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126 National Socialism in the Arab Near East 126 NATIONAL SOCIALISM IN THE ARAB NEAR EAST BETWEEN 1933 AND 1939* BY STEFAN WILD Bonn This article concentrates on the reception of National-Socialist ideas and ideology in the Arab Near East during the inter-war period. While the political relations between this area and the Third Reich during World War II have been studied thoroughly, the period before 1939 has only more recently found attention.2 The reception, discussion and importance of National-Socialist ideas and concepts has been investiga- ted even less. This article sees the transfer of these ideas against the background of a general philo-German atmosphere, which dates back to Turco-Prus- sian relations in the late 19th century, the connections of the Young Turks with Germany and the influence of German nationalistic ideology on the development of Arab nationalist theory. ' This article is an enlarged versionof a paper read at the Colloquiumon the MiddleEast in the Inter-War Period: The Interaction of Political, Economicand Cultural Development which was organized by the Institut fur EuropaischeGeschichte in Bad Homburg (August 29-September2, 1984).I have receivedinformation and help from so many people that I can name only the most important ones: Dr. Maria Keipert (Politisches Archiv des Auswartigen Amts, Bonn), Dr. F.P. Harald Neubert (Bonn), Prof. Dr. Mustafa Maher (Cairo), Dr. Gudrun Kramer (Munchen),Prof. Dr. H. Grotzfeld (Mfnster), Dr. Aliya Susa (Baghdad). For help with the English wording I am indebted to Mrs. C. Beamish (London). I Hirszowicz( 1 966),Tillmann ( 1 965),Schroder ( 1 975),Nicosia ( 1 980). 2 Nicosia (1979),Neubert (1977),Wallach (1975).The basic work on German Foreign Policy of this period, Hans-AdolfJacobsen, National.sozialistischeAussenpolitik 1933-1938 (Frankfurt-Berlin 1968) hardly ever mentions the Arab Near East. For more recent developmentsin international research on German Foreign Policy of the Third Reich in general see WolfgangMichalka (ed.), Nationalvoziali,5tischeAussenpolitik, Darmstadt 1978 and Klaus Hildebrand, DeutschenAu.s.senpolitik 1933-1945, 4th edition, Stuttgart 1980, 183fi'. Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 07:16:15PM via free access 127 The means by which attitudes, slogans and ideas were imported and the forms they took are discussed in two subsections: I. In the "General background" National-Socialist or Fascist trends and concepts in the programs and documents of political parties and movements (Baath, Kataeb, Young Egypt, Syrian Social Nationalist Party, Futuwwa) are dealt with. II. In this section, the history and importance of four Arabic transla- tions of Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf between 1933 and 1939 in Beirut, Baghdad, Cairo and Berlin are analysed. I. GENERAL BACKGROUND On May 5, 1942 three Iraqi nationalists, who had been condemned to death by an Iraqi court for their participation in Rashid Ali al-Kailani's coup d'etat went to the gallows. To mourn their death, a 16 year old boy in Basra wrote a poem after the fashion of the Classical Arab elegy- qasida. It was called Shuhadä' al-hurrijyah (Martyrs of Freedom) and one of its lines ran: The confederatesof the English have shed their blood But in Berlin a lion is watching them.3 . The three men hanged were, and still are, considered by most Iraqis to have been loyal Iraqi nationalists who lost their life for a worthy cause. In the eyes of the English and of most European observers at the time they were Hitler's agents. The "watching lion" in Berlin in the line quoted, symbolizes Adolf Hitler. The verse would not be very remarkable, were it not for the fact that its author later acquired fame as one of the most gifted poets in the Arabic language: Badr Shakir al- Sayyab (1926-1964). His elegy on the three nationalists as well as his view of Hitler expressed an admiration which went well beyond the Arab world to countries as far apart as Turkey, Iran and India. This sentiment had been growing since the end of World War I, in which the Ottoman Empire had paid the price for taking sides with Germany. It had become particulary intense since Hitler's rise to power in 1933 and was not 3 araga rabibu dima'ahunr/wa-lakinna Jr`Barlinalailhan yurdgibuh, in DïwanBadr Shdkir al-Sayyäb, Vol. 2, Beirut 1974, Oär al-' Auda,p. Ill. Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 07:16:15PM via free access 128 confined to any social class. Nationalism and Socialism were concepts which had considerable attraction for intellectuals and politicians in this area-no less than in Europe. A doctrine which purported to combine nationalism and socialism and amalgamate them into a National Socia- lism could be expected to find even more favour. And so we find the same Iraqi poet remembering his political activity in his teen-age days: We began to spread propaganda for Russia, for communism and for the Nazis at the same time. The Axis powers would defeat the Allies and together with the Axis Russia would triumph. Then communismwould spread all over Iraq-bringing happiness to the poor and to the starving peasants...44 For the uneducated masses the situation was similar. In the first months of World War Two shops in the towns of Syria would frequently show posters with Arabic slogans saying: "In heaven God is your ruler, on earth Hitler".5 And in the streets of Aleppo, Homs and Damascus a popular verse in the local dialect said: No more 'Monsieur', no more 'Mister'- God in heaven, on earth Hitler !6 The pro-German sentiment dates back to the l9th century and the ties 7 of Prussia with the military establishment of the Ottoman Empire.' Helmut von Moltke and other carefully chosen officers moulded the Ottoman army long before sultan Abdulhamit II (1876-1909). To guard the straits, cannons manufactured by Krupp were imported and installed and the German Mauser rifle "replaced the archaic carbines used by the Ottomans". 8 Germany had priviledged relations with the Young Turks, and Colmar von der Goltz (1843-1916) commanded Ottoman forces in 4 saufa yantasir al-mihwar `ald wa-saufatanta.sir Rusiya ?!OQ/:u af-shuyü'iyyal-`iruq fa-hushra li-l-fuqard'bushra li-l-falldhFnal-djäïïn, from the series of articles Kuntushuvciiiyan "I was a Communist" in the newspaperal-Hurriyya, no. 1441, August 16, 1959,here quoted according to lhsan 'Abbas, Badr Shukir al-Sayyäb.Dirdsa.ft ha-i7dtihTwa-shïrihï, Beirut 1969,Oär al- Thaqâfa,p. 86. S Shirdar Telkaz in Great Britain and the East (May 8, 1 94 1here ), quoted according to Schechtman( 1 965)85. 6 In Syrian colloquial approximately:bala misyü bald mister.ff .s-.samaAllcrh, w-`ul-ard Hitler, Schechtman(1965) 84 quoting Raoul Aglion, The FightingFrench, New York 1943, Raoul Aglion was head of the Propaganda-bureau of France Libre. Slightly different versions of this are mentioned in ' slogan Lipschits ( 1962) Wilhelm van Kampen, Studien zur deutschen Turkeipolitikin der Zeit WilhelmsII, Diss. Phil., Kiel 1968; Stanford J. Shaw & Ezel Kural Shaw, History qf'the Ottoman Empireand Modern Turkey,vol. 11,London 1977,245. $ Shaw ibid. Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 07:16:15PM via free access 129 Iraq against the British in World War I. Franz von Papen (1879-1969) was a highranking officer ("Leiter der Operationsabteilung") in the Heeresgruppe Falkenhayn which served in an advisory capacity in the Ottoman Army in Mesopotamia and Palestine. There, he became acquainted with General Mustafa Kernal. In the Thirties, the same Franz von Papen became for a short while German Reichskanzler; he was vicechancellor in Hitler's cabinet and after the R6hm-Putsch was sent to Vienna, then in April 1939 to Ankara, where he acted as German ambassador of the Third Reich until August 1944. He played an important role in Ankara as a point of contact between the Iraqi nationalists, the anti-English followers of Rashid 'Ali al-Kail-ani and the 9 "Grand-Mufti of Palestine", Hajj Amin al-Husaini.9 The principal reason why Abdulhamit had opted for the Germans as his main military experts and advisers was, of course, that Germany was seen as having no direct colonial or territorial ambitions in the area. This was an important point of sympathy. There was also the rivalry between the European powers in and before World War I, on which the Ottoman Empire tried to play. The stance of Kaiser Wilhelm II attests to this-the Egyptian emir of poets Ahmad Shauqi (1868-1932) praised the German Kaiser.1 Wilhelm II had visited Syria in the autumn of 1898. In a famous speech made in Damascus the Kaiser cleverly touched on all the topics which could strengthen German-Ottoman friendship: the greatest of all European kings, friend of the Sultan and friend of the Muslims, enemy of Russia, England and France payed his reverence to the great Salahaldin by visiting his tomb in Damascus 11. The concept of the hero-leader who would lead the Muslims, the Arabs, the - suppressed peoples of the East towards political salvation was already being formed. 1 2 Une model for such a za `im was certainly Wilhelm II. Sherif Hussein, during his rebellion against the Ottoman Empire, had the Turkish military orchestra arrested in Taif in 1915. When T.E. Lawrence and Ronald Storrs visited Hussein, the orchestra played 9 See Franz von Papen, Der Wahrheiteinc: Gas.se. Innsbruck 1952,499ff. '° Fuad Hasanein Ali, Saugi der Füst der Dichter, in: Rudi Paret (ed.), Orientalisti,sche Studien.Enno Littmann zu seinem60. Geburt.stag,Leiden 1935,p. 139-148. " Werner Endc, Weri.st ein Glaubensheld,wer ist ein Ketzer?Konkurrierende Geschichts- bilder in der modernenLiteratur is/amischer WI 23-24 70ff. 12 Ldnder, (1983-1984), Cf.
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