Scottish Government Yearbook 1990 Scottish Government Yearbook 1990 On the face of it, the 1987 Election result should have been, and for a short time undoubtedly was, of greater concern to Chester Street than Keir Hardie House. After all, here was a party of government who had been ADOPTING CONVENTIONAL WISDOM- LABOUR'S RESPONSE TO reduced to such an extent that they could barely even staff the limited THE NATIONAL QUESTION organs of Scottish government through the Scottish Office. Conversely Labour had consolidated its dominance of Scottish politics. One party had power-but little popular support-the other party had popular support but Susan Deacon no legitimate means of exercising power. Labour had a choice, with 50 MPs to the Tories' 10 and a virtual The late 1980s has seen a re-emergence of the debate within the monopoly of Scottish Local Government, they could either challenge the Labour Party around the Scottish Question. For the first time since those Tories' mandate in Scotland and throw away the Westminster rule book; or heady days of the late 1970s Scottish political columnists have regularly they could play safe, hang fire and trust that the Scottish people would wait 'dined out' on analysis and speculation surrounding the issues. It is a until England voted Labour too. frequent source of frustration to players in the political game-of whatever persuasion - that the recording of such events by the media and academia Labour was slow to address the problems or arguably the alike often provides a sanitised or even inaccurate account of events. The opportunities. No immediate challenge was mounted and, once the pages which follow are an account of Labour's attempt to grapple with the summer 'silly season' was over, the Conservatives strengthened in their national question from the perspective of someone who is both a student of, resolve and embarked upon an active Scottish legislative programme. and participant in, Scottish Labour Politics. No doubt many will disagree Impatience began to grow in Labour's ranks- and the predictable criticism with both the contents and conclusions of the present contribution - not of a vociferous Nationalist opposition and an assiduous Scottish Press soon least of all within the party itself - but every attempt has been made to took root in the cry of 'the Feeble Fifty'. ensure that the facts do get in the way of a good story. In August 1987 the then dominant 'left' pressure group, the Labour Politics is a fickle business. Yesterday's heresy can very quickly Co-ordinating Committee, hosted a well-attended one-day conference in become today's shibboleth. The Declaration of Sovereignty signed at the Edinburgh on the question of the Scottish Mandate. Many of the thorny first Constitutional Convention meeting on The Mound is a case in point. questions were beginning to be addressed. Could the battle be fought in Twelve months prior to the meeting many, even (or perhaps especially) in Parliament alone? Should Labour be prepared to work alongside other the Labour Party, would have thought it barely credible that Westminster political parties? How should the campaign against the poll tax be loyalists such as Donald Dewar, John Maxton and John Smith - not to developed? What role was there for the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly? mention old style anti-devolutionists like Brian Wilson, Bob Hughes and Eric Milligan-would have been willing to throw the collective might of the There was a general acceptance of the need for Labour to use its People's Party behind the assertion that the will of the Scottish people was strength in Scotland to challenge the government more effectively. Also sovereign over that of a Westminster Government. The significance of gaining force was the call for Labour to have a special conference to Labour giving its official backing to such a concept should not be under­ examine the new political situation. But despite the presence of a host of estimated. The party's conversion to, and eventual participation in, the influential party figures, few of the ideas thrown up were translated into Scottish Constitutional Convention marked a watershed in its attitude to action in the weeks that followed. the question of Scottish Home Rule. In the meantime the Party's Scottish Executive had launched a new In the immediate run up to the 1987 General Election a few dissident campaigning initiative in the form of a 'Canvass for Scotland' of the voices raised the spectre of "the Doomsday Scenario". The mere Glasgow Cathcart and Garscadden constituencies. The fact that the vast contemplation that Labour could sustain a third consecutive West.minster majority of electors in two of Labour's safest seats told Party convassers defeat was considered by Labour's establishment to be heretical or, worse that they were in favour of a Scottish Assembly was not entirely still, tantamount to conspiring to such an outcome. Hence the calls of ultra­ unpredictable but it did show the Devolution issue was once agaon to the devolutionists such as Denis Canavan MP, and others, for Labour to forefront of Labour's agenda. develop a fallback strategy to deal with such a result were brushed aside. September 1987 witnessed the Festival for Scottish Democracy. The 62 63 Scottish Government Yearbook 1990 Scottish Government Yearbook 1990 event, largely the brainchild of the Scottish Trades Union Congress On 27th January, 1988 the Bill was debated in Parliament and, as (STUC), was designed to bring together the pro-devolution and anti­ expected, voted down. But Labour's well laid plans to launch a campaign government forces from Scottish political and public life in a celebration of around its new proposals were overtaken by a well-timed government inter­ Scottish culture and in demand of a change to Scotland's system of vention in the Paisley Grammar affair. Labour's Bill quickly fell from the government. In the event the occasion was marred by sectarian inter-party headlines. The decisive rejection of the Bill in Parliament on the same day squabbles. The torrential rain which fell relentlessly on the day provided a as the government's demonstration of its ability to ride roughshod over the convenient excuse as to why attendances and spirits were not higher. decision of a Labour Council served only to strengthen the claims of Labour's Nationalist opponents. This event was nonetheless significant in several respects. It demonstrated the emerging role of the STUC, under the leadership of Although its public impact was limited, the Bill did represent a Campbell Christie, as an increasingly influential force in Scottish politics. significant change in the substance of Labour's Devolution policy. The Its efforts to build broad based campaigning has become a feature of the hallmarks of the new Bill were the economic teeth the Assembly would Scottish political scene in recent years. It also exhibited a growing have, and its increased autonomy from Westminster. The Scottish willingness on the part of the Labour Party to work on such terms. The Parliament would not be financed solely by the 'cap in hand' block grant refusal of the SNP to take part in the event and the eleventh hour system but would have powers to vary the rate of income tax. The Assembly withdrawal of the Alliance were also a timely reminder of the difficulties in would also control the electricity supply industry, the Scottish building effective cross party cooperation. Development Agency, Highlands and Islands Development Board, and government intervention in industry, in addition to the Universities, Eventually, in November 1987 the party gathered in the Usher Hall, manpower and training, forestry and the police. Edinburgh at a Special Conference to examine the way forward for the party in Scotland. This was to beome one of the more forgettable Labour Labour's 1978 Act had allowed Westminster a right of veto over Movement gatherings in recent years. The sole topic of discussion was an Assembly legislation. The new Bill effectively removed this by giving eight page statement from the party's Scottish Executive, the sentiments virtual autonomy to the new Parliament unless it acted ultra vires. If and rhetoric were impressive but it was sadly lacking in suggestions as to Westminster disapproved of Assembly legislation, the Privy Council would how concrete short-term victories could be secured. Most notably it failed be asked to adjudicate as to the Assembly's power to legislate. to refer to the fact, let alone address the problem, of the disparity between Labour's support north and south of the Border. It questioned the right of The Bill proposed a 144-seat Assembly, with each of 71 Parliamentary the Conservatives to foist unpopular policies on an unwilling Scottish Constituencies returning two members, and Orkney and Shetland people but pointed no way forward for Labour, stating: returning one each. Elections in the fixed-term four-year Parliament would be by the first past the post system. The new Bill also proposed a significant The Labour Party in Scotland has the clear objective in the next four diminution in the responsibilities of the Secretary of State, reducing the years of working for the return of a Labour government for the whole of office to that of link between London and Edinburgh. the United Kingdom at the next election. A central feature of the development of Labour's policy on home-rule The problem was, what if the Scottish people could not- or would not­ is its incremental nature. In each new position statement the party quietly wait that long? Despite some dissent, the document was passed edged a few steps further down the Horne Rule road. Only later, after the unamended.