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Top-Secret Chinese Nationalist Documents Reveal the Truth About the Nanking Incident

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Top-Secret Chinese Nationalist Documents Reveal the Truth About the Nanking Incident TOP-SECRET CHINESE NATIONALIST DOCUMENTS REVEAL THE TRUTH ABOUT THE NANKING INCIDENT Higashinakano Shudo Professor of Intellectual History Asia University, Tokyo Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact Published by Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact Shin Sakuma Bldg., 3F 2-13-14, Nishi-Shimbashi, Minato-ku, Tokyo, 150-003 Japan Copyright ©2008 by Higashinakano Shudo Original Japanese Language edition published by Seishisha, Tokyo, Japan 2006. English translation rights owned by Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact. All rights reserved, including the rights of reproduction in whole or in part in any form. Printed in Japan Note: Japanese, Chinese and Korean personal names have been rendered surname first, in accordance with customs in those countries. The hanyu pinyin Romanization system has been used to translate Chinese personal and place names, with the exception of Wade-Giles translations that are still in common use (e.g. Yangtze River, Chiang Kai-shek). CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: UNCOVERING A TOP-SECRET DOCUMENT 1 §1 What War Means as the authority for the Nanking Massacre §2 Suspicions that What War Means was a work of propaganda §3 Getting hold of a top-secret document §4 What War Means was an anti-Japanese propaganda book after all §5 For a new investigation from the perspective of war propaganda CHAPTER 2: BEFORE THE INSTITUTION OF INTERNATIONAL PROPAGANDA DIVISION 15 §1 From the Second Shanghai Incident to all-out warfare §2 The Nanking dilemma: abandon the city, or defend it to the last man §3 The establishment of the International Propaganda Section of the Kuomintang’s Central Propaganda Bureau §4 Dong Xianguang and Zeng Xubai: the men who spearheaded the Kuomingang’s CPB CHAPTER 3: MASTERFUL INTERNATIONAL PROPAGANDA 25 §1 The propaganda operations and anti-enemy propaganda that were the core of international propaganda §2 Propaganda operations using Christian organizations §3 Propaganda operations using foreign friends §4 A thorough and rigorous screening of articles by foreign journalists §5 The aim of anti-enemy propaganda §6 Anti-enemy propaganda aimed at Japanese forces on the continent §7 Anti-enemy propaganda aimed at Japanese inside and outside Japan CHAPTER 4: THE PRELUDE TO REPORTING THE NANKING MASSACRE 51 §1 The inauguration of the International Committee §2 Tea parties and meetings with journalists held in Nanking §3 The number of refugees §4 The site of the Safety Zone §5 Chinese military installations that did not withdraw from the Safety i Zone §6 Defensive problems with the Safety Zone’s fatal defects §7 Those around Rabe, part one — the Americans involved with the Guomindang government §8 Those around Rabe, part two — the hiding of Chinese soldiers §9 Those around Rabe, part three — why were Chinese soldiers left behind? §10 Disarming Chinese soldiers and letting them into the Safety Zone CHAPTER 5: WERE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER ARTICLES PART OF THE CPB’S PROPAGANDA WAR? 77 §1 The CPB anticipated defeat in the battle for Nanking §2 The CPB and the newspapermen §3 Durdin’s article §4 There was another plan to make Japan pay dearly to occupy Nanking §5 Durdin and Steel report a “massacre in Nanking” §6 What did the other three journalists see? §7 Smith’s talk §8 Records of foreigners living in Nanking §9 Bates’ “report” to the American newspapers §10 Those concerned with What War Means get started §11 There was no response to the American articles §12 The CPB recognized that the “Nanking Massacre Story” was a false report CHAPTER 6: RE-EXAMINING THE PROPAGANDA BOOK WHAT WAR MEANS 109 §1 The role served by Timperley’s foreword §2 The raw voices of Chapters One through Four of What War Means §3 Investigation 1 — the first chapter of What War Means §4 Population distribution up to the fall of Nanking §5 The four-day period after the fall of Nanking §6 Investigation 2 — the second chapter of What War Means §7 Investigation 3 — the third chapter of What War Means §8 Further evidence for a large number of executions §9 The burial detail’s report was revised ii §10 Investigation 4 — the first half of Chapter Four of What War Means CHAPTER 7: THE CENTRAL PROPAGANDA BUREAU DIDN’T THINK THERE WAS A NANKING MASSACRE 153 §1 Chinese soldiers after the city’s fall viewed in the light of international wartime law §2 Ironclad rules that remain unchanged even today §3 How should we regard Chinese soldiers who discarded their uniforms? §4 The CPB examined the legality of the Japanese army’s executions §5 The CPB erases Bates’ two sentences §6 The government of Chiang Kai-shek continued to remove the insinuation of Japan’s unlawful execution of 40,000 §7 Bates himself repudiated the claim of Japan’s unlawful execution of 40,000 §8 Further evidence that the CPB considered the executions to be lawful CHAPTER 8: THE TOP-SECRET DOCUMENTS WERE A TREASURE TROVE — WITH AN EPILOGUE 173 §1 Taking the viewpoint of propaganda warfare §2 The basis for the Tokyo Tribunal was “the statements of witnesses” §3 The witnesses who should have appeared at the Tokyo Tribunal did not do so §4 The three American witnesses §5 Problems with Bates §6 Upon opening the treasure trove that was the top-secret documents BIBLIOGRAPHY 183 AUTHOR PROFILE 191 iii iv CHAPTER ONE: UNCOVERING A TOP-SECRET DOCUMENT They say that it is darkest at the base of the lighthouse, and it is true. In writing about the Nanking Incident, one would think that all the historical documents have already been used up, but the principal documents have been left out. What I had overlooked was documents of the Guomindang’s Central Propaganda Bureau (hereafter CPB), who took on the duties of conducting propaganda warfare against Japan during the Sino–Japanese War (1937–1945). Due to the military weakness on the part of Chiang Kai-shek’s Guomindang forces at the time, they began putting all their efforts into conducting a war of propaganda starting just before the fall of Nanking on Dec. 13, 1937. The CPB considered that, if one excludes the use of military force in the prosecution of this war, propaganda becomes one of the prime factors in deciding the victory. Therefore, their watchword became “propaganda takes precedence over tactics.” I wondered if there were not somewhere to be found documents intended to make Japan look bad and isolate Japan internationally — documents critical of the Japanese army — and I exhausted every means to find them. After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, which burst forth on July 7, 1937, provoking the Second Shanghai Incident on Aug. 13, there is no way they could have missed the Japanese army in Nanking with the fall of the capital on Dec. 23. If, perchance, there had been some faults in the Japanese army in Nanking, what could it have been? They would certainly have drawn more attention to it, and worked harder to get exacting information about the situation. In 2003, I decided to search for these records in historical documents repositories in Taipei. It was about that time that I started to get the feeling that the book What War Means, which is one of the most important authoritative sources on the Nanking Massacre, was in fact a work of propaganda produced by the CPB. §1 What War Means as the authority for the Nanking Massacre According to the verdict of the Tokyo Trials, there was a massacre in Nanking perpetrated by the Japanese army after the city’s fall, with the number of the slain counted as several tens of thousands, over a hundred thousand, or over two hundred thousand, and it was compared to the Nazi Holocaust. Nonetheless, in China, where there would have to have been many who were its victims, and in Japan, where there would have to have been many who had been involved in its perpetration, and even among the Allies who had decreed Japan’s guilt, it was different than the Holocaust: for a long time, no one ever spoke of the Nanking Massacre. It wasn’t in the textbooks, either. The Nanking Massacre had been judged as happened, but thereafter it was not taken seriously as a historical truth. If one reads A Detailed History of Japan, published in 1975, all that appears is: Therein, on July 7, 1937, after the establishment of the cabinet of Prime Minister Konoe Fumimaro, conflict broke out between the Japanese and Chinese armies on the outskirts of Beijing (the Marco Polo Bridge Incident). Prime Minister Konoe declared his intent that the hostilities be confined and should not spread, but the military actions of local forces caused the conflict to widen. At the end of September, the Guomindang joined forces with the Communist Party to create a united front to counter the Japanese army. Confronted by this resistance, the Japanese threw a large force into the fray and expanded the battle lines, but Prime Minister Konoe, unable to grasp the opportunity to bring things under control, announced in January of 1938 that “we will not deal with the Nationalist government of Chiang Kai-shek.”1 There is no record of the Nanking Massacre here. Now, however, it appears in every textbook published in Japan. What follows are the particulars of how this has come about. It was less than half a century after the Tokyo Trials (in 1972) that relations were reestablished between China and Japan. That same year, Honda Katsuichi published Travels in China. Honda, a journalist with the Asahi newspaper, had made a trip to China the previous year and written a series of articles called “Travels in China” for his paper; the book was a compilation of his articles.
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