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Relations Between Taiwan and Britain, 1950-1958 Steve Tsang Iv East Asian History NUMBER 7 . JUNE 1994 THE CONTINUATION OF Papers on Far Eastern History Institute of Advanced Studies Australian National University Editor Geremie Barme Assistant Editor Helen Lo Editorial Board John Clark Mark Elvin (Convenor) Helen Hardacre John Fincher Andrew Fraser Colin Jeffcott W.J .F. Jenner Lo Hui-min Gavan McCormack David Marr Tessa Morris-Suzuki Michael Underdown Business Manager Marion Weeks Production Helen Lo Design Maureen MacKenzie, Em Squared Typographic Design Printed by Goanna Print, Fyshwick, ACT This is the seventh issue of East Asian Historyin the series previously entitled Papers on Far Eastern History. The journal is published twice a year. Contributions to The Editor, East Asian History Division of Pacific & Asian History, Research School of Pacific & Asian Studies Australian National University, Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Phone +61 6 249 3140 Fax +61 6 249 5525 Subscription Enquiries Subscription Manager, East Asian History, at the above address Annual Subscription Australia A$45 Overseas US$45 (for two issues) iii CONTENTS 1 Creating the Frontier: Border, Identity and History in Japan's Far North TessaMorris-Suzuki 25 The Search for Korea's Past: Japanese Colonial Archaeology in the Korean Peninsula (1905-1945) HyungIIPai 49 Korean Echoes in the No Play Fum Royall Tyler 67 Emperors and Musume: China and Japan 'on the Boards' in Australia, 1850s- 1920s Darryl Collins 93 Lu Xun, Leon Trotsky, and the Chinese Trotskyists GregorBenton 105 Unwitting Partners: Relations between Taiwan and Britain, 1950-1958 Steve Tsang iv Cover calligraphy Yan Zhenqing MtJumn, Tang calligrapher and statesman Cover photograph Dolmen in Hwanghae-do Unyul-gun (ChOsen S6tokufu, ChOsen koseki zuJu [Album of ancient Korean sites and monumentsl, vol.2 [KeijO, 1915]) UNWITTING PARTNERS: RELATIONS BETWEEN TAIWAN AND BRITAIN, 1950-1958 � Steve Tsang On 6 January 1950, Britain became the first major Western power to I wish to thank the Institute of Modem recognise the Communist People's Republic of China (PRC) under Mao Tse­ History (Academia Sinica), the Foreign Ministry (Taipei),the Centre of Asian Studies tung. This required Britain to end formal diplomatic relations with its wartime (University of Hong Kong), thePublic Record ally, the Republic of China (ROC), which by then had relocated its Office (Kew) , the Eisenhower Library govemment to Taipei on the island of Taiwan. It did not, however, lead to (Abileen) and the Butler Library (Columbia a cutting of all ties between Britain and the ROC (or Taiwan).} As this paper University)for providing facilities for research for this paper, and, where appropriate, for will demonstrate, the ROC and Britain continued to maintain non-diplomatic permissionto cite and refer to papersin their relations in important ways in the 1950s. They had a common objective in custody. I am obliged to Department of denying Taiwan to the Chinese Communists, albeit for different reasons. They Japanese and Chinese at Melbourne Uni­ also shared the wish to prevent Hong Kong from falling to the Communists versity for electing me to a Visiting Fellowship and for providing a congenial environment and to continue their mutually beneficial economic relations, mainly in trade for writing this paper, and to Professors and shipping. However, the relations between them were set against a Jason Hu, Ma Ying-jeou, Chen San-ching backgroundof considerable differences. Even in regard to the issue on which and Chu Hong-yuan for their kind introduct­ they were at one, namely, the need to save Taiwan from Communism, they ion to various people and institutions in Taipei, without which the research for this disagreed over the best means to achieve this goal. To London, the most paper could not have been completed. The important issue was to prevent the Taiwan question from becoming a cause fmancial support of the Chiang Ching-kuo for a general war in the Far East, particularly afterthe outbreak of the Korean Foundation is also gratefully acknowledged. conflict in June 1950. In contrast, Chiang Kai-shek's government in Taipei } The ROC controlled not only Taiwan but also the so-called offshore islands and the would have liked to ride the crest of a general war on the Asian mainland Penghu islands, even afterthemainland and in order to recover the ground which it had lost to the Chinese Communists. Hainan island came under full PRC control Likewise, London kept all options open for a future solution to the problem in mid-1950. However, since the British of Taiwan, ranging from independent nationhood, a United Nations ceased to recognise the ROC inJanuary 1950 and British documentssince then customarily trusteeship, to a continuation of the existing Kuomintang government under referred to it as Formosa or Taiwan, in this Chiang. Taipei, for its part, would not consider any solution which did not paper its modem name 'Taiwan' is generally involve the maintenance of Chiang's firm grip on the island in the name of used in the context of British references to the ROC. To Chiang in the 1950s, the independence of Taiwan or self­ the ROC. Exceptions are made when central provincial governmentofficials are mention­ determination by the Taiwanese was anathema. In British eyes, while the ed, with the former described as the ROC ROC was already a partof history, Taiwan was a political reality which should Minister of Defence, for example, to lOVER 105 106 STEVE TSANG /the 'ROC Minister of Defence, for example be dealt with on that basis. To Taipei, Taiwan existed as the last redoubt of to distinguish them from the Taiwanese the ROC in its long struggle against Communism. Notwithstanding their provincial officials. 'Taiwan' rather than many differences, the strategic imperative ensured that the ROC and Britain, 'Formosa' is used throughout, except in quotations and footnotes, for consistency. towards the end of the 1950s, became unwitting partners in pursuit of their 'China' is used as a politically neutral term to common object. include both the PRC and the ROC. This paper examines the intricate relations between the ROC on Taiwan and Britain, from the ending of formal diplomatic relations in January 1950 to the conclusion of the SecondTaiwan Straits Crisis in late 1958. It highlights the basis of the ROC's policy towards Britain and vice versa, and reconstructs the framework for the conduct of relations in the absence of diplomatic recognition. It scrutinizes the major attempts which were made to improve relations and build up a partnership of a kind. Finally, it explores the thorny question of how Taipei and London dealt with the future of Taiwan, the one issue which divided them most and yet eventually formed the basis of a passive partnership. TheBasis of th e ROC'sPolicy towardsBritain 2 The equivalent of Permanent Under­ In Taipei, Chiang Kai-shek, even before formally resuming the PreSidency Secretary in Britain. Yeh became Foreign of the ROC in March 1950, held ultimate control over foreign policy. Yeh Minister in 1949 and stayed until July 1958. Kung-ch'ao �0irn, or George Yeh, as he was better known in the West, was Chang Tien-chiao, Wen-bsueb, i-shu, wai­ cbiao: YebKung-cb 'ao cbuan (Taipei: Chin­ Foreign Minister for virtually the entire period under study, but he treated tai Chung-kuo Ch'u-pan-she, 1988), p.l65. Chiang as ifthe latter were the real incumbent and contented himself with 3 Public Record Office(Kew), British Govern- playing the role of an administrative deputy.2 According to Han Lih-wu (Hang ment Foreign Office archives F0371/92208, Li-wu mftJEt>, Chiang considered Britain's importance to the ROC as second R. H. Seon's minutes, dated 2 March 1951. only to that of the United States.3 After all, Britain had emerged from the 4 F0371/120881,A. A. E. FranklintoS.lloyd, Second World War as one of the three genuine great powers, a world leader dispatch dated 7 June 1956; F0371/127484, Franklin to P. G. F. Dalton, lener dated 15 and the second most powerful country in the non-Communist camp, while January 1957. the British Empire was still a force to be reckoned with in East Asia in the S Foreign Ministry archives (Taipei), Wai­ early 1950s. Chiang also thought that Britain's policy of recognising the PRC chiaopu 305.22, George Yeh to Yen Chi­ was misguided, based on short-term expediency and against Britain's long­ shan, no.l0108, 20 January 1950. term interests, which would suffer from the expansion of the Communists.4 6 F0371/99259,lloyd's minutes of8February In this Chiang was supported by his foreign policy experts, who felt that 1952 (recording the gist of his meeting with Han Lih-wu); and F0371/127484, Franklin Britain's decision to recognize the PRC was motivated by an opportunistic to Dalton, lener dated 15 January 1957. See desire to protect its interests in the Far East, which were still so enormous also below, "Major anempts at building a at the beginning of 1950 that they overshadowed Britain's basic anti­ partnership," for details. Communist stance.s They included, according to the Waichiaopu (Foreign Ministry), the need to avoid provoking a Chinese Communist attack on British dependencies such as Hong Kong, and the desire to protect the vast British investments on, as well as trade with, the mainland of China. In the 1950s Chiang did not give up the idea that once the British had realised they had made a serious mistake in recognising the Communists, they could be persuaded to reverse their policy towards the PRC.6 RELATIONS BE1WEEN TAIWAN AND BRITAIN, 1950-1958 107 It was partlyfor this reason and partlybecause of other practical consider­ 7 Waichiaopu 305.2, Yeh to K. C. Wu, letter ations that Chiang and the Waichiaopu decided to retain relations other than dated February 1950.
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