their hearty adhesion and earnest Welsh children is improved, while English support to it. or
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situated
of
Teachers is
attaining
in
encouraging
CERTIFICATE
In
in introduction
AND
the option
and
it
that,
be
that
the
KLKilliMTAKY in
—
limit
required
for by
own Welsh
composition
the
VI.
phonetic
to
AND
"
Lesson
containing the
recommended
strongly
names
be
V.
competing and
to
Lessons,
add
age
and
FOR
thjcm
its is
give
and
at
involved translation
judged
bilingual
favourably
in
the their
made
no
SCHOOLS
It
is
to
language,
of
at
in SCHOOLS.
for
papers
appear
be
would
Welsh
assist
from
may,
more
further
Object
Standards
WELSH
worked'
however
thus
the
corollary
years,
Schools;
writing
to
chance
in
the
and
working-classes
as,
given
expression,"
the supply
SCHOLARSHIP
might
of
NIGHT
principles
the
appear
INFANT
may
would
present
may
and
for
passages
composition,
German.
be
—
in
the
some
exercises
writing
Night
5. the At
better
4.
Jtcading
We 3.
correct
" for
I'.ipcrs, the
future
List,
in easy facilities
This for and ledge
.1 Candidates
Schools. vision
of and
"Welsh,
Subject,
difficulties. lents of which necessary may
They
that
together. FOR ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS. xi. Xii. WELSH FOR. ELItMENTARY SCHOOLS.
RESULTS OF THE FIRST EXPERI SAMPLE QUESTIONS. MENTS. The following are samples of the Questions set at some of the first examinations. HP HE _Gelh'gaer School Board was the first to put the Eg^" Teachers of Schools where Welsh is taken as a principles advocated by the Society into practical Specific Subject, vjill materially aid the movement, as well operation. Welsh, as a Specific Subject, was introduced as assist in securing uniformity of standards of examination into their schools in the year 1886. In November and throughout Wales, by fnncardiiig to the Secretary copies of December of that year, the First Examinations were held, the Questions set in this Subject al the Government Examines tions of their Schools. with most satisfactory results, as the following NOTE.—It would be well lo bear in mind that these papers were EXTRACTS FROM H.M. INSPECTOR'S REPORTS, set before the foregoing scheme was submitted for approval, and so arc not based upon it. kindly supplied by the Chairman of the Board, will shew :— FIRST PArf.R. I.—(a) Give the plural of the following words :—Dant, esgid, " \Vclsh as a specific subject has proved an encouraging experi bran, asgwrn. (b) What arc the feminine forms of:-—Tirawd, dyn, ment." 14 passed al Ibis school. cwythr, bachgcn da. Add the corresponding English words. "The fiflh and sixlh standards not only passed well in English a.—Write out—(a) The Present Indicative of " Hod," with the Grammar, but also passed with credit in Welsh as a specific sub corresponding English tense, (k) The Welsh names of the Days ject." 17 passed at this school. of the Week. " Great care has boon bestowed on Welsh as a specific subject, yet 3.—Translate into English :—fa) A wclsoch chwi y gwacd the uniform success of all classes lias never been greater." 19 passed coch ar wyncb y bachgcn mawr ? (l>) Ijcth yw pris y caws ? Swill at this school. y pwys. Mnc'n rhy ddrud. (e) Parse :—lieth yw pris y caws ? " Welsh has been taken as a specific subject will) advantage lo 4.—Translate into Welsh—(a) How old is your mother ? Are English Grammar, the classes thalhare l>eat learning ll'els/i being you likely to see her soon ? (b) Have you any brothers? Yes j most decidedly successful in Ewglitli." 13 (girls) passed at this school. I have two—one at Cardiff, and the other at Swansea. "An improvement in Knglish Grammar in the fifth and sixth 5.—Read the Welsh words written on the blackboard (different standards accompanies a most encouraging success in Welsh as a words for each girl). specific subject: the higher rato may now be recom SECOND PAPER. mended, for English." 14 passed at this school. 1.—(a) Reading Welsh, (b) Welsh Recitation, with know ledge of meanings, £c. Attention is especially directed to the fact that where 2.—Translate into English :—(a) Mae prcn yn derbyn rhan o'i Welsh has been taught, the children have im gynaliaeth o'r ddaear, a rhan arall o'r awyr drwy ci ddail. (i) Yn proved in English. In one case the grant for English fuan dacth y ci at y drws. Cafodd yno damaid o fara, ac aeth ymaith heb iddynt sylwi arno. was doubled on account of the increased proficiency in tli.it 3.—Parse the following Welsh sentence :—Ond yr oedd yr haul subject which followed the teaching of Welsh as a Specific yn rhy ddysglaet iddo cdrych arno. Subject. 4.—Translate into Welsh :—(a) The shepherd took the girls with Thus it will be seen that in addition to the special him to the mountains. (i) The roots of a tree are in the ground, its leaves are in the air. grant of four shillings per child earned for each pass, the 5.—'Write out the Past Indicative of "Y mac gcnyf,"and the effect of the introduction of Welsh into the schools is ;m Future Indicative of'' Bod," with the corresponding English tenses. improved general efficiency, resulting in a considerable (NoTE.—The Master having taught these Verbs wa money gain to the school anxious to have his work thoroughly tested.) a
U
of
lo
l>o
the arv
on
(in
llio
ihe
the
the
of
brg.
have
mure
I
home
try
to
of book.
know
length
in
for
one
WeUh-
Wales,
Report.
schools,
stamped
with
Welsh
Division
is
lo
at
it
a
form Afajtsiyt
influential
and
of
reading
of
most
it
periodicals.
Inspector."
prominently
ibis
of
of
Society
many
an
Language
Welsh some
BLUE
rnglish
the
of
in
constant
them to
appeared,
in
sufficient
in
Her a
by
Inspector
and
Welsh
this
i'f
interfere
contrary,
Welsh. lo
in
:—
the
Commissioners intended
receipt
Chief
up
to
of
is
brought Welsh
names
of Society.
the
account
scholars,
movement,
ihe
work
inhabitants
on
or
knowledge
refer not
SCHOOLS.
system
(11.M. subject
pleasure
the
Appendix
the
the
Royal is
ihe
acquiring for
on
taken
the
Esq.,
:—
issued
(caching
the
not
free
of
been follows
Welsh
appreciate
it
objects
of
of
little
newspapers
the
of
the
take
of
Duvics'
as
10
present
been sent
has
(lie
specific
in
says
has
SAYS.
to
shall
colloquial
or
is
I.
Edwards
That
thai
a
Language,
The
this
without
bo
includes
Report
I the
EDWARDS,
favour
bulk
many
has Schools;
introduction
Secretary
as
to
fully
of
(i)
D.
in
Williams,
Mr.
on
given
of
mere
will
stale
make
the
the rei.i-:Mi=:x-rAUV
Utilization
IV.
interest
and
:
1/ie and it
GOVERNMENT
proportion
to
to
which
schools
English
W.
Memorial taken Mr.
Welsh
to Wales.
Williams
them BOOK
for
their
the
a
that
General
of for
understand
roit
in
in
by
to
the
Ihesc
the
edition
is
Mr.
referred
strongly
much
in
large
Apply
Department
is,
Memorial
produced
language
Mr.
to
is
of
viz.,
of
Schools),
THE
The
thorough. fy already
whilst
first
enable
however,
reasons
refer
this
"
1886,
very the
forth
chiefly
Education,*
English
Council
to
a through
late,
of
result
Wl5i.su
to
objccls
and
his
the
been
set
spread
are
Inspector,
districts
wrapper.
of
of
English
wish,
book, District)
of
the
given
lo
Report,
year
educationists
Appendix
being
question
I
pass
copy
has beg
Ihe
of
Book,
fully
Education
actual
A
I
main A
WHAT
Elementary
the
refer
this
*
"
"They
The
addressed
Society,
Elementary
leading Mcrthyr been
forward retard the lire intelliKcnl English
to here. language teaching fearsd, ledge insufficient
The and spea!;:ng
Welsh
Appendix." besides
CINCE
In
Blue for
Reasons
a
A
A
ni
cs
Is
yr
lie
do
Ton.
four u
I
sen
wilh
last
law
Verb
liwn. close a
iawn
yn
A
(r)
(/•)
brawd cr.rrcs-
house. cslron, on.
as"wtn, equiva yfi>iy.
the
i'r
;
the
How
arc
butcher ?
oer
:—(")
du
arglwydd,
dyn,
(
the
ydyw
Welsh
of tlawd,
comparison
(a)
cat
gi
ngos
Give
London
ddoe, tlie
ceflTyl
borcu
of
blind.
:—
father's
house
English
with
in
yn
da.
Mae'n gwas,
a'i
and
iawn yesterday.
(l>)
is
English:—(,;)
:—Tiardd,
above
yno
English
white
his
oen.
(e)
up
gwyn,
dydd,
ef
a
Mynegol
:—Mas
dyn
the
here
sydd
their Bod."
aunt's
SCHOOLS.
\Velsh
of:—Gwr,
degrees
y
into
Bod,"
into father
mclus
?
"
mclus,
y words
of
words:—Dafad,
from
was
sentence.
"
ferched
and
tense.
was
oecld
careg,
into
yna?
their
Modd
of four
with
Welsh
mawr last
far
yn ?
last Afal
dog
Yr
home Verb
at
Oedd
drwg,
of:—Ewylhr,
Mary's
ty
ardd.
the
Philip
PAPER.
the
feminine
the
PAPER.
into
troed, (l>)
y
mawr (t)
the cyn-loriad
soldier PAPER.
English
sentences
now
yr
following
following
sentences
(a)
(c)
in
in
blacU
A
going
ty
of
following:—Ci
waslad
is
?
Give
happy sentences
yn
the
yn
:—(a)
y the
the
Indicative
?
A
ty?
cyfoethog,
be
EI.TEMI3NTARV
Byddwch
yn
(d)
iawn,
the
be
feminine
Anorphenol
(I/)
boy
of
of
THIRD y
FIFTH
ardd
of:—Pell,
(d)
FOURTH
of
speech
wr speech Tense
(c)
following
and
Give
they
the yr
following will
ROR
Welsh James of:—Afon, yn
following
of
of
foreu
English:—
Future
:—Oedd
following
wragcdd perchen
the
hen
plural
plural
yn
town, Aniser
(t)
will
wicked
tense.
o
yn
corresponding
bach,
then.
the
the
into
Perfect
fach
than They
yw Give
the
into
the parts
parts
the
the
ben
feminine
plural
the
big
fawr
Parse
the
The gwyn.
equivalents.
a
(i)
yma
ar
the
WELSH
hcddyw.
man
comparison (*)
the
the
When
pump
the
the
Pwy
is
myfi. trwm,
(rf)
?
(*)
Give
Give
Give
Give
Translate
eneth
English
of
with
heavier
out
(d)
out
ceflyl
(b)
fuwch
yma
gwyn
(a)
mac
yr
(a] Translate
chair.
efc.
gwas.
y
young
English
knife
hi
?
do?
a
Byddant
Cardiff
Y
I.—(«)
my
1.—Give Point
3.—
3-—Translate
Bod," 1.— $.—
4.—(a) 2.—-(a) 2.—Give 3.—Write 4.—Translate 3-—Translate Point
4-—Translate
tywysog,
"
degrees
ccihog,
fydd their gwallt bach, William long was lo (f) lents. you (e) 1-ryn,
ponding yilyw of:—Call, (
ardd tences.
u, u,
es es
^ ^
been been
him him
popu- popu-
sfetia, sfetia,
tfeufi- tfeufi-
and and
and and
dc.nai.2 dc.nai.2
o o
* *
c.nbrokt, c.nbrokt,
has has
^'' ^''
I I
-1-iomtlU -1-iomtlU
the the
Welsh Welsh
other other
,
Wales, Wales,
VII., VII.,
Glamorganshti.. Glamorganshti..
subyect, subyect,
increase increase
tl.at tl.at
any any
several several
of of
Wtlth Wtlth
is is
VI., VI.,
stuJyina stuJyina
a^ncd. a^ncd.
bast bast
Anglicized Anglicized
take take
SCHOOL. SCHOOL.
to to
take take
pans pans
specific specific
c,1 c,1
V., V.,
to to
Welsh Welsh
immense immense
a a
districts districts
the the
been been
to to
all all
an an
as as
took took
in in
from from
have have
districts districts
which which
years years
teaching teaching
Standards Standards
ISS6-/.
Welsh Welsh
to to
homes, homes,
for for
nnaMsable nnaMsable
of of
late late
taken taken
of of
ELEMENTARY ELEMENTARY
progress.
mining mining
aJvantayeous aJvantayeous
of of
be be
increasing increasing
and and
Book, Book,
Uoroughs, Uoroughs,
be be
is is
reason reason
English English
FOR FOR
good good
been been
lilut lilut
teaching teaching
Grammar Grammar
lauU lauU
populous populous
Welsh), Welsh),
has has
might might
from from
it it
Parliament, Parliament,
Radnor Radnor
made made
strong strong
the the
officials officials
it it
WELSH WELSH
the the
of of
by by
there there
and and
One One
English English
soon soon
them them
in in
when when
Education Education
(maiuly (maiuly
of of
reason reason
and and
bilingual bilingual
which which
Lt. Lt.
"The "The
ll'etsh ll'etsh
H
Jtrccon, Jtrccon,
Members Members
In>.ion In>.ion
in in
pecially pecially
for for
,
subject subject
this this
improved improved
self, self,
»ome »ome
xvi.
of of
in in
of of
in in
in in
of of
as as
of of
be be
for for
un un
was was
will will
the the
one one
ovei ovei
may may
been been
only only
exci- exci-
Utiliz Utiliz
of of
Welsh Welsh
Welsh, Welsh,
scheme scheme
e.g., e.g.,
second, second,
and and
will will
ex-pupil ex-pupil
children, children,
English English
Schools Schools
That That
an an
scholars,
Merthyr, Merthyr,
a a
will will
service service
for for
matter matter
power power
majority.
Majesty's Majesty's
conducted conducted
have have
instruclion instruclion
it, it,
of of
children children
introduced introduced
instruction instruction
knowledge knowledge
an an
to to
schools schools
a a
of of
without without
(7) (7)
from from
his his
for for
and and
know know
the the
stood stood
the the
acquisition acquisition
the the
indispensable.
machinery machinery
grammatically grammatically
as as
improving improving
latter latter
Her Her
by by
the the
advantages advantages
English English
from from
Ireland, Ireland,
preparation preparation
not not
aid aid
of of
practicability practicability
Sociely Sociely
being being
also also
spread spread
Board Board
schools schools
for for
in in
the the
boy boy
special special
of of
have have
the the
made, made,
of of
presentation presentation
in in
the the
arc, arc,
an an
district district
The The
in in
Elementary Elementary
bilingual bilingual
did did
the the
its its
mistress, mistress,
Translations Translations
the the
teachers teachers
according according
taught taught
but but
made made
some some
little little
of of
be be
the the
SCHOOLS.
the the
also also
One One
of of
by by
VIES, VIES,
accrue accrue
ol ol
grammatical grammatical
the the
the the
a a
useful useful
be be
That That
once once
who who
rarely rarely
to to
School School
absolutely absolutely
That That
language language
English English
considerable. considerable.
at at
especially especially
for for
Schools.
question question
(S) (S)
Welsh. Welsh.
DA DA
requited requited
good good
Welsh, Welsh,
English English
subject, subject,
is is
not not
success success
(5) (5)
Scotland, Scotland,
means means
assistant assistant
former. former.
which which
be be
a a
progress progress
an an
of of
provide provide
the the
nationality nationality
of of
C C
is is
danger danger
expected.
through through
should should
possesses possesses
master master
to to
always always
if if
passed. passed.
through through
necessity necessity
present present
The The
proposed proposed
in in
its its
an an
the the
to to
a a
to to
A A
allowed allowed
as as
ahhov;gh ahhov;gh
into into
the the
the the
no no
is is
Board, Board,
Gelligaer Gelligaer
at at
A A
89 89
by by
by by
By By
(9) (9)
the the
been been
which which
is is
pass pass
Inspector Inspector
are are
specific specific
Welsh Welsh
Welsh Welsh
easier. easier.
.school .school
That That
IS IS
easy easy
parents. parents.
in in
ELEMENTARY ELEMENTARY
the the
with with
teaching teaching
teaching teaching
a a
scheme scheme
exists, exists,
of of
Translation Translation
have have
seeing seeing
a a
who who
be be
advantages advantages
expression expression
;
one one
that that
preference preference
there there
(6) (6)
desirable, desirable,
position position
School School
the the
staff. staff.
as as
taught taught
the the
children children
third;'and third;'and
to
FOR FOR
in in
modes. modes.
of of
countries countries
In In
its its
under under
instruction instruction
Sub-Inspector Sub-Inspector
conducted conducted
the the
and and
by by
DAN DAN
Welsh Welsh
will will
the the
presented, presented,
the the
rendered rendered
Majesty's Majesty's
fronvEnglish fronvEnglish
might might
positions positions
acknowledged acknowledged
girl girl
well well
it it
If If
already already
is is
Language.'-.which Language.'-.which
by by
master, master,
experiments experiments
children children
Welsh Welsh
fill fill
Welsh, Welsh,
Teachers Teachers
connection connection
HO HO
Mr. Mr.
optional, optional,
English. English.
and and
her her
arc arc
expedient expedient
chosen chosen
only only
than than
if if
was was
wishes wishes
extremely extremely
retains retains
school, school,
WELSH WELSH
in in
schools schools
is is
different different
life life
in in
according according
of of
in in
is is
The The
thought thought
by by
by by
restrictions."
retarded retarded
it it
parents. parents.
is is
Welsh Welsh
biling'ual biling'ual
English English
not not
many many
Welsh Welsh
it it
unsettling unsettling
the the
of of
one one
composition. composition.
Continental Continental
Schools. Schools.
be be
as as
two two
language language
out out
itself, itself,
proposed proposed
after after
an an
already already
Eight Eight
greater greater
subject subject
the the
in in
English. English.
in in
subject subject
not not
Englishmen, Englishmen,
required. required.
in in
" "
"In "In
taught taught
That That
That That
That That
conceded, conceded,
Welsh Welsh
long long
third third
and and
teacher. teacher.
the the
English English
examined examined
examined examined
was was
that that
ing ing
and, and,
approved approved
necessary necessary
seule seule
without without
by by
fact, fact,
\Vclsh \Vclsh
be be
leaching leaching
Remarks Remarks
against against
the the
Switzerland, Switzerland,
is is
vaiious vaiious
cise cise
composing composing
into into
required required
be be
•will •will
a a
idea idea
(3) (3)
faculties faculties
(4) (4)
as as
(a) (a)
of of will will Appendix C Appendix C
from: Ellen Evans, The Teaching of Welsh Cardiff The Educational Publishing Co. Ltd. 101-02:1924
'The Authorities are all agreed in their endeavour to pay more attention to Welsh history, literature and music; this unanimity, however, does not apply to the Welsh language. The position, as regards the language, remains the same as it did before 1918 in the following areas. It is compulsory in all the schools of Anglesey, Cardigan, Caernarfon, Denbigh, Meirionydd, Aberdare (except the R.C. school), Carmarthen town, and Llanelli (except R.C. schools), Merthyr Tydfil, Mountain Ash and Pontypridd and it is compulsory in the Glamorgan area except in a few schools.
The last named authority is seriously attacking the problem of teaching Welsh in its elementary schools with a view to improving the standard of instruction and the qualifications of the teachers, and it was recommended (February 15, 1923)- 1) 'a) that under the Authorities new system for the training of intending teachers, each bursar shall receive, at the secondary school, at least two hours' instruction weekly in Welsh through the period of recognition. b) that in the appointment of bursars under that scheme preference should be given to those who have passed in Welsh at the Senior Central Welsh Board examination, or its equivalent (the qualifying examination for bursarship) and that as from 1926 a pass in Welsh shall be a sine qua non of appointment. c) that the Board of Education be informed that, in the opinion of this Authority not only should all training colleges in Wales make provisions as required at present for adequate instruction in courses of ordinary and advanced standards in Welsh, but all recognized training college students in Wales, whether at the two year colleges or at the day training departments of the University colleges, should be required to take a course in Welsh of at least a years' duration while at college. d) that as it is reported to the Sub-Committee that approximately one-third of the primary school teachers engaged by them are unable to give a Welsh lesson in Welsh, the secondary education Sub-Committee be directed to arrange for special courses in Welsh with a view to the removal of this disability, and that elementary education Sub- Committee be asked to consider whether if should not be made a condition of retention of such teachers in the Authority's service that they qualify within a given time. e) that the chief education official be authorized meanwhile to interchange teacher with an adequate knowledge of Welsh with those not yet possessing such knowledge, where he considers it absolutely necessary to carry our efficiently the committee's scheme of instruction in Welsh. f) that teachers be urged to adopt more variety in their presentation and conduct of their Welsh lessons, and also thoroughly to prepare them.
2 The Sub-Committee consider it probable that before the above recommendation as to the training of intending teachers in Welsh can be give full effect, some enquiry may be necessary into the adequacy of the staffing and intermediate school in respect of Welsh instruction, and they have directed the chief official to make such enquiries.' Appendix D
O V cjur*.cJt&-f*Ju±r&~~- /v
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Glamorgan County Council Minutes Education Committee A meeting of the Sub-Committee appointed to consider the Teaching of Welsh, held at the Glamorgan County Hall, Cardiff on the 16th day of June 1948. '2. The Sub-Committee gave consideration to the following principles which might govern a policy related to the teaching of Welsh in primary schools:- (i) The child should be given a through grounding in his (sic) home language and careful consideration should be given to the problem of teaching the second language. (ii) When the child enters the infants' school, the teacher should base his education, as far as may be practical, on his home language. This should be the medium of instruction in the early stages. (iii) The second language should not be taught formally until the child has left the infants' school, and it should not be used as a medium of instruction until, for some time after that, it has been taught as a language. (iv) In linguistically-mixed schools, when the two groups - English and Welsh - are fairly balanced in numbers, the pupils could be classified on a home language basis. It may be desirable however, especially where children are in the minority, and where there are several schools in fairly close proximity, to gather the Welsh speaking children to from separate classes or schools. (v) Every child in every school in Wales should be made aware of those elements which are the common inheritance of all Welsh people, and which form the cultural background of the Welsh nation. 3. The Sub-Committee noted that, linguistically, there are three groups of children in the schools of Glamorgan today:- (a) children whose mother tongue is Welsh. (b) children who do not speak Welsh (or who speak little Welsh) but who understand Welsh to a greater of lesser degree (c) children who neither speak nor understand Welsh. The reasons why Welsh should be taught to groups (a) and (b) are obvious. The Sub- Committee considered the more important reasons why Welsh should be taught to the third group (c); these reasons would, of course, apply equally strongly to groups (a) and (b). "Educational (i) Some knowledge of Welsh is essential to a real grasp of the history and geography of Wales, and lack of a reading knowledge may prove to be an almost insuperable handicap if the study of history and geography is pursued to an advanced stage. (ii) It is generally agreed by authorities on language teaching that a knowledge of two languages is of the greatest value in sharpening linguistic awareness. The ability to compare ideas in the two language is a course of discipline and culture. (Hi) A well organised course of Welsh extending over some seven or eight years opens the doors to a treasure house of inestimable wealth - the wide range of Welsh poetry, prose and drama. The child may read them, enjoy listening to them on the radio, or on the platform, or even take part himself (as the Glamorgan Youth Eisteddfod has shown) in presenting them. This is an educational and cultural aim well worth achieving. Material (i) The increasing number of posts in Welsh-speaking Wales for which even an understanding knowledge of Welsh is, and will be, an advantage. (ii) The fact that Welsh is now a subject throughout the whole range of Civil Service examination and the obvious advantage this will give to candidates who, having had a grounding in the primary school, have carried their study of Welsh in the secondary school. (Hi) The added advantage such pupils posses in sitting for the School Certificate and Matriculation Examinations." 4. Having considered the report of the Director for Education, the memoranda referred to above, and the principles involved, the Sub-Committee recommend, as a matter of policy, that every child in every junior school in Glamorgan, be taught Welsh as a language, subject to the exception of:- (a) Educationally sub-normal children, whose home language is not Welsh; and (b) other children, who experience extreme difficulty in securing satisfactory control of their mother tongue. 5. It will be for head teachers, if necessary, after consultation with the Inspectorate to decide whether or not a child in either categories (a) or (b) above, shall attempt to learn a second language, having regard to his general educational needs. 6. It was reported that at present Welsh is not being taught in a small number of schools in the County, including voluntary schools, and the Sub-Committee recommend that the Director of Education communicate this decision to the managers of the voluntary junior schools concerned. STAFFING 7. In order that the above policy may be effectively implemented, the Sub-Committee recommend that 50 per cent at least of the teachers in each junior school should be proficient in teaching Welsh. 8. The Sub-Committee considered that every teacher required to teach Welsh should:- (a) Be able to speak the language with reasonable proficiency and (b) Have a knowledge of language teaching method and technique. QUALIFICATIONS 9. The Sub-Committee recommend that teachers specially required to teach Welsh should have gained a pass in the advanced stage of the course in the training college, and/or a certificate from the principal certifying proficiency in free speech and writing in Welsh, or hold a university degree which includes Welsh as a subject. 10. Further, the Sub-Committee recommend that for other appointments to vacancies for teachers who are to teach Welsh, the minimum qualifications be a pass at the C.W.B. School Certificate Examination, or its equivalent, together with a certificate from the head teacher of the secondary school attended by the applicant, or the specialist Welsh teacher thereat, certifying proficiency in free speech and writing in Welsh. 11. The Sub-Committee recommend to the Primary Sub-Committee that in view of the recommendation that at least 50 per cent of the teaching staff at each junior school shall be proficient in teaching the Welsh language, the existing regulation governing the appointment of all teachers, namely that the minimum qualifications are a pass at the C.W.B. School Certificate Examination, or its equivalent, together with a certificate from the head teacher attended by the applicant, or the Welsh specialist teacher thereat, certifying proficiency in free speech and writing in Welsh, be discontinued in respect of appointments to vacancies not required to teach Welsh. 12. In his report, the Director of Education summarised the percentage of teachers in each division who may be considered competent to teach Welsh, and in each of the divisions, except South East Glamorgan, the average is over 50 per cent. 13. It does not follow that each school within each Divisional Area has over 50 per cent of its staff competent to teach Welsh, and an examination of the position in each school would have to be undertaken, and in the event of any particular school having less than 50 per cent of its staff proficient to teach Welsh, the Sub-Committee recommend that the Divisional Executive be required to fill any vacancies with teachers passing the approved Welsh qualifications. 14. The Sub-Committee received the following recommendation from the Barry Branch of the National Association of Head Teachers, viz.:- "That this Body suggests that if Welsh is to be made compulsory in Barry Schools, then it should be taught by peripatetic teachers specially trained." ORGANISATION 15. In connection with the compulsory teaching of Welsh in Junior Schools, the Sub- Committee recommend:- (a) That the equivalent of six full lesson periods per week be devoted to the subject; and (b) That as far as practicable, children should be classified in linguistically homogenous groups. 16 The Sub-Committee recommend that the organisation of the schools on these lines be carried out by the Director of Education and the Inspectorate, and that periodical reports be made to this Sub-Committee. 17. To assist the Director of Education in the organisation the Sub-committee recommend:- (a) That the Inspectorate be authorised to arrange suitable schemes of work and methods of teaching, with special regard to advice to teachers, and that courses be arranged, for teachers. (b) That the Director of Education be authorised to invite teachers into consultation on all matters affecting the teaching of Welsh, and that reasonable expenses incurred by the teachers attending any such meeting shall be paid. COUNTY ENTRANCE EXAMINATION 18. It is recommended that in relation to the teaching of Welsh, no change should be introduced into the County entrance examination for the present. 19. Having considered the following resolution of the Barry Branch of the National Association of School Masters, "that the regulation of the Local Education Authority that proficiency in Welsh is essential for promotion, it is unfair to very capable candidates in the Barry area," the Sub-Committee were of the opinion that the existing practice of the Education Committee is adequate for dealing with this point. WELSH SCHOOLS 20. The Sub-Committee adopted the following definition of the type of Welsh school it which it gave consideration:- (i) Welsh Infants' School. - In such a school, Welsh is the sole medium of instruction and is the only language spoken in school. (ii) Welsh Junior School. - Though Welsh is the only medium of instruction in such a school in the initial stages, English is taught as a second language and is increasingly and progressively used as the medium of instruction as the child proceeds through the school. By the end of the fourth year, Welsh and English may be equally used as a media of instruction. 21. After lengthy discussion the Sub-Committee acceptance of the principle of setting up Welsh schools within the Authority's area, where required and practicable, and that the question of setting up a school in any particular area be dealt as the occasion arises. 22. The Sub-Committee then considered applications received for the establishment of Welsh schools at the following places:- Aberdare, Duffryn and Margam (Port Talbot), and Maesteg Appendix F ap ap on on or or ths ths decl decl inib inib a a memo memo the the July, considff by by of of related, related, from from been been bodies. bodies. relating relating the the primary was was consider consider Sub-Gomm Sub-Gomm school school COMMITTEES COMMITTEES ls;t ls;t considered considered considerate considerate Sub-Committ Sub-Committ EDUCATION.. in in Education Education and and to to has has circulated circulated for for gave gave principles principles AUTHORITY. Authority Authority - - deputations deputations Sub-Committee : : Off Off etc., etc., who who as policy policy ..* ..* extract extract educational educational Welsh Welsh tee tee meetings meetings question question a a the the THE THE Welsh Welsh a a an an of of Primary Primary of of of of OP OP EDUCATION EDUCATION of of Welsh. Welsh Welsh of of following following enclosed enclosed the the the'earlier the'earlier Primary Primary present present appointed appointed of of is is REFERENCE. following following recieved recieved , , of of DIRECTOR DIRECTOR representative representative hereon, hereon, is is copy copy 89• ooxifiaerrtieO. govern govern ^ ^ the' the' 4 4 OF OF the the OF OF Sub-Committee- Sub-Committee- a a series series the the Sub.-Commit Sub.-Commit Tonyrefail Tonyrefail policy, policy, POLICY POLICY of of a a and. and. 1948 1948 by by .Sub-Committee .Sub-Committee teaching teaching to to No. No. No. No. at at consider consider and and reportof reportof GLAMORGAN GLAMORGAN The The might might several several at at in in The The This This THE THE TERMS TERMS teaching teaching following following teaching-of teaching-of the the to to REPORT REPORT 1 1 "2. "2. "establishment "establishment class class 2. 2. final final ared ared rmation rmation from from 1. 1. special special ee. to to the the Sub-Committee Sub-Committee Subr.Commlttee Subr.Commlttee randum randum ittee ittee tion tion The The the the thereafter, thereafter, pointed pointed fcfcpoort fcfcpoort matters". ration ration memoranda''and memoranda''and which which ho ho tho tho in in in in in in clas clas and and prox prox in in of of EnglL EnglL media media are are his his the the practi practi school school are are espec espec a a be be taught taught - - of of the the some some be school, school, should should teaching teaching classes classes in in speaking speaking as as close, close, common common as as basis.. basis.. balanced balanced should should aware aware background of of there there people, people, for for been been considerat considerat could could every every stages. far far untill untill the the groups groups enters enters medium medium should should welsh welsh used used in in made made however, however, has has as as fairly fairly childeren childeren fairly fairly infants' infants' language language language. seperate seperate are are welsh welsh where where two two be be the the teacher teacher be be the the language language it it grounding grounding until, until, early early problem problem cultural cultural in in pupils pupils child child careful careful child child are are the the be be and and all all nation. the the linguistically-mixed linguistically-mixed formally formally not not the the home home child child form form Welsh Welsh - - the the the the the the home home the the : : second second and and the the of of The The that, that, language. should should t.o t.o a a desirable desirable the the gather gather left left in in his his to to when when education, education, schools schools Welsh Welsh thorough, thorough, — The The should should form form Every Every on on to to In In b.e b.e khere should should Welsh Welsh taught taught on on When When a a has has school, school, (1) (1) after after instruction instruction language. his his elementswhich elementswhich the the Wales Wales minority, minority, it it be be second second given given schools. and and a a numbers, numbers, may may This This language language of of (Y) (Y) in in se se of of which which heritance heritance or or (Iv) (Iv) childeren childeren several several imity, imity, in in the the sified sified ially ially sh sh schools, schools, It. It. (III) (III) as as time; time; and and s-cliools: s-cliools: child child m m (II) (II) given given not not struction struction cable, cable, fants fants base base ion ion the the me me if if be be to to two two of- of- ess ess lack lack group group Welsh Welsh The The are are hist hist greate greate geug geug speak speak that that sharp sharp the the bji bji speak speak a a to to is is prove prove schools schools Welsh) Welsh) and and why why should should the the three; three; in in in in disciplinea disciplinea stage. handicap handicap to to geography geography would,, would,, teaching teaching languages languages above above third third not. not. of. of. may may mother mother the the noteA noteA of of are are B B Welsh Welsh agreed agreed strong strong and and do do neither neither two) two) the the little little Wales, Wales, Welsh Welsh in in ideas ideas value value of of reasons reasons nd nd Welsh Welsh of of awareness. awareness. advnced advnced to to A A reasons reasons who who grasp grasp who who whose whose there there why why course course language language an an speak speak Welsh*. a a equally equally insuperable insuperable history history Sub-Committeeconsider Sub-Committeeconsider knowledge knowledge to-day:- on on real real degree. compare compare generally generally to to these these is is greatest greatest a a of of taught taught childeren childeren groups groups who who Welsh. ; ; importand importand The The knowledge knowledge Sub-Committee Sub-Committee is is to to geographyof geographyof reasons reasons understand understand knowledge knowledge apply apply Childeren Childeren be be to to C C Childeren Childeren to to Ghilderen Ghilderen of of is is linguistic, linguistic, the the (or (or almost almost B a a It It reading reading lesser lesser culture. The The study study and and Some Some most most The The who who of of (a) (a) (b,) (b,) (a) (a) an an a a pursued pursued Glamorgan, Glamorgan, understand understand and and or or (II) (II) Authorities Authorities ability ability ening ening and and that that is is languages languages "Educational". (I) (I) of of ory ory ential, ential, is is A A the the cours, cours, or or should should be be obvious. obvious. taught taught the the of of r r but but 3. 3. gr.oupe gr.oupe tongue tongue welsh welsh linguistically,, linguistically,, groups groups the the every every Jhe. repoict repoict rangp rangp and study study the the of of for for &now &now to to part part in and and of of such such knowledg knowledg or or subcommittee, subcommittee, is is will will list list The The Welsh Welsh school. for for an an seven seven presenting presenting above above policy,that policy,that whole whole door door take take Youth Youth their their riaving ahieving. Wales Wales of of the the primary primary Matricular Matricular number number in in of. of. school school this this course course be, be, on on the the the the Welsh Welsh some some enjoy enjoy radio, radio, the the Education,,and Education,,and even even inestimable inestimable And And the the Wno, Wno, advantage advantage sitting sitting worth worth drama. drama. range range examinations examinations of of educational educational will will or or the the of of secondary secondary in in that that over over in in junior junior matter matter speaking speaking shown) shown) opens opens Glamorgan Glamorgan them,, them,, jjiv.olv.ed,, jjiv.olv.ed,, understanding understanding an an on on and and carried carried a a and and well well wide wide f added added the the increasing increasing organised organised fact fact an an is is has has the the house house considered considered as as throughout throughout read read in in every every service service is, is, Welsh Welsh aim aim them them the the years years candidates candidates The The have have Director Director The The prose prose Certificate' Certificate' possess possess The The (as (as well' well' platform, platform, - - in in grounding grounding even even in in Bhis Bhis extending extending to to may may to to A A a a obvious,advantage obvious,advantage that that principles principles Civil Civil Having, Having, Welshi Welshi Welsh Welsh eight eight the the (III) (III) (II) (II) (I) (I) subject subject treasure treasure of. of. School School of of child child 4. 4. pupils pupils school, school, Examinations Examinations recommend, recommend, of of the the a a had had advantage. of of give; give; (111) (111) which which postss postss cultural cultural fl&ierial. child child them. them. on on ening ening or or a a Eisteddfod Eisteddfod Welsh Welsh himself himself poetry, poetry, wealth wealth Appendix G GLAMORGAN EDUCATION COjv PONTYPRIDD AMD LIANTRISANT DIVISIONAL EXECUTIVE Divisional Education Office, IVf ica Road, Pontypridd. 1st September,1955. Dear Sir(or Madam), Cwm-lai Infants 1 School - Welsh Class. You have, I understand, Already been advised by the Secretary, of the Parents' Association of"the Tonyrefail Welsh. School'Movement that the Authority have agreed to the establisk-ie of.'a Welsh Class in the Infants' Department of the.CwH-lai Prinar School and that it will "be introduced as. from Monday next, 5th September,1955. The class will be in the care of Miss Be than Williams, who'has been specially selected .for -this post and'who was,, formerly, the Welsh" His tress at the Treff ores t" Secondary School, Pon tjjnpr'id d, Your child has been selected to be one of the first pupils and.I -shall .be glad, therefore, if you will arrange for Els/her to.report to the Cwm-lai Infants 7 School by,.not'later then 9.15 a.m. on Monday next. The provisional time-table for the class will be as-follows:- Morning Session -• 9.15 a.m. to 12.15 p.m. Afternoon Session- 1.30 p.m. to 3.45 p.m. for inf an is. 1.30 p.m. to 4.00 p.m.: for juniors. (N.B. In order to retain the identity of the.class the play intervals >will .be adj.us tea so as not to clash with those of the other Departments of the Cwm-lai Primary S6*hool). School Meals will be provided at a. cost of .3/9d« per week (free in the case 'of those"children whose parents,according to the certified income on the.official form of application, fall within the prescribed scale) and I shall-be glad, therefore, if you will let me know, by'return of post, .whether you wish your child to have lunch in sc-hool. If you wish'"to apply for free meals, please write to me for the appropriate form of P.T.O. application, otherwise the sum of 3/9u. ohould be paid to L.^ teacher on Monday next. All children who live more than li miles from the school will be supplied with free transport and, where appropriate, I hope to forward the season tickets before the commencement of tlie tern. It is of the greatest importance that the parents of the children who will become the ijirst pupils of the V/elsh Class - and any others who siay later apply for the admission of their children"- should.be reminded that Welsh Schools and Classes are not established for the purpose of teaching children to speak Welsh, but are as'below:--' Welsh Infants' School: In such a school, everything is tau£,Jit in weisn and Welsh is the only-'4angua-f;e spoken in School. Welsh Junior School: Though everything is taught in Welsh in tile initial stages, English is taught1"as a second language and is increasingly and progressively used as a medium of instruction as the child proceeds throupii school. By the end of the fourth year, Welsh and English may be equally used as media of instruction. In connection with-the foregoing, I an to state that the registration of your child as a pupil'of the Welsh. Class is subject to his/her satisfying the "Authority's Specialist Welsh inspector (Hr.L.H.Ajigell/'K.A ,) that ho'/she is proficient in the Welsh language and, for this purpose, .he-pr.opbses. to be present at the School on the afternoon of Monday..next, 5th September,1955. A copy of this letter is being sent, for information, to the Head Teacher of the school which, your child formerly attended. In conclusion, may I state that I would value greatly^ your co-operation in making a success of this Class, and express* "the hope ihat, by our combined efforts, it r:.ay go from strength to strength. Yours faithfully, Divisional Executive Officer. To the Parent of Eeulwen l&iiraaririg, Tiie Vicarage, High Street, Tonyrefe.il, Bibliography School Documentation and Publications Ysgol Gymraeg Abervstwyth (i) Rhaglen Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth, 1941 (ii) H.M.Inspector Report on Ysgol Gymraeg Aberystwyth 13/2/1948 Ysgol Gymraeg Cvnwyd Sant Maesteg (i) Ysgol Gymraeg Cynwyd Sant, Dathliad Chwarter Canrif 1948-1973 Ysgol Gymraeg Melin Gruffydd (i) Letter from Eirwen Humphreys, Sunday School Inspector, Crwys Road Church to the headmaster of Ysgol Melin Gruffydd 11/12/1980 Ysgol Gymraeg Pontsionnorton, Pontypridd (i) Log Book (ii) Letters of application for school admittance Ysgol Gymraeg Sant Ffransis. Barry (i) Log Book (ii) Ysgol Gymraeg Sant Ffransis, Llyfryn Dathlu Addysg Gymraeg Y Barri 1952-1992 Ysgol Gymraeg Ynvs-wen, Rhondda (i) Log Book (ii) H.M.Inspector Report on Ysgol Gymraeg Ynys-wen, Morgannwg 4/11/1954 Ysgol Gvmraeg Ynvslwvd, Aberdare (i) Log Book (ii) Ysgol Gynradd Gymraeg Ynylwyd, Aberdar. 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National Separatism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1982 WILLIAMS, Colin H. (ed.) National Separatism Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1982 WILLIAMS, Colin H. 'On Cultural Space: Perceptual Culture Regions in Wales' Etude CeltiquesVol.18 1981 397 WILLIAMS, Colin H. 'Language Contact and Language Change in Wales, 1901-1971: A Study in Historical Geolinguistics' Welsh History Review Vol.10 No.2 1980 WILLIAMS, Colin H. & Eleonore Kofinan 'Community, Culture and Conflict' in Colin H.Williams & Eleonore Kofman (eds.) Community Conflict Partition and Nationalism London, Routledge 1989 WILLIAMS, Colin H. & Eleonore Kofman (eds.) Community Conflict. Partition and Nationalism London, Routledge 1989 WILLIAMS, Colin H. 'Non-Violence and the Development of the Welsh Language Society 1962-C.1974' Welsh History Review Vol.7 No.4 1977 WILLIAMS, D. A History of Modern Wales London, John Murray 1950 WILLIAMS, Emyr W. 'The Dynamic of Welsh Identity' in Neil Evans (ed.) National Identity in the British Isles Coleg Harlech Occasional Papers in Welsh Studies No.3 1989 WILLIAMS Glanmor Religion, Language and Nationality in Wales: historical essays Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1978 WILLIAMS, Glanmor 'Language, Literacy and Nationality in Wales' History Vol.56 1971 WILLIAMS, Glanmor 'Griffith Jones, Llanddowror (1683-1761) in Charles Gittins (ed.) Pioneers of Welsh Education Faculty of Education, University College of Wales, Swansea n.d. WILLIAMS, Glyn 'On Class and Status Groups in Welsh Rural Society' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology. Essays on Welsh Society 1840 - 1980 Bangor: British Sociological Association, Sociology of Wales Study Group 1983 WILLIAMS, Glyn (ed.) Crisis of Economy and Ideology. Essays on Welsh Society 1840 - 1980 Bangor: British Sociological Association, Sociology of Wales Study Group 1983 WILLIAMS, Glyn, Ellis Roberts & Russell Isaac 'Language Aspirations for Upwards Social Mobility' in Glyn Williams (ed.) Social and Cultural Change in Contemporary Wales London, Routledge & Kegan Paul 1978 WILLIAMS, Glyn (ed.) Social and Cultural Change in Contemporary Wales London, Routledge & Kegan Paul 1978 WILLIAMS Glyn & Catrin Roberts 'Language and social structure in Welsh education' in Jacquette Megarry, Stanley Nisbett & Eric Hoyle (eds.) Education of Minorities London, Kogan Page 1981 398 WILLIAMS Gwyn A. When Was Wales? A History of the Welsh Harmondsworth, Penguin Books 1985 WILLIAMS Gwyn A. 'Locating a Welsh Working Class: the Frontier Years' in David Smith (ed.) A People and a Proletariat London. Pluto Press 1980 WILLIAMS, G.Perrie Welsh Education in Sunlight and Shadow London, Constable 1918 WILLIAMS, Jac L. Yr Yseol Feithrin Gvmraeg Llandybie, Llyfrau'r Dryw 1969 WILLIAMS, Jac L. Owen Morgan Edwards 1858-1920 Aberystwyth, The O.M.Edwards Centenary Committee 1959 WILLIAMS, John Was Wales Industrialised? Llandysul, Gwasg Gomer 1995 WILLIAMS, John, 'The Economic Structure of Wales since 1850' in Glyn Williams (ed.), Crisis of Economy and Ideology: Essays on Welsh Society 1840-1980 London, SSRC/BSA Sociology of Wales Study Group 1983 WILLIAMS, Rhian Huws (ed.) Gwaith Cvmdeithasol - Y Cvd-Destun Cvmreig/Social Work - the Welsh Context Cardiff CCETS W Cymru, University of Wales Press 1994 WILLIAMS, Sian Rhiannon Oes v Bvd i'r laith Gvmraeg Cardiff, University of Wales Press 1992 WILLIAMS, T. (Parcwyson) Rhagolveon vr laith Gvmraeg Dolgellau, E.W.Evans Ltd. 1928 399