Syria's Political Struggle: Spring 2012
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Russian Views on the Constitutional Committee and the Political Process in Syria Nikolay Sukhov, Oriental Studies Institute
Syria Transition Challenges Project Discussion Paper (4) Russian views on the Constitutional Committee and the political process in Syria Nikolay Sukhov, Oriental Studies Institute 1 The Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) The Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) is an international foundation established in 1995, with 51 member states, for the primary purpose of promoting peace, security and international cooperation through executive education, applied policy research and dialogue. The GCSP trains government officials, diplomats, military officers, international civil servants and NGO and private sector staff in pertinent fields of international peace and security. Syria Transition Challenges Project A multilateral dialogue and research project that aims to build bridges between the EU, Russia, Turkey, and the US on the three issues of Reform, Refugees Return, and Reconstruction. The project is run by the GCSP in collaboration with European University Institute (EUI), Syrian Centre for Policy Research (SCPR), and swisspeace. Editors: Abdulla Ibrahim, project lead researcher Lorraine Charles, research associate Author Nikolay Sukhov Nikolay Sukhov (PhD, History) is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Oriental Studies, expert of Russian Council for Foreign Affairs, Vice-President of International Middle Eastern Studies Club. Participated as Russian Foreign Ministry officer with diplomatic assignment in Rabat (2005 – 2012) in high-level international events and conferences throughout the countries of the region. He participated in Dartmouth Conference Task Force on the Russian-US Relationship, Abu Dhabi Strategic Debate, Russian-US Dialogue on Syria, Restricted Meeting of Mediation Practitioners on Syria and Inter-Palestinian negotiations among others. From October 2017 to July 2019 he was a Senior Political Officer in the Office of the UN Special Envoy for Syria in Damascus. -
Key Actors and Abbreviations
Key actors and abbreviations The Assad regime and its allies ‘The regime’ Bashar al-Assad, Syrian President 2000– Hafez al-Assad, Syrian President 1971–2000 Asma al-Assad (née Akhras), Syria’s First Lady 2000– Maher al-Assad, brother of Bashar al-Assad, Commander of Republican Guard and 4th Armoured Division Anisa Makhlouf, mother of Bashar al-Assad Assif Shawkat, brother-in-law of Bashar al-Assad, head of military intelligence 2005–9, deputy minister of defence 2011–12 Rami Makhlouf, cousin of Bashar al-Assad, wealthy businessman Manaf Tlass, Republican Guard General, defected 2012 Farouk al-Sharaa, First Vice President of Syria 2006– Walid al-Muallem, Foreign Minister 2006– Bouthaina Shabaan, political and media adviser to the Syrian President 2008– Ba’ath – Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party, the ruling party of Syria since 1963 Mukhabarat – Set of notorious regime intelligence agencies Shabiha – Gangs of irregular pro-regime thugs NDF – National Defence Force, formed 2013 Russia Vladimir Putin, Russian President 2000–8, 2012–, Russian Prime Minister 2008–12 Dmitri Medvedev, Russian President 2008–12, Russian Prime Minister 2012–20 Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister 2004– Mikhail Bogdanov, Deputy Foreign Minister 2011– Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Supreme Leader of Iran 1989– xii 5146.indd xii 19/06/20 5:00 PM KEY ACTORS AND ABBREVIATIONS xiii Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iranian President 2005–13 Hassan Rouhani, Iranian President 2013– Ali Akbar Salehi, Foreign Minister 2010–13 Mohammad Javad Zarif, Foreign Minister 2013– Qassem Suleimani, Commander -
The Syrian National Council: a Victorious Opposition?
THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? JARED MARKLAND KRITTIKA LALWANEY MAY 2012 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY COPYRIGHT OF THE AUTHOR(S), 2012 THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? Jared Markland & Krittika Lalwaney Introduction The Syrian National Council (SNC) emerged as an opposition movement representing the democratic uprisings in Syria calling for regime change. The Assad regime’s forceful measures against Syrians have delegitimized the government and empowered the revolution. The success of the revolution, in overthrowing the regime hinges on the Syrian opposition’s ability to overcome its deficiencies. This paper analyzes the performance of the SNC by determining SNC success or failure to launch a successful opposition movement against the regime. The SNC’s probability of success in the overthrow of the regime is contingent on its ability to unify internally, obtain financial capacity, establish international recognition, and build internal popular support. Methodology The methods used to examine the prospects for success of the SNC as a viable opposition movement consist of comparative case studies and qualitative field research. We examined four case studies, including Nicaragua, Libya, El Salvador and Guatemala. These cases establish a set of core factors necessary for an opposition movement to succeed. The utilization of these factors allows us to create a comparative assessment of the overall performance of the SNC. Our qualitative fieldwork entailed a total of 32 interviews with current SNC members, Syrian activists, refugees, Free Syrian Army members, academic experts, and government officials. -
What Does the Syrian Opposition Believe? | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds What Does the Syrian Opposition Believe? by David Pollock May 30, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Pollock David Pollock is the Bernstein Fellow at The Washington Institute, focusing on regional political dynamics and related issues. Articles & Testimony here are increasing calls for international intervention in Syria after this weekend's massacre in Houla, where T Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's forces murdered more than 100 civilians. Obstacles to intervention remain, however, especially concern that the opposition to Assad's regime is dominated by religious fundamentalists. Until recently, for example, the Syrian National Council, a group of exiled opponents of the regime, was led by Burhan Ghalioun, whose unwillingness to counter the Muslim Brotherhood was widely viewed in the West as a troubling sign of Islamist influence. But a confidential survey of opposition activists living in Syria reveals that Islamists are only a minority among them. Domestic opponents of Assad, the survey indicates, look to Turkey as a model for Syrian governance -- and even widely admire the United States. Pechter Polls, which conducts opinion surveys in tough spots in the Middle East, Africa and Asia, completed the Syria opposition poll in December 2011. Respondents were contacted over a secure Skype connection by someone they could trust -- all native Syrians -- who asked them to fill out a short questionnaire anonymously in Arabic. Interviewers were selected from different social and political groups to ensure that respondents reflected a rough cross-section of overall opposition attitudes. To ensure confidentiality, the online survey could be accessed only through a series of proxy servers, bypassing the regime-controlled Internet. -
Faith-Based Organizations (Fbos) in the Palestinian Territories
Hidden Agents: Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs) in the Palestinian Territories Ziyad Zaghrout A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2012 Reading Committee: Mary Kay Gugerty, Chair Leigh Anderson Aseem Prakash Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Public Affairs ©Copyright 2012 Ziyad Zaghrout 1 University of Washington Abstract Hidden Agents: Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs) in the Palestinian Territories Ziyad Zaghrout Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Mary Kay Gugerty Daniel J. Evans School of Public Affairs Recently, there has been a great deal of scholarly and popular interest in the activities of faith- based organizations (FBOs) in the Middle East. In particular, socio-economic services provided by FBOs have generated a heated debate in which advocates and opponents of these organizations have locked heads together in an attempt to advance their own arguments and advocate for policies harboring their views. While there has not been any absolute winner in the debate both camps, to an extent, agree that the service activities of FBOs have an implicit political component as the later seek to influence and modify the societal relations extending among the public, private and the not-for-profit spheres. Understanding the role of FBOs in Islamic societies is further complicated by a relative absence 2 of empirical research or even accessible descriptive data either within a single country or across countries. In an effort to limit this complexity, the research design underlying this dissertation focuses upon one case: the Palestinian Territories (PT). I examine the advocacy behavior of FBOs in the Palestinian territories and how they influence local level social policies. -
La Relation Bilatérale Franco-Syrienne Depuis 2000 Ruptures Et Continuités À Travers Le Prisme De La Présidentialisation De La Politique Étrangère Française
BANQUE DES MEMOIRES Master « Sécurité et défense » Dirigé par le Professeur Olivier GOHIN 2017 La relation bilatérale franco-syrienne depuis 2000 Ruptures et continuités à travers le prisme de la présidentialisation de la politique étrangère française Quentin GABIRON Sous la direction du Professeur Nicolas HAUPAIS UNIVERSITÉ PANTHÉON-ASSAS – PARIS II Droit – Économie – Sciences sociales Année universitaire 2016-17 Master 2 Sécurité et défense LA RELATION BILATÉRALE FRANCO-SYRIENNE DEPUIS 2000 RUPTURES ET CONTINUITÉS À TRAVERS LE PRISME DE LA PRÉSIDENTIALISATION DE LA POLITIQUE ÉTRANGÈRE FRANÇAISE Mémoire préparé sous la direction de M. le Professeur Nicolas HAUPAIS présenté et soutenu publiquement pour l’obtention du Master 2 Sécurité et défense – finalité professionnelle par Quentin GABIRON JURY Président : M. le Professeur Nicolas HAUPAIS Assesseur : CGA Arnauld CHÉREIL de la RIVIÈRE LA RELATION BILATÉRALE FRANCO-SYRIENNE DEPUIS 2000 RUPTURES ET CONTINUITÉS À TRAVERS LE PRISME DE LA PRÉSIDENTIALISATION DE LA POLITIQUE ÉTRANGÈRE FRANÇAISE L’Université n’entend donner aucune approbation ni improbation aux opinions émises dans le mémoire; ces opinions doivent être considérées comme propres à leurs auteurs. TABLE DES ABRÉVIATIONS IDE : Investissement direct à l’étranger IFRI : Institut français des relations AEIA : Agence internationale de l’énergie internationales atomique INA : Institut national d’administration AFP : Agence France presse MAE : Ministre des Affaires étrangères APE : Analyse de la politique étrangère MAEDI : Ministre des -
Settlement of the Syrian Conflict: Prospects for National Dialogue and International Cooperation
Settlement of the Syrian Conflict: Prospects for National Dialogue and International Cooperation. Rationale behind Russian Policies The transcript of the Trialogue Club International Meeting with Prof. Vitaly V. Naumkin Residence of the Ambassador of Switzerland, Moscow April 18, 2018 (Wednesday) Prof. Vitaly V. Naumkin is President of the Institute of Oriental Studies at the Russian Academy of Sciences. RUSSI : Prof. Naumkin is not only an academic and a key Russian expert on the Middle East, but he has also a deep practical insight into Russian interests in the region. This particular experience makes his presentation at once unique and very valuable. At this point I would like to thank Prof. Naumkin for his availability and his readiness to speak with us… […] to choose Trialogue, and for this, I would like to thank him very much. A big thank you goes to Trialogue Club International, particularly to General Buzhinskiy and Albert Zulkharneev for the idea to make the Swiss Embassy the venue for this special meeting. And last, but not least, I would like to thank you all for taking your time, for your interest, and particularly for your friendship. NAUMKIN: Good morning. First, allow me to express my gratitude to the leadership of Trialogue Club International, to the Embassy of Switzerland, and to the distinguished participants of this discussion meeting. Second, I will focus on the main recent developments in the Syrian crisis and around this crisis, without going too much into details on history of the conflict. I believe that during the last months, we have been witnessing very serious changes inside Syria and around Syria. -
Security Council Provisional Seventy-Fourth Year
United Nations S/ PV.8628 Security Council Provisional Seventy-fourth year 8628th meeting Monday, 30 September 2019, 10 a.m. New York President: Mr. Vershinin .................................. (Russian Federation) Members: Belgium ....................................... Mr. Pecsteen de Buytswerve China ......................................... Mr. Wu Haitao Côte d’Ivoire ................................... Mr. Ipo Dominican Republic .............................. Mr. Singer Weisinger Equatorial Guinea ............................... Mr. Esono Mbengono France ........................................ Mr. De Rivière Germany ...................................... Mr. Heusgen Indonesia. Mr. Syihab Kuwait ........................................ Mr. Alotaibi Peru .......................................... Mr. Ugarelli Poland ........................................ Ms. Wronecka South Africa ................................... Mr. Matjila United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland .. Mr. Roscoe United States of America .......................... Mrs. Craft Agenda The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room -
Syrian Muslim Brotherhood Still a Crucial Actor. Inclusivity the Order of the Day in Dealings with Syria's Opposition
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik ments German Institute for International and Security Affairs m Co Syrian Muslim Brotherhood Still a Crucial Actor WP S Inclusivity the Order of the Day in Dealings with Syria’s Opposition Petra Becker Summer 2013 brought severe setbacks for the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood. Firstly, one of its most important regional supporters, Qatar lost its leading role in the Group of Friends of the Syrian People, the alliance of states and organisations backing Syria’s opposition, to Saudi Arabia. Secondly, the Brotherhood has been hit by stinging criti- cism of the Egyptian MB’s performance in government and the media witch-hunt against political Islam following the ouster of Mohammed Morsi. In the face of these events the Syrian Brotherhood – to date still a religious and social movement – post- poned the founding of a political party planned for late June. Thirdly, the Brotherhood – like its partners in the National Coalition which opposes the Syrian regime – bet on an American-backed military intervention in August/September. This intervention did not occur due to the American-Russian brokered agreement providing for Syria to join the Convention on the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. As a result, the National Coalition and its Supreme Military Command have faced defections of major rebel forces, which may lead to a major shift towards Jihadi Salafism and the marginalization of moderate forces on the ground. Yet the Brother- hood remains the best-organised political force within the Syrian opposition alliances and still sees itself becoming the leading force in post-revolutionary Syria. Germany and Europe should encourage moderate forces whatever their political colours and foster the implementation of democratic concepts. -
From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund
7/2019 From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | UI.SE Abstract The Russian-Syrian relationship turns 75 in 2019. The Soviet Union had already emerged as Syria’s main military backer in the 1950s, well before the Baath Party coup of 1963, and it maintained a close if sometimes tense partnership with President Hafez al-Assad (1970–2000). However, ties loosened fast once the Cold War ended. It was only when both Moscow and Damascus separately began to drift back into conflict with the United States in the mid-00s that the relationship was revived. Since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Russia has stood by Bashar al-Assad’s embattled regime against a host of foreign and domestic enemies, most notably through its aerial intervention of 2015. Buoyed by Russian and Iranian support, the Syrian president and his supporters now control most of the population and all the major cities, although the government struggles to keep afloat economically. About one-third of the country remains under the control of Turkish-backed Sunni factions or US-backed Kurds, but deals imposed by external actors, chief among them Russia, prevent either side from moving against the other. Unless or until the foreign actors pull out, Syria is likely to remain as a half-active, half-frozen conflict, with Russia operating as the chief arbiter of its internal tensions – or trying to. This report is a companion piece to UI Paper 2/2019, Russia in the Middle East, which looks at Russia’s involvement with the Middle East more generally and discusses the regional impact of the Syria intervention.1 The present paper seeks to focus on the Russian-Syrian relationship itself through a largely chronological description of its evolution up to the present day, with additional thematically organised material on Russia’s current role in Syria. -
Steven Isaac “The Ba'th of Syria and Iraq”
Steven Isaac “The Ba‘th of Syria and Iraq” for The Encyclopedia of Protest and Revolution (forthcoming from Oxford University Press) Three main currents of socialist thought flowed through the Arab world during and after World War II: The Ba‘th party’s version, that of Nasser, and the options promulgated by the region’s various communist parties. None of these can really be considered apart from the others. The history of Arab communists is often a story of their rivalry and occasional cohabitation with other movements, so this article will focus first on the Ba‘th and then on Nasser while telling the story of all three. In addition, the Ba‘th were active in more places than just Syria and Iraq, although those countries saw their most signal successes (and concomitant disappointments). Michel Aflaq, a Sorbonne-educated, Syrian Christian, was one of the two primary founders of the Ba‘th (often transliterated as Baath or Ba‘ath) movement. His exposure to Marx came during his studies in France, and he associated for some time with the communists in Syria after his return there in 1932. He later declared his fascination with communism ended by 1936, but others cite him as still a confirmed party member until 1943. His co-founder, Salah al-Din al-Bitar, likewise went to France for his university education and returned to Syria to be a teacher. Frustrated by France’s inter-war policies, the nationalism of both men came to so influence their attitudes towards the West that even Western socialism became another form of imperialism. -
Syria: How the West Can Program Director West Asia Play a Weak Hand Better Tel: +61 2 8238 9140 [email protected]
September 2013 ANALYSIS Anthony Bubalo Syria: how the West can Program Director West Asia play a weak hand better Tel: +61 2 8238 9140 [email protected] Dr Rodger Shanahan Nonresident Fellow E xecutive summary Tel: +61 2 8238 9000 [email protected] The recent agreement between Russia and the United States to secure Syria’s chemical weapons arsenal may remove a pernicious class of weapons from the Syrian battlefield, but will do nothing to end the conflict. With the conflict now locked in a bloody stalemate for the foreseeable future, the West needs to revisit its policy towards Syria. It has always had a weak hand in that conflict, but it can play it better, by focusing in the short term on the consequences of the conflict rather than its causes. The chemical weapons agreement shows that the regime and its international allies do respond to even limited threats of force, even if such threats will never compel them to totally capitulate. The task for the West now is to build on this deal and forge new agreements providing for humanitarian access and protection, and for a durable ceasefire. This will not end the conflict, nor the Assad regime. But for the moment at least Western policy needs to operate within the realm of the possible, rather than the preferable. LOWY INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL POLICY 31 Bligh Street Sydney NSW 2000 Tel: +61 2 8238 9000 Fax: +61 2 8238 9005 www.lowyinstitute.org A n a l y s i s Syria: how the West can play a weak hand better The agreement between Russia and the United the President Bashar al-Assad’s removal from States to secure Syria’s chemical weapons power, but has not been prepared to mount the arsenal, now enshrined in Security Council decisive military intervention necessary to make Resolution 2118, represents a significant its rhetoric a reality.