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November 2003
Nations and Regions: The Dynamics of Devolution Quarterly Monitoring Programme Scotland Quarterly Report November 2003 The monitoring programme is jointly funded by the ESRC and the Leverhulme Trust Introduction: James Mitchell 1. The Executive: Barry Winetrobe 2. The Parliament: Mark Shephard 3. The Media: Philip Schlesinger 4. Public Attitudes: John Curtice 5. UK intergovernmental relations: Alex Wright 6. Relations with Europe: Alex Wright 7. Relations with Local Government: Neil McGarvey 8. Finance: David Bell 9. Devolution disputes & litigation: Barry Winetrobe 10. Political Parties: James Mitchell 11. Public Policies: Barry Winetrobe ISBN: 1 903903 09 2 Introduction James Mitchell The policy agenda for the last quarter in Scotland was distinct from that south of the border while there was some overlap. Matters such as identity cards and foundation hospitals are figuring prominently north of the border though long-running issues concerned with health and law and order were important. In health, differences exist at policy level but also in terms of rhetoric – with the Health Minister refusing to refer to patients as ‘customers’. This suggests divergence without major disputes in devolutionary politics. An issue which has caused problems across Britain and was of significance this quarter was the provision of accommodation for asylum seekers as well as the education of the children of asylum seekers. Though asylum is a retained matter, the issue has devolutionary dimension as education is a devolved matter. The other significant event was the challenge to John Swinney’s leadership of the Scottish National Party. A relatively unknown party activist challenged Swinney resulting in a drawn-out campaign over the Summer which culminated in a massive victory for Swinney at the SNP’s annual conference. -
Approved Minute of the Meeting of the Cross-Party Group on Palliative Care in the Scottish Parliament
Approved minute Cross-Party Group in the Scottish Parliament on Palliative Care Convener Vice Convener Secretary Michael McMahon MSP Vacant Patricia Wallace Approved minute of the meeting of the Cross-Party Group on Palliative Care in the Scottish Parliament Wednesday 6 June 2007 at 5.45pm Committee Room 1, Scottish Parliament Headquarters Present: Michael McMahon MSP Belshill & Hamilton (convenor) Roseanna Cunningham MSP Perth Jamie McGrigor MSP Highlands and Islands Douglas Pattullo Office of Jamie McGrigor MSP Philip Atkinson Scottish Health Magazine Dr Paul Baughan NHS Forth Valley Dr Rosaleen Beattie Scottish Executive Health Department Dr Pat Carragher Children’s Hospice Association Scotland Rev Stuart Coates Strathcarron Hospice Margaret Colquhoun St Columba’s Hospice, Edinburgh Lisa Dunbar Western General Hospital Margaret Dunbar St Columba’s Hospice Dr Rosalie Dunn NHS Lanarkshire Shirley Fife NHS Lothian Tom Gault St Andrew’s Hospice Linda Kerr NHS Ayrshire & Arran John Macgill British Psychological Society Dorothy McElroy Ardgowan Hospice Maria McGill Highland Hospice Elaine MacLean Care Commission Irene McKie Strathcarron Hospice Clare Murphy St Margaret of Scotland Hospice Professor Scott Murray University of Edinburgh Dr Euan Paterson NHS Greater Glasgow & Clyde Ros Scott CHAS Robert Shorter NHS Lanarkshire Craig Stockton Scottish MND Association John Sweeney Cancerbackup Scotland Hazel Taylor West of Scotland MCN for Palliative Care Elizabeth Thomas St Margaret of Scotland Hospice Anne Thomson Scottish Huntington’s Association -
Download Issue
Scottish Left Review Issue 79 November/December 2013 £2.00 Comment Scottish Left Review Issue 79 November/December 2013 t is difficult to maintain constitutional Ineutrality at this tail-end of 2013. Of course we will continue to do our best to keep the SLR open as a space for Contents anyone on the Scottish left, a place where they can feel at home and contribute Comment .......................................................2 to a debate that stretches beyond the boundaries of party or constitutional Democracy in writing ....................................4 position. That is our duty as a magazine Jean Urquhart created expressly for that purpose. Solid foundations for change .........................6 But the duty lies not only on us to Michael Keating keep that space open but on all sides to fill that space. Because it can surely not Our share of the future ..................................8 be possible for us to face the desolation Robin McAlpine which lies across Scottish society in the dog-days of this unlucky year without Graveyard or get-together ..........................10 some sort of answer to what lies all Isobel Lindsay around us. Welfare Nation State ...................................12 What answer to Grangemouth? John McInally Facile talk of ‘the need to work together’ is an insult to the collective intelligence. Labour and the trade unions .......................14 All it states is that if we keep the fork Gregor Gall, Richard Leonard, Bob Crow and let others keep the knife, it will be impossible for us to eat on our own. That Real energy answers ...................................18 may not be a bad thing, but someone Andy Cumbers needs to explain why. -
November 2002
Nations and Regions: The Dynamics of Devolution Quarterly Monitoring Programme Scotland Quarterly Report November 2002 The monitoring programme is jointly funded by the ESRC and the Leverhulme Trust Contents 1. Scottish Executive Barry Winetrobe 4 2. The Scottish Parliament Mark Shephard 7 3. The Media Philip Schlesinger 11 4. Public Attitudes and identity John Curtice 14 5. Scotland/UK Relations Alex Wright 18 6. Scotland/International Relations Alex Wright 22 7. Relations with Local Government Neil McGarvey 27 9. Legal Disputes Barry Winetrobe 31 10. Political parties James Mitchell 32 11. Public policies Barry Winetrobe 34 2 Key points: James Mitchell — First Minister Jack McConnell became embroiled in an embarrassing internal constituency row over local party funds; — Culture Minister Mike Watson broke collective cabinet responsibility by speaking out—but not voting—against Executive health policy fearing that he might lose votes in the forthcoming Scottish elections; — Herald newspaper went up for sale with the prospect that it will be bought by owners of Scotsman rivals. 3 1. Scottish Executive Barry Winetrobe 1.1 Collective responsibility The application of the doctrine of collective responsibility has been under the spotlight in the Glasgow hospitals issue. The Culture Minister, Mike Watson, has been a leading public opponent of the reorganisation plan, but voted with the Executive in a debate on the issue on 12 September. His MPA, Janis Hughes, put herself in an even more unusual position, by abstaining on the Executive amendment to the critical SNP motion, but then voting for the as-amended motion. The First Minister refused to sack either, on the basis that they had both adhered to collective responsibility by their votes. -
Official Report
JUSTICE COMMITTEE Tuesday 18 November 2008 Session 3 £5.00 Parliamentary copyright. Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body 2008. Applications for reproduction should be made in writing to the Licensing Division, Her Majesty‟s Stationery Office, St Clements House, 2-16 Colegate, Norwich NR3 1BQ Fax 01603 723000, which is administering the copyright on behalf of the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body. Produced and published in Scotland on behalf of the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body by RR Donnelley. CONTENTS Tuesday 18 November 2008 Col. SEXUAL OFFENCES (SCOTLAND) BILL: STAGE 1 ...................................................................................... 1333 SUBORDINATE LEGISLATION.................................................................................................................. 1393 Justice of the Peace Court (Sheriffdom of Glasgow and Strathkelvin) Order 2008 (SSI 2008/328) ........ 1393 JUSTICE COMMITTEE 28th Meeting 2008, Session 3 CONVENER *Bill Aitken (Glasgow ) (Con) DEPU TY CONVENER *Bill Butler (Glasgow Anniesland) (Lab) COMMI TTEE MEMBERS *Robert Brow n (Glasgow ) (LD) *Angela Constance (Livingston) (SNP) *Cathie Craigie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (Lab) *Nigel Don (North East Scotland) (SNP) *Paul Martin (Glasgow Springburn) (Lab) *Stuart McMillan (West of Scotland) (SNP) COMMI TTEE SUBSTITU TES Aileen Campbell (South of Scotland) (SNP) John Lamont (Roxburgh and Berw ickshire) (Con) Mike Pringle (Edinburgh South) (LD) Dr Richard Simpson (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab) *attended THE FOLLOWING ALSO -
© Patricia M`Cafferty, May 2004. Abstract
PATRICIA MCCAFFERTY WORKING THE 'THIRD WAY': NEW LABOUR, EMPLOYMENT RELATIONS, AND SCOTTISH DEVOLUTION THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW MAY 2004 © PATRICIA M`CAFFERTY, MAY 2004. ABSTRACT Labour's election victory in 1997 was heralded as a new era, the dawn of a Third Way, a novel attempt to chart a unique political course overcoming the perceivedlimitations of both New Right and Old Labour. In this thesis I explore the era of New Labour generally and, in particular, the impact of the Third Way on working lives. Key to my analysis is New Labour's attempt to synthesise oppositional interests,in particular those of capital and labour. This involves a crucial rhetoric of flexibility, competitivenessand partnership. My research explores the rhetoric of New Labour in relation to the reality of this new force in power. It does this by: " drawing out key features in the development of New Labour, especially its relation to Old Labour; " examining central elementsof New Labour ideology; " arguing that Scotland should be seen as central to the transition from Old to New :Labour; " utilising a case study of industrial relations developments in a major electronics factory in the West of Scotland and, to a lesser extent, key developmentsin public sector employment. My main finding is that where New Labour's ideology promisespositive benefits, the form of its implementation has negative impacts for workers. Since I take New Labour as a process, my thesis concludes with a more speculative exploration of possible future developments,both in relations to New Labour's role in them, and their possible impact on the New Labour project. -
Labour Link News October 2009
October 2009 Million Voices for Change - Public Works UNISON Scotland has launched its 'Public Works' campaign with the message that public service cuts will increase costs for ordinary families and will delay economic recovery. 'Public Works' is the Scottish arm of the union's 'Million Voices for Change' campaign. UNISON has warned that the headlong rush to cut and privatise public services will lead to delays in coming out of recession It has produced a leaflet demonstrating the importance of public services to everyone's lives and pointing to the huge costs that would fall on people if public services were not available. The ‘A Day in the Life’ leaflet follows an average woman through her day and points out our dependence on public services - from water and sewerage, through environmental health and refuse collection, to education and health care. It points out that all of us rely on public services, not just the most vulnerable, for whom they can be a lifeline. http://www.unison- scotland.org.uk/publicworks/index.html Scottish Labour MSP’s have been quick to add their support to the campaign, including shadow cabinet members, at an event in the Scottish Parliament during trade union week. The UNISON Scotland Labour Link Committee also met recently in Parliament to promote the campaign. They were joined by the Convenor of the UNISON Group of MSPs, Karen Gillon MSP to consider how best to build these ideas into the Scottish Labour manifesto for 2011. Shadow Environment Secretary Sarah Boyack MSP Scottish Parliament Candidate Selection The Boundary Commission for Scotland has now confirmed the revised constituency boundaries for the Scottish elections in 2011. -
Apprentice Strikes in Twentieth Century UK Engineering and Shipbuilding*
Apprentice strikes in twentieth century UK engineering and shipbuilding* Paul Ryan Management Centre King’s College London November 2004 * Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the International Conference on the European History of Vocational Education and Training, University of Florence, the ESRC Seminar on Historical Developments, Aims and Values of VET, University of Westminster, and the annual conference of the British Universities Industrial Relations Association. I would like to thank Alan McKinlay and David Lyddon for their generous assistance, and Lucy Delap, Alan MacFarlane, Brian Peat, David Raffe, Alistair Reid and Keith Snell for comments and suggestions; the Engineering Employers’ Federation and the Department of Education and Skills for access to unpublished information; the staff of the Modern Records Centre, Warwick, the Mitchell Library, Glasgow, the Caird Library, Greenwich, and the Public Record Office, Kew, for assistance with archive materials; and the Nuffield Foundation and King’s College, Cambridge for financial support. 2 Abstract Between 1910 and 1970, apprentices in the engineering and shipbuilding industries launched nine strike movements, concentrated in Scotland and Lancashire. On average, the disputes lasted for more than five weeks, drawing in more than 15,000 young people for nearly two weeks apiece. Although the disputes were in essence unofficial, they complemented sector-wide negotiations by union officials. Two interpretations are considered: a political-social-cultural one, emphasising political motivation and youth socialisation, and an economics-industrial relations one, emphasising collective action and conflicting economic interests. Both interpretations prove relevant, with qualified priority to the economics-IR one. The apprentices’ actions influenced economic outcomes, including pay structures and training incentives, and thereby contributed to the decline of apprenticeship. -
Heroes of Peace Profiles of the Scottish Peace Campaigners Who Opposed the First World War
Heroes of Peace Profiles of the Scottish peace campaigners who opposed the First World War a paper from the Introduction The coming year will see many attempts to interpret the First World War as a ‘just’ war with the emphasis on the heroic sacrifice of troops in the face of an evil enemy. No-one is questioning the bravery or the sacrifice although the introduction of conscription sixteen months after the start of the war meant that many of the men who fought did not do so from choice and once in the armed forces they had to obey orders or be shot. Even many of the volunteers in the early stages of the war signed up on the assumption that it would all be over in a few months with few casualties. We want to ensure that there is an alternative – and we believe more valid – interpretation of the events of a century ago made available to the public. This was a war in which around ten million young men were killed on the battlefield in four years, about 120,000 of them were Scottish. Proportionately Scotland suffered the highest number of war dead apart from Serbia and Turkey. It was described as the ‘war to end wars’ but instead it created the conditions for the rise of Hitler and the Second World War just twenty years later as a result of the very harsh terms imposed on Germany and the determination to humiliate the losing states. It also contributed to some of the current problems in the Middle East since, as part of the war settlement, Britain and France took ownership of large parts of the Ottoman Empire and divided up the territory with no reference to the identities and interests of the people. -
Stewart2019.Pdf
Political Change and Scottish Nationalism in Dundee 1973-2012 Thomas A W Stewart PhD Thesis University of Edinburgh 2019 Abstract Prior to the 2014 independence referendum, the Scottish National Party’s strongest bastions of support were in rural areas. The sole exception was Dundee, where it has consistently enjoyed levels of support well ahead of the national average, first replacing the Conservatives as the city’s second party in the 1970s before overcoming Labour to become its leading force in the 2000s. Through this period it achieved Westminster representation between 1974 and 1987, and again since 2005, and had won both of its Scottish Parliamentary seats by 2007. This performance has been completely unmatched in any of the country’s other cities. Using a mixture of archival research, oral history interviews, the local press and memoires, this thesis seeks to explain the party’s record of success in Dundee. It will assess the extent to which the character of the city itself, its economy, demography, geography, history, and local media landscape, made Dundee especially prone to Nationalist politics. It will then address the more fundamental importance of the interaction of local political forces that were independent of the city’s nature through an examination of the ability of party machines, key individuals and political strategies to shape the city’s electoral landscape. The local SNP and its main rival throughout the period, the Labour Party, will be analysed in particular detail. The thesis will also take time to delve into the histories of the Conservatives, Liberals and Radical Left within the city and their influence on the fortunes of the SNP. -
Spice Briefing
MSPs BY CONSTITUENCY AND REGION Scottish SESSION 1 Parliament This Fact Sheet provides a list of all Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) who served during the first parliamentary session, Fact sheet 12 May 1999-31 March 2003, arranged alphabetically by the constituency or region that they represented. Each person in Scotland is represented by 8 MSPs – 1 constituency MSPs: Historical MSP and 7 regional MSPs. A region is a larger area which covers a Series number of constituencies. 30 March 2007 This Fact Sheet is divided into 2 parts. The first section, ‘MSPs by constituency’, lists the Scottish Parliament constituencies in alphabetical order with the MSP’s name, the party the MSP was elected to represent and the corresponding region. The second section, ‘MSPs by region’, lists the 8 political regions of Scotland in alphabetical order. It includes the name and party of the MSPs elected to represent each region. Abbreviations used: Con Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party Green Scottish Green Party Lab Scottish Labour LD Scottish Liberal Democrats SNP Scottish National Party SSP Scottish Socialist Party 1 MSPs BY CONSTITUENCY: SESSION 1 Constituency MSP Region Aberdeen Central Lewis Macdonald (Lab) North East Scotland Aberdeen North Elaine Thomson (Lab) North East Scotland Aberdeen South Nicol Stephen (LD) North East Scotland Airdrie and Shotts Karen Whitefield (Lab) Central Scotland Angus Andrew Welsh (SNP) North East Scotland Argyll and Bute George Lyon (LD) Highlands & Islands Ayr John Scott (Con)1 South of Scotland Ayr Ian -
Andrew Mcfadyen's Story of Combining a Ph
The Scotland-UN Committee Devolution and the Labour Myth James Wilkie As recently as twenty years ago few people dreamed that Scotland would ever reach the stage of being given the chance to vote for independence. It was a dream that for centuries had seemed beyond realisation, and many who had spent their entire lives working for it never lived to see the chance of realising it. So what triggered the change in its prospects? There is only one answer to this question – devolution. Without that there would have been no take-off platform for the independence rocket, no effective step in the direction of autonomy, and no basis for a nationalist government with the political authority to plan the road ahead. To put it with brutal candour, to this day we would still be waiting for the SNP to gain a majority of the Scottish seats at Westminster. So how did this vital intermediate step of devolution come to be realised, in the teeth of the determination of the entire London establishment right across the political spectrum to kill it at any and all cost? Here is one little-known aspect of the answer. Establishment hostility reached its sordid peak with the orgy of corruption that was the 1979 referendum. It is not the subject of this article and there is no need to repeat facts that we all know. Thatcher’s arrogant coup d’état in the face of a perfectly adequate majority vote similar to that of the 1975 EEC referendum left Scotland stunned, bewildered and disorientated.