40 Years of EU Membership
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,V V4 ,V V4 I tf TIlE ZIMBfBWE REVIEW TO OUR READERS: We extend our thanks to the hundreds of readers of "THE ZIMBABWE REVIEW" who have expressed their appreciation of the material that was ventilated in the columns of our previous issues. We hope to be able to continue providing revealing information on the Rhodesian situation. CONTENTS PAGE EDITORIAL 2 INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT OF ZAPU J. M. NKOMO 3 NKOMO'S ZIMBABWE DAY SPEECH IN LUSAKA' 4 SPEECH BY COMRADE JOSHUA NKOMO 7 ANGOLA: FACTS AND PERSPECTIVES 10 SANCTION VIOLATION:HOWOILREACHEDRHODESIA 12 PATRIOTIC FRONT PRESS STATEMENT 13 INSIDE ZIMBABWE: REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITIES OF ZPRA (ZIPA) 14 THIRD FRELIMO CONGRESS 16 PAN-AFRICAN TRADE UNION CONFERENCE OF SOLIDARITY WITH THE WORKERS AND PEOPLE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA 18 STATEMENT ON "THE GREAT OCTOBER SOCIAL1ST REVOLUTION '- AND THE LIBERATION MOVEMENTS" 21 The Zimbabwe Review is produced and published by the Information and Publicity Bureau of the Zimbabwe African People's Union. All inquiries should be directed to: The Chief Editor of The Zimbabwe Review P.O. Box 1657 Lusaka Zambia. EDITORIAL The British Government. has again sent one of its political personalities on a whirlwind tour of Tanzania, Mozambique, South Afrca, Botswana, Zambia, Rhodesia and, though belatedly included, Angola, to discuss the Rhodesian issue. This time the personality is the Commonwealth and Foreign Relations Secretary, Dr. David Owen. Dr. Owen came hard on the heels of Mr. Ivor Richard whose disappointment with the Rhodesian fascist regime has very widely publicised by the British news media. Mr. Richard visited Rhodesia after several attempts had been made to reach a settlement with Smith and his fascist league. -
30 Years of Tory Euroscepticism Are Coming to the Fore
Delusions and meddling: 30 years of Tory Euroscepticism are coming to the fore blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/2017/05/09/delusions-and-meddling-30-years-of-tory-euroscepticism-are-coming-to-the- fore/ 2017-5-9 The Conservative party’s relationship with the EU has come a long way since Edward Heath urged the UK to be ‘inside Europe’. Euroscepticism has a long history in the party, but the drift of public, media and Tory sentiment away from European unity crystallised in 1988 under Margaret Thatcher. The Brexit process is now bringing these tensions to the fore, writes Oliver Daddow. We can expect more – and even more damaging – spats like the one after the May-Juncker dinner in April. Playing to domestic galleries has always been the default setting for UK politicians when it comes to European policy. In this process, a largely EU-hostile UK press market has played a significant role in both feeding political negativity about the EU and having it reflected back in political discourse. Historically, this has not gone down well with the UK’s European partners. Even notionally pro-European governments have struggled to break the mould. The content of the Brexit negotiations, combined with a febrile election atmosphere, was never going to be conducive to cool, studied diplomacy. The spat that followed the European Council’s publication of its guidelines for the EU negotiations was no exception. The document was immediately overshadowed by a furore over leaks of conversations that took place at a Downing Street dinner held three days earlier. It was attended by Theresa May and members of her Brexit team, along with the President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, and his staff. -
Western Europe
Western Europe Great Britain National Affairs JL HE DOMINANT EVENT of 1983 was the general election in June, which gave the Conservatives an overall majority of 144 seats. The election results led to the immediate eclipse of Michael Foot as Labor leader and Roy Jenkins as head of the Liberal-Social Democratic alliance; Neil Kinnock took over as Labor head and David Owen as leader of the Social Democrats. The Conservative victory was attributable in part to a fall in the inflation rate; in May it stood at 3.7 per cent, the lowest figure in 15 years. The "Falklands factor" also contributed to the Conserva- tive win, in that the government of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher appeared resolute in the pursuit of its aims. Finally, the Conservative victory owed something to disunity in Labor's ranks. The extreme right-wing parties fielded about 66 per cent fewer candidates in 1983 than in 1979; there were 59 National Front (NF) candidates, 53 British National party candidates (this party had broken away from the NF in 1980), and 14 can- didates belonging to other right-wing groups. The extreme-left Workers' Revolu- tionary party fielded 21 candidates. In October Home Secretary Leon Brittan announced plans to raise the electoral deposit to an "acceptable minimum," thus making it more difficult for extremist candidates to run for office. A report issued in October by the national advisory committee of the Young Conservatives maintained that "extreme and racialist forces are at work inside the Conservative party." Despite this, however, Jacob Gewirtz, director of the Board of Deputies of British Jews' defense and group relations department, indicated in December that in recent years the focus of antisemitism in Britain had shifted dramatically from the extreme right to the extreme left. -
US First Informal Economic Ministerial Meeting
COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION EN Brussels, 30 November 2005 15147/05 (Presse 331) EU-US FIRST INFORMAL ECONOMIC MINISTERIAL MEETING Brussels 30 November 2005 Today, the EU Presidency hosted the first informal EU-US economic ministerial meeting to discuss transatlantic economic integration and shared economic challenges. Senior Ministers and Commissioners welcomed both sides’ agreement to concrete action plans and timelines to tackle the most significant issues in the transatlantic economy, including Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), regulatory cooperation, trade and security and improving innovation. A US delegation, led by Commerce Secretary Carlos Gutierrez, met with Vice President of the European Commission Günter Verheugen, Commissioner Peter Mandelson, UK Secretary of State for Trade and Industry Alan Johnson, Austrian Minister of Economics and Labour Martin Bartenstein, and Finnish Under Secretary of State for External Economic Relations Pekka Lintu to discuss this agenda. P R E S S Rue de la Loi 175 B – 1048 BRUSSELS Tel.: +32 (0) 2 285 8239 / 6319 Fax: +32 (0)2 285 8026 [email protected] http://ue.eu.int/Newsroom 15147/05 (Presse 331) 1 EN This followed a renewed call from business, including UNICE, the American Chamber of Commerce and the Transatlantic Business and Consumer Dialogues to keep transatlantic cooperation as a top priority. The meeting follows on commitments made in the 2005 EU- US summit, which called for closer transatlantic cooperation including on regulation, innovation, trade and security issues, and IPR. Ministers and Commissioners welcomed agreement on a work programme on all new and existing priority areas of cooperation agreed at the EU-US Summit declaration 1 in June. -
Bute House the Offi Cial Residence of the First Minister of Scotland
Bute House The offi cial residence of the First Minister of Scotland Bute House 20pp brochure 02.indd 1 17/07/2017 08:53 Welcome to Bute House ince I became First Minister, I have welcomed thousands of people to Bute House. As the official residence of the First Minister of Scotland, it is here that I host official guests from this country and overseas on behalf of the nation. Bute House is also the meeting place of the Scottish Cabinet and the venue for official functions including meetings, receptions, lunches and dinners. Within these walls, I get to bring together people from all walks of life through meetings with business leaders, public service employees and the voluntary sector, and receptions to celebrate all aspects of Scottish society and success. Every Christmas, I even get to welcome youngsters from around the country for an annual children’s party. All year round Bute House performs a dual role of both residence and place of work for the First Minister. All four of my predecessors lived here too, and their portraits line the wall of the staircase leading to the Cabinet Room. Before the Scottish Parliament was reconvened in 1999, Bute House was home to eight different Secretaries of State for Scotland from 1970 onwards. Many of the key conversations and decisions in recent Scottish political history have taken place within these walls. Even without its modern role, however, Bute House would be of significant historic interest. It was built in the late 18th century, and is at the heart of one of the great masterpieces of Georgian architecture – the north side of Robert Adam’s Charlotte Square. -
Zimbabwe . Bulletin
25c ZIMBABWE .BULLETIN april 77 Newsletter of the ZANU Support Committee New York UPDATE 1977 has ushered in new complexities in the struggle for Zimbabwean national liberation. The collapse of the WHAT SOUTH AFRICA IS UP TO Geneva negotiations has stepped up the struggles of all South African Prime Minister Vorster continues to favor forces involved. The conference adjourned on Dec. 15, and a negotiated settlement, knowing full well the,threat that was scheduled to reconvene on Jan. 17. Ivor Richard armed struggle for true national liberation in Zimbabwe Britain's man-in-charge at yeneva, subsequently under: , poses to his own regime. He also hopes that his role in took his own shuttle diplomacy in Southern Africa to put dealing with Smith will gain South Africa more credibility on the international scene and with African neo-colonial fo~ard Britain's plan to replace the Kissinger proposals which had been rejected by the nationalist forces. The countries. There is trouble on the home front however Richard Plan proposed a transitional government with rising unemployment, decreasing foreign investment and increasing black resistance, which has mobilized the co~p.osed of an In~rim Commission, appointed by BritaIn, and a Council of Ministers composed of five more intransigent white forces against abandoning Smith. members from each of the forces at Geneva (ZANU* Therefore, he has given public assurances that he will not ZAPU* ANC*Sithole, the Rhodesia Front and other white force Smith beyond the bounds of the Kissinger Plan. forces). This plan was considered acceptable by the U.S., Also, Vorster told Ivor Richard that South Africa would not South Africa, and the liberation forces as a basis to return tolerate any guerrilla action in Zimbabwe that would in to Geneva. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
The New Political Economy of Trade: Understanding the Treatment of Non-Tariff Measures in European Union Trade Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science The New Political Economy of Trade: Understanding the Treatment of Non-Tariff Measures in European Union Trade Policy Elitsa Garnizova A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, November 2018 Page 1 of 324 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/ PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me, and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 115,854 words; 99,109 excluding Table of Contents, Bibliography and Appendices. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that Chapter 1 was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling, and grammar by Bregtje Kamphuis, and Chapters 2 and 3 were edited by Dr Marina Cino-Pagliarello. Page 2 of 324 Abstract Non-tariff measures have become a central topic to the debate of how international trade rules and domestic regulatory choices are to co-exist. -
The New Eu Foreign Policy Architecture
THE NEW EU FOREIGN POLICY ARCHITECTURE REVIEWING THE FIRST TWO YEARS OF THE EEAS NIKLAS HELWIG PAUL IVAN HRANT KOSTANYAN CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES (CEPS) BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound policy research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe. The views expressed in this book are entirely those of the authors and should not be attributed to CEPS or any other institution with which they are associated or to the European Union. Niklas Helwig is a Marie Curie Researcher of the EXACT network at the University of Edinburgh and Cologne and focuses on the institutional development of EU foreign policy. He worked for the Centre for European Policy Studies and the Finnish Institute of International Affairs. Paul Ivan is a Romanian diplomat. Previously, he worked as a researcher for the Centre for European Policy Studies, where he focused on EU political and institutional issues and the European External Action Service. Hrant Kostanyan is an associate research fellow at CEPS and a PhD candidate at the Centre for EU Studies at Ghent University. He worked as an external expert for International Alert, based in London, in the Eastern Europe and South Caucasus research project. He also worked as an expert on a European Commission-funded project on the EU’s relations with Russia and the Eastern Partnership at the EU Neighbourhood Info Centre. The authors thank Piotr Maciej Kaczyński for his comments on an earlier draft. ISBN 978-94-6138-262-7 © Copyright 2013, Centre for European Policy Studies and the authors. -
A Cape of Asia: Essays on European History
A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 1 a cape of asia A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 2 A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 3 A Cape of Asia essays on european history Henk Wesseling leiden university press A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 4 Cover design and lay-out: Sander Pinkse Boekproductie, Amsterdam isbn 978 90 8728 128 1 e-isbn 978 94 0060 0461 nur 680 / 686 © H. Wesseling / Leiden University Press, 2011 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 5 Europe is a small cape of Asia paul valéry A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 6 For Arnold Burgen A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 7 Contents Preface and Introduction 9 europe and the wider world Globalization: A Historical Perspective 17 Rich and Poor: Early and Later 23 The Expansion of Europe and the Development of Science and Technology 28 Imperialism 35 Changing Views on Empire and Imperialism 46 Some Reflections on the History of the Partition -
The Negotiation of the European External Action Service: Theoretical and Policy Implications
The Negotiation of the European External Action Service: Theoretical and Policy Implications MPP Professional Paper In Partial Fulfillment of the Master of Public Policy Degree Requirements The Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs The University of Minnesota Matthew Stenberg May 6, 2011 Signature below of Paper Supervisor certifies successful completion of oral presentation and completion of final written version: _______________________________ ____________________ ___________________ Robert Kudrle, Paper Supervisor Date, presentation Date, paper completion Orville and Jane Freeman Professor of International Trade and Investment Policy ________________________________________ ___________________ Sherry Gray, Coordinator and Lecturer, Global Policy ` Date Signature of Second Committee Member, certifying successful completion of professional paper ________________________________________ ___________________ Steve Andreasen, Lecturer ` Date Signature of Third Committee Member, certifying successful completion of professional paper Stenberg 1 Abstract Supranationalist and intergovernmentalist scholars have long debated the driving forces behind European integration. The creation of the European External Action Service (EEAS) forces an examination of this debate in a different way. Many of those countries pushing for the EEAS foresaw it as an intergovernmentalist institution during the Lisbon Treaty Negotiations. Indeed, its provisions upon implementation look strikingly intergovernmental. Despite its current form, the negotiating process between the European Commission and European Parliament during 2010 was sweepingly supranational in nature, as the EP asserted its influence as a democratically elected, pan- European body to demand changes to the final form of the EEAS as well as a greater oversight role. Though the present form of the EEAS is intergovernmental, the negotiating process has indicated that a more assertive Parliament may result in greater long-term, supranational developments. -
Compassthe DIRECTION for the DEMOCRATIC LEFT
compassTHE DIRECTION FOR THE DEMOCRATIC LEFT MAPPING THE CENTRE GROUND Peter Kellner compasscontents Mapping the Centre Ground “This is a good time to think afresh about the way we do politics.The decline of the old ideologies has made many of the old Left-Right arguments redundant.A bold project to design a positive version of the Centre could fill the void.” Compass publications are intended to create real debate and discussion around the key issues facing the democratic left - however the views expressed in this publication are not a statement of Compass policy. compass Mapping the Centre Ground Peter Kellner All three leaders of Britain’s main political parties agree on one thing: elections are won and lost on the centre ground.Tony Blair insists that Labour has won the last three elections as a centre party, and would return to the wilderness were it to revert to left-wing policies. David Cameron says with equal fervour that the Conservatives must embrace the Centre if they are to return to power. Sir Menzies Campbell says that the Liberal Democrats occupy the centre ground out of principle, not electoral calculation, and he has nothing to fear from his rivals invading his space. What are we to make of all this? It is sometimes said that when any proposition commands such broad agreement, it is probably wrong. Does the shared obsession of all three party leaders count as a bad, consensual error – or are they right to compete for the same location on the left-right axis? This article is an attempt to answer that question, via an excursion down memory lane, a search for clear definitions and some speculation about the future of political debate.