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The Politics of Pacha

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The Politics of Pacha The Politics of Pacha The conflict of values in a Bolivian Aymara community Thesis presented for the degree of Docotor of Philosophy at the London School of Economics by A.L.E. Canessa UMI Number: U056206 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U056206 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h - £ S c S f* ' CP i *A\ m f°^ICAL i f F Q **» /•. ' ^ S c s t f 7 0 ^ ' * ^ 0 6 8 7 2 2 1 Abstract This thesis deals with the differences of values between those heljj by people of the small Aymara village of Pocobaya and the modernising nation of Bolivia that encompasses them. Previous ’acculturation’ studies have seen indigenous communities as almost powerless to resist the onslaught of Western values. As more and more Pocobayenos are exposed to the outside world they see ever more clearly how their language, values and customs are denigrated by the surrounding society. Nevertheless, the values of land and community have an over-riding importance and Pocobayenos critically examine the conflict of values and make efforts to make sense of this antinomy in a meaningful and personally relevant way. A central aspect of this thesis is how in a number of situations Pocobayenos account for cultural differences in their own indigenous terms. In their cosmology we can see an articulation of this ethnic difference in a manner which includes an historical perspective. History and cosmology bring together a powerful metaphor for the illustration of ethnic relations in contemporary Bolivia. The dominant Hispanic culture is shown to be considered as contingent and the values it presents are incorporated into a coherent indigenous cosmological schema. A central issue in the thesis is how Pocobayenos articulate historical changes within their own mythic explanatory schema, similarly, differences in gender ideology are seen to be critically incorporated into indigenous ideas about gender relations. Pocobayenos emerge as actively and critically engaged in providing meaning to the differences between themselves and the surrounding metropolitan culture. 2 Table of Contents Orthography 6 Acknowledgements 7 Introduction 13 The Aymara 15 The Conflict of Cultures 19 Entering the Field 23 Language, Informants and Archives 25 Methodology 26 Chapter One Pocobaya in Space and Time 29 Sociogeography 30 -To Sorata and Beyond 30 -Towards Lake Titicaca 36 -The Lower Valleys: Yungas 38 History 42 -Pre-conquest History 42 -Colonial Period 46 -The Hacienda Period 48 -The Thana Conflict 51 -From the 1952 Revolution to the Present Day 54 Chapter Two Thakix 61 Conception and Birth 61 -Naming 63 -Neonatal Deaths 65 -Care of the Infant 66 Childhood 68 -School 70 Adolescence 74 Adulthood 76 -Marriage 77 -Households 81 -Cargos 82 3 Death 85 -Uchuria 88 Chapter Three The Pocobaya Community 91 Communal Pocobaya 92 -From Ayllu to Comunidad 95 -Communal Labour 100 -Fiestas 103 -The Community, the Supernatural and Shared Misfortune 105 The Household and the Individual 108 -The Household 110 -Land and Labour 112 -Fiestas 113 -A Case of Suicide and the Isolation of the Individual 115 The Physical and Social Environment 118 -Witchcraft and Kharisiris 118 Chapter Four Precepts and Practice 124 Andean Complementarity and Dualism 125 -The Gender Model Writ Large? 128 -Comparable Ideas in Hispanic Culture 131 Chachawarmi 132 -A Day in the Life 133 -Models of Gender 137 -Widowhood:the Incomplete Adult 139 The Antinomy of Values 140 -Portrait of a Marriage 140 Language 145 -Language and Human Nature 145 -The Social Application of Language 146 -The Expansion of Authority to Another Sphere 151 Compadrazgo 154 Negotiating Precepts 159 4 Chapter Five The Catholic Church and Pocobaya 161 Catholicism and Pocobaya 162 -The Question of Syncretism 162 -The Local Priest 170 The Church and Aymara Religion 175 -Local Religion and Christian Symbolism 179 -The Debate of the Varnishes 189 Chapter Six Pacha 192 Pacha in Language and Grammar 193 The Pachas of Cosmology 196 -Manqhapacha 198 -Alaxpacha 206 Communication with the Beings of the Manqhapacha 207 -The Ritual Specialists: Yatiris and Ch’amakanis 210 A Pocobaya History of the Andes 215 Pachakuti: The Antinomy of the Pachas 220 Conclusion 224 Glossary 232 Bibliography 237 Figures Maps 1. Bolivia 8 2. The Aymara Chiefdoms 9 3. The Titicaca Basin 10 4. The Bolivian Yungas 11 5. Local Map o f Pocobaya and Neighbouring Villages 12 Tables 6. Landholdings 1955 and 1992 97 7. Land Use in Pocobaya Including Ex-hacienda and Ex-Thana Lands 98 5 Orthography The orthography adopted in the text corresponds to the Alfabeto Unico (1983), the standard orthography for Aymara and Quechua. The Aymara plural for nouns is -naka. For ease of reading, however, I use the standard English plural. The pronunciation of personal names in Aymara often varies dramatically from the orthodox Spanish version of the name and, as a result, on most occasions I spell names of people the way it would be spelt according to the Alfabeto Unico. When pronunciation is the same or almost the same as in Spanish, I have retained the Spanish spelling. 6 Acknowledgements Fieldwork was funded by a University of London Studentship and travel expenses were funded y the Central Research Fund of the University of London. Writing up was supported by grants from the Sutasoma Trust and the Malinowski Memorial Fund of the London School of Economics. Fieldwork in Pocobaya would have been impossible without the hospitality and assistance of the entire village. In return I hope that I showed some Pocobayenos that their language and culture can be of interest and value to outsiders. Special thanks must go to the Patty Alanoca family for taking care of me and putting up with me with such patience and tolerance: Rimijiu, Ankustina, Lusi, Yula, Rikardu, Wali, and Makariu. I would also like to mention my friends Pastuku and Jirman who made my stay in Pocobaya so much more pleasant than it would otherwise have been and Tiudusyu Mamani, the yatiri of Pocobaya, whose friendship as well as his knowledge of the ways of the achachilas were so important to this work. In La Paz I would like to thank Diane Bellony and Ron Davis for suggesting a visit to Pocobaya, and to my friends Wolfgang Schuler, Gudrun Birk and Eva Dietz for their general support and helping me keep my sanity on many occasions. Justo Quelca Yapita was a great help in transcribing hours of taped interviews as well as providing valuable assistance with the translations. I would like to thank those who have read and commented on chapters of the thesis: Francisca Cooper, Maurice Bloch, Maia Green, Peter Mason, David McKnight, Melanie Wright and the members of the LSE thesis writing group. Special thanks to Francisca Cooper whose clear mind and criticism contributed enormously to the coherence of this thesis. My supervisor Joanna Overing deserves thanks for her support and encouragement and I am also indebted to Jonathan Parry for his help and his illuminating and provocative criticism of the thesis. I would also like to mention Michael J. Sallnow who was a great source of support and inspiration during the initial stages of research. Finally I would like to thank Melanie Wright for her assistance with the charts as well as for her support and patience during the writing-up of this thesis. 7 \ BOLIVIA L, * y / - -+> - ( V / \ C obi|« \ \ w - \ \ (f r VJPocfbive ♦■■■ ■ W tm fa; />■ Trw.rvioj « G o « u,'. • J a u i (X IwUcfvKa • •Vacfx^J'* J OjuaYir. • Conxwo \ 0V' "J * _ o CocKebamtvi \ T*S«J«.. .Ucur»A*««r TV. V J- Clin o S*nti Cmi 7 N ..... Oom >o < ( C Cin—.OoeJ^ \ w Cvivinu | x- c * - S , \ •Ca>«<'9» \ o Sucre ZuO»A«-. } " v > \ v • PwJ.IU / : t ... Po,o^. \ 1 ■ ) r* I, 7 ( . 33 • ( / - > \ i. I i V /? o T«ri|« / w A / Ca^nales CeoaMamentales L •m iles <Je:>ar ta»»Hm taies I s L if»ntes e'<«.*oq«cos I Figure 1: Bolivia (after Rivera 1987) & 7 CANCHtS CANAS C A N C H IS * r » rm COLLAS CANAS Ckvcvit* LUPACAS CHARCAS C + U U CARANGAS CARACARAS URCU. i! *•* % I . • P o lo n 100 km Figure 2: The Aymara Chiefdoms 9 Iskanwaya Pocobaya- Ilabaya •Sorata ’Achacachi ’Tiwanaku Figure 3: The Titicaca Basin to International Boundary Ecological Boundary Departmental Boundary Cordillera Bern \ Apolobamba . « Ambani Mapiri Achacachi Chulumani Coroico " \* Tiwanaku La Paz Quime Likoma ’Cochabamba Oruru Oraro Figure 4: The Bolivian Yungas // o <V O ■§!' 3i oO *» - 'o C=bC 00 Figure 5: Local Map of Pocobaya and Neighbouring Villages {not to scale). Introduction It was one of those damp Pocobaya mornings when the mist rises from the valleys and leaves the village shrouded in dense, damp fog. My compadre Rimijiu walked into my room with a distinct look of disgruntlement on his face. "Parinu," he said, "Life is not good in Pocobaya." As I watched the mist come in through the cracks in the door I was inclined to agree. It was, however, not the weather Rimijiu was concerned about. "We will move to Sorata. It is more civilised there, more advanced. I will do up my brother’s house and we will live well.
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