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Syria and Repealing Decision 2011/782/CFSP
30.11.2012 EN Official Journal of the European Union L 330/21 DECISIONS COUNCIL DECISION 2012/739/CFSP of 29 November 2012 concerning restrictive measures against Syria and repealing Decision 2011/782/CFSP THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, internal repression or for the manufacture and maintenance of products which could be used for internal repression, to Syria by nationals of Member States or from the territories of Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in Member States or using their flag vessels or aircraft, shall be particular Article 29 thereof, prohibited, whether originating or not in their territories. Whereas: The Union shall take the necessary measures in order to determine the relevant items to be covered by this paragraph. (1) On 1 December 2011, the Council adopted Decision 2011/782/CFSP concerning restrictive measures against Syria ( 1 ). 3. It shall be prohibited to: (2) On the basis of a review of Decision 2011/782/CFSP, the (a) provide, directly or indirectly, technical assistance, brokering Council has concluded that the restrictive measures services or other services related to the items referred to in should be renewed until 1 March 2013. paragraphs 1 and 2 or related to the provision, manu facture, maintenance and use of such items, to any natural or legal person, entity or body in, or for use in, (3) Furthermore, it is necessary to update the list of persons Syria; and entities subject to restrictive measures as set out in Annex I to Decision 2011/782/CFSP. (b) provide, directly or indirectly, financing or financial assistance related to the items referred to in paragraphs 1 (4) For the sake of clarity, the measures imposed under and 2, including in particular grants, loans and export credit Decision 2011/273/CFSP should be integrated into a insurance, as well as insurance and reinsurance, for any sale, single legal instrument. -
The Syrian National Council: a Victorious Opposition?
THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? JARED MARKLAND KRITTIKA LALWANEY MAY 2012 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY COPYRIGHT OF THE AUTHOR(S), 2012 THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? Jared Markland & Krittika Lalwaney Introduction The Syrian National Council (SNC) emerged as an opposition movement representing the democratic uprisings in Syria calling for regime change. The Assad regime’s forceful measures against Syrians have delegitimized the government and empowered the revolution. The success of the revolution, in overthrowing the regime hinges on the Syrian opposition’s ability to overcome its deficiencies. This paper analyzes the performance of the SNC by determining SNC success or failure to launch a successful opposition movement against the regime. The SNC’s probability of success in the overthrow of the regime is contingent on its ability to unify internally, obtain financial capacity, establish international recognition, and build internal popular support. Methodology The methods used to examine the prospects for success of the SNC as a viable opposition movement consist of comparative case studies and qualitative field research. We examined four case studies, including Nicaragua, Libya, El Salvador and Guatemala. These cases establish a set of core factors necessary for an opposition movement to succeed. The utilization of these factors allows us to create a comparative assessment of the overall performance of the SNC. Our qualitative fieldwork entailed a total of 32 interviews with current SNC members, Syrian activists, refugees, Free Syrian Army members, academic experts, and government officials. -
El Anatsui First Retrospective in the Middle East at Mathaf: Arab Museum of Modern Art in Doha
Press Release Issued, Doha: Tuesday 4 June 2019 EL ANATSUI FIRST RETROSPECTIVE IN THE MIDDLE EAST AT MATHAF: ARAB MUSEUM OF MODERN ART IN DOHA High resolution images can be downloaded here: https://bit.ly/2XoNexr El Anatsui: Triumphant Scale, the largest ever survey mounted of the work of the acclaimed artist El Anatsui (born 1944, Ghana) perhaps Africa’s most prominent living artist, will go on show at Mathaf: Arab Museum of Modern Art from 1 October 2019 – 31 January 2020. As the exhibition title suggests, the survey, curated by the late Okwui Enwezor, former Director of Haus der Kunst and Chika Okeke-Agulu, Professor of Art History at the Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University, will focus on the triumphant and monumental quality of Anatsui’s sculptures. The exhibition will encompass every medium in the artist’s prodigious fifty year career, including the signature bottle-cap series developed over the last two decades, wood sculptures and wall reliefs spanning the mid-1970s to the late 1990s; ceramic sculptures of the late 1970s, as well as drawings, prints and books. Abdellah Karroum, Director, Mathaf, said today: “I am proud that Mathaf is hosting this important exhibition, the first major show in the Middle East for El Anatsui, now regarded as one of Africa’s greatest living artists. This exhibition also stands for the close working relationship we have enjoyed with Okwui Enwezor over many years. We are grateful for the immense legacy he has left us as an art historian and curator. We look forward to welcoming audiences -
45 the RESURRECTION of SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS by Ro
THE RESURRECTION OF SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS By Rodi Hevian* This article examines the current political landscape of the Kurdish region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played in the ongoing Syrian civil war, and intra-Kurdish relations. For many years, the Kurds in Syria were Iraqi Kurdistan to Afrin in the northwest on subjected to discrimination at the hands of the the Turkish border. This article examines the Ba’th regime and were stripped of their basic current political landscape of the Kurdish rights.1 During the 1960s and 1970s, some region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played Syrian Kurds were deprived of citizenship, in the ongoing conflict, and intra-Kurdish leaving them with no legal status in the relations. country.2 Although Syria was a key player in the modern Kurdish struggle against Turkey and Iraq, its policies toward the Kurds there THE KURDS IN SYRIA were in many cases worse than those in the neighboring countries. On the one hand, the It is estimated that there are some 3 million Asad regime provided safe haven for the Kurds in Syria, constituting 13 percent of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Syria’s 23 million inhabitants. They mostly Kurdish movements in Iraq fighting Saddam’s occupy the northern part of the country, a regime. On the other hand, it cracked down on region that borders with Iraqi Kurdistan to the its own Kurds in the northern part of the east and Turkey to the north and west. There country. Kurdish parties, Kurdish language, are also some major districts in Aleppo and Kurdish culture and Kurdish names were Damascus that are populated by the Kurds. -
Amir Mourns H M Sultan Qaboos
www.thepeninsula.qa Volume 24 | Number 8134 SUNDAY 12 JANUARY 2020 17 JUMADA I - 1441 2 RIYALS BUSINESS | 17 SPORT | 24 ARTIC expands Rublev wins operational Qatar hotel portfolio ExxonMobil in Qatar Open Enjoy unlimited local data and calls with the new Qatarna 5G plans Amir, Putin hold phone talks, Amir mourns H M Sultan Qaboos discuss regional Qatar announces ‘Oman to continue path developments three days of QNA — DOHA mourning This is a sad day for all the Gulf people, as for the laid by Sultan Qaboos’ brothers in Oman. With great sorrow, we received in Amir H H Sheikh Tamim bin Qatar the news of the departure of Sultan Qaboos to the QNA — MUSCAT set by the late H M Sultan Hamad Al Thani held a tele- QNA — DOHA mercy of Allah The Almighty, leaving behind a rising Qaboos in bolstering cooper- phone conversation yesterday country and a great legacy that everyone cherishes. It is H M Sultan Haitham bin ation with brothers in the GCC with H E President Vladimir Amir H H Sheikh Tamim bin a great loss for the Arab and Islamic nations. We offer Tariq bin Taimur Al Said was and the Arab world without Putin of the friendly Russian Hamad Al Thani mourned condolences to the brotherly Omani people and we pray announced as the new Sultan interfering in the affairs of Federation. yesterday the death of H M to Allah for His Majesty the Supreme Paradise. of Oman, in succession to the others. Peace and coexistence During the phone call, they Sultan Qaboos bin Said bin late H M Sultan Qaboos bin will remain as cornerstones of discussed a number of regional Taimur of the Sultanate of and international issues of Oman, who passed away on common concern, especially Friday evening. -
PRISM Syrian Supplemental
PRISM syria A JOURNAL OF THE CENTER FOR COMPLEX OPERATIONS About PRISM PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, and other partners Vol. 4, Syria Supplement on complex and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; 2014 relevant policy and strategy; lessons learned; and developments in training and education to transform America’s security and development Editor Michael Miklaucic Communications Contributing Editors Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct Alexa Courtney communications to: David Kilcullen Nate Rosenblatt Editor, PRISM 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Copy Editors Fort Lesley J. McNair Dale Erikson Washington, DC 20319 Rebecca Harper Sara Thannhauser Lesley Warner Telephone: Nathan White (202) 685-3442 FAX: (202) 685-3581 Editorial Assistant Email: [email protected] Ava Cacciolfi Production Supervisor Carib Mendez Contributions PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers Advisory Board and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians from the United States Dr. Gordon Adams and abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the address above or by email to prism@ Dr. Pauline H. Baker ndu.edu with “Attention Submissions Editor” in the subject line. Ambassador Rick Barton Professor Alain Bauer This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) Any copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted Ambassador James F. Dobbins without permission of the copyright proprietors. PRISM should be acknowledged whenever material is quoted from or based on its content. -
What Does the Syrian Opposition Believe? | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds What Does the Syrian Opposition Believe? by David Pollock May 30, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Pollock David Pollock is the Bernstein Fellow at The Washington Institute, focusing on regional political dynamics and related issues. Articles & Testimony here are increasing calls for international intervention in Syria after this weekend's massacre in Houla, where T Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's forces murdered more than 100 civilians. Obstacles to intervention remain, however, especially concern that the opposition to Assad's regime is dominated by religious fundamentalists. Until recently, for example, the Syrian National Council, a group of exiled opponents of the regime, was led by Burhan Ghalioun, whose unwillingness to counter the Muslim Brotherhood was widely viewed in the West as a troubling sign of Islamist influence. But a confidential survey of opposition activists living in Syria reveals that Islamists are only a minority among them. Domestic opponents of Assad, the survey indicates, look to Turkey as a model for Syrian governance -- and even widely admire the United States. Pechter Polls, which conducts opinion surveys in tough spots in the Middle East, Africa and Asia, completed the Syria opposition poll in December 2011. Respondents were contacted over a secure Skype connection by someone they could trust -- all native Syrians -- who asked them to fill out a short questionnaire anonymously in Arabic. Interviewers were selected from different social and political groups to ensure that respondents reflected a rough cross-section of overall opposition attitudes. To ensure confidentiality, the online survey could be accessed only through a series of proxy servers, bypassing the regime-controlled Internet. -
Faith-Based Organizations (Fbos) in the Palestinian Territories
Hidden Agents: Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs) in the Palestinian Territories Ziyad Zaghrout A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2012 Reading Committee: Mary Kay Gugerty, Chair Leigh Anderson Aseem Prakash Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Public Affairs ©Copyright 2012 Ziyad Zaghrout 1 University of Washington Abstract Hidden Agents: Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs) in the Palestinian Territories Ziyad Zaghrout Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Mary Kay Gugerty Daniel J. Evans School of Public Affairs Recently, there has been a great deal of scholarly and popular interest in the activities of faith- based organizations (FBOs) in the Middle East. In particular, socio-economic services provided by FBOs have generated a heated debate in which advocates and opponents of these organizations have locked heads together in an attempt to advance their own arguments and advocate for policies harboring their views. While there has not been any absolute winner in the debate both camps, to an extent, agree that the service activities of FBOs have an implicit political component as the later seek to influence and modify the societal relations extending among the public, private and the not-for-profit spheres. Understanding the role of FBOs in Islamic societies is further complicated by a relative absence 2 of empirical research or even accessible descriptive data either within a single country or across countries. In an effort to limit this complexity, the research design underlying this dissertation focuses upon one case: the Palestinian Territories (PT). I examine the advocacy behavior of FBOs in the Palestinian territories and how they influence local level social policies. -
The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria Year of Origin
MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN SYRIA Name: The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria Year of Origin: 1945 Founder(s): Mustafa al-Sibai Place(s) of Operation: Syria Key Leaders: • Mohammad Hekmat Walid: Comptroller general [Image: Al Jazeera] • Hussam Ghadban: Deputy Comptroller general [Image not available] • Mohammad Hatem al-Tabshi: Head of Shura Council [Image not available] • Omar Mushaweh: Head of media and communications [Image; source: Fox News via Omar Mushaweh] • Mulham Droubi: Spokesman [Image; source: Syria Mubasher] • Zuhair Salem: Spokesman [Image; source: Twitter] • Mohammad Riad al-Shaqfeh: Former comptroller general [Image: AFP/Getty Images] • Mohammad Farouk Tayfour: Former deputy comptroller general [Image: please take from MB entity report] • Ali Sadreddine al-Bayanouni: Former comptroller general [Image: please take from MB entity report] • Issam al-Attar: Former comptroller general [Image: Bernd Arnold] Associated Organization(s): • Al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin1 • Syrian Ikhwan2 The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood (i.e., the Syrian Brotherhood or the Brotherhood) was formed in 1945 as an affiliate of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.3 The Syrian Brotherhood actively participated in Syrian politics until 1963, when the incoming pan-Arab Baath party began restricting the movement before ultimately banning the party in 1964.4 In 1964, Brotherhood member Marwan Hadid formed a violent offshoot—known as the Fighting Vanguard—whose members waged numerous terror attacks against the regime in the 1970s and early ’80s. In 1982, in order to quell a Brotherhood uprising in the city of Hama, then-Syrian President Hafez al- Assad dealt a near-fatal blow to the group, killing between 10,000 and 40,000 armed 1 Raphaël Lefèvre, Ashes of Hama: The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 24. -
Between Democratic Hope and Centrifugal Fears. Syria's
Between Democratic Hope and Centrifugal Fears. Syria’s Unexpected Open-ended Intifada CARSTEN WIELAND he Arab Spring has plunged some of the most notorious police states into turmoil. The secret services (mukhabarat) of Tunisia’s Ben Ali, T Egypt’s Mubarak, and Libya’s Ghaddafi have long been regarded as invincible and sometimes even as stabilizing factors by Western strategists. Furthermore, these are the more secularist states in the Arab world. The same is obviously true of Syria where one of the toughest regimes (with a secularist ideology) is struggling for survival. President Bashar al-Assad’s grip on the Syrian people was seen as particularly effective because there seemed to be enough soft power to keep rulers and ruled on some sort of common ground. Perceived stabilizing factors included the personality of the 45-year-old president himself, a notorious security apparatus, calm and stability inside the country, peaceful coexistence of minorities, a – albeit diminishingly so – tolerable gap between rich and poor, and, above all, shared ideological assumptions between the regime and the population, including major parts of the domestic opposition. Baathist Syria, as the last pan-Arab mouthpiece and frontline state against Israel, seemed to have enough ideological resources and more political leverage during times of crisis than pro-Western Arab authoritarian regimes. This is why President Bashar al-Assad felt relaxed for far too long, although Syria’s socio-economic frustrations, extremely poor governance and high levels of repression are comparable to the Arab states in which revolutions have succeeded in toppling the autocrats. In a notorious interview with the Wall Street Journal at the end of January, Assad as- sured the interviewer: »Syria is stable. -
Saudi Arabia's Diplomatic Anger with Washington by Simon Henderson
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2162 Spat or Split? Saudi Arabia's Diplomatic Anger with Washington by Simon Henderson Oct 23, 2013 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Brief Analysis The kingdom's rejection of a Security Council seat has fueled predictions of a major and perhaps rapid shift in bilateral relations. audi Arabia's abrupt October 17 decision to refuse a seat on the UN Security Council -- an unprecedented S occurrence -- has generated international bewilderment and concern about the mechanics of the kingdom's foreign policy. The sense of crisis was increased by reports on October 22 that Saudi intelligence chief Prince Bandar bin Sultan had warned European diplomats of a potential "major shift" in relations with the United States, due primarily to Washington's perceived inaction on Syria and overtures to Iran. Yet the seriousness of such threats is uncertain, and timely U.S. diplomatic outreach may help defuse the situation. UNPRECEDENTED DISCONTENT? C rises have occurred before in the longstanding U.S.-Saudi relationship, such as Riyadh's leadership of the 1973 Arab oil embargo in protest of U.S. support for Israel, and the involvement of so many Saudi hijackers in the September 11 attacks. The latest spike in tensions stems from a number of issues, however. From the Saudi perspective, the Arab uprisings that swept the region over the past three years have traded stability for chaos. -
Syrian Muslim Brotherhood Still a Crucial Actor. Inclusivity the Order of the Day in Dealings with Syria's Opposition
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik ments German Institute for International and Security Affairs m Co Syrian Muslim Brotherhood Still a Crucial Actor WP S Inclusivity the Order of the Day in Dealings with Syria’s Opposition Petra Becker Summer 2013 brought severe setbacks for the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood. Firstly, one of its most important regional supporters, Qatar lost its leading role in the Group of Friends of the Syrian People, the alliance of states and organisations backing Syria’s opposition, to Saudi Arabia. Secondly, the Brotherhood has been hit by stinging criti- cism of the Egyptian MB’s performance in government and the media witch-hunt against political Islam following the ouster of Mohammed Morsi. In the face of these events the Syrian Brotherhood – to date still a religious and social movement – post- poned the founding of a political party planned for late June. Thirdly, the Brotherhood – like its partners in the National Coalition which opposes the Syrian regime – bet on an American-backed military intervention in August/September. This intervention did not occur due to the American-Russian brokered agreement providing for Syria to join the Convention on the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. As a result, the National Coalition and its Supreme Military Command have faced defections of major rebel forces, which may lead to a major shift towards Jihadi Salafism and the marginalization of moderate forces on the ground. Yet the Brother- hood remains the best-organised political force within the Syrian opposition alliances and still sees itself becoming the leading force in post-revolutionary Syria. Germany and Europe should encourage moderate forces whatever their political colours and foster the implementation of democratic concepts.