Micronlms International 300 N

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Micronlms International 300 N INFORMATION TO USERS This reproduction was made from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technology has been used to photograph and reproduce this document, the quality of the reproduction is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help clarify markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or “target” for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is “Missing Page(s)”. If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark, it is an indication of either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, duplicate copy, or copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed. For blurred pages, a good image of the page can be found in the adjacent frame. If copyrighted materials were deleted, a target note will appear listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photographed, a definite method of “sectioning” the material has been followed. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand comer of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. For illustrations that cannot be satisfactorily reproduced by xerographic means, photographic prints can be purchased at additional cost and inserted into your xerographic copy. These prints are available upon request from the Dissertations Customer Services Department. 5. Some pages in any document may have indistinct print. In all cases the best available copy has been filmed. Universi^ Micronlms International 300 N. Zeeb Road Ann Arbor. Ml 48106 8225514 Pourtaei, AU TOWARD A SYNTHESIS OF THEORIES OF REVOLUTION: THE CASES OF IRAN AND EGYPT The University o f Oklahoma PH.D. 1982 University Microfilms I n t e r n St i O n 31 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 THE UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE TOWARD A SYNTHESIS OF THEORIES OF REVOLUTION: THE CASES OF IRAN AND EGYPT A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By ALI POURTAEI Norman, Oklahoma 1982 TOWARD A SYNTHESIS OF THEORIES OF REVOLUTION; THE CASES OF IRAN AND EGYPT Approved By: Harold_Grasmick Associate Professor, Chair OuV«'XA70^Vje. JidlapTi Kamoche Assistant Professor istantZProfessor Wilbur stajit Professor W. G. Stegl icf^rofessor DISSERTATION COMMITTEE ACKNOWLEDGMENT The completion of the present work has been made possible with the help of many other individuals. However, there are certain people whom I should single out and appreciate. First and foremost special thanks are due to my Doctorate Committee members among whom Professors Harold G. Grasmick and W. G. Steglich played significant parts in the process. As my committee chair, Professor Grasmick was kind enough to accept and carry out a much responsibility and heavier load than other committee members in making sure that the work was presented in the best way possible. His academic responsibility in the whole course of this work was constructive and hence must be truly acknowledged. Professor Steglich was also kind enough to read, correct, and comment on the reading copy with scholarly care and friendly attitudes. I am really grateful to him. In addition to those whose intellectual helps have been incorporated, there were others whose assistance, through in different categories, has also been important to me. Chief among this group is my best friend Zia Mesbah. Z ia's overall help and encouragement have been crucial such that without which even the completion of my doctorate program might have not been possible in a timely fashion. As such, he m deserves my very best thanks and gratitudes. Finally, thanks are due to Anna Baker, the typist, who, in addition to doing a very fine job, has been very patient with me throughout the whole ordeal. IV TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. INTRODUCTION.............................................. 1-8 II. THE STUDY OF REVOLUTION................. 9-39 A. Definitional Appraisal .................. 9 B. Typology of Revolution .................. 16 C. Ideology.............................................22 D. Stages of Revolution ...................... 27 E. Causes of Revolution ...................... 33 F. The Study of Revolution is a Sociological Enterprise .... 36 III. METHODOLOGY...................................................40-52 A. Comparative Analysis ...................... 42 B. Case Study M e th o d ........................44 C. Theory Construction Technique. 46 IV. THEORIES OF REVOLUTION: A Descrip­ tion. 53-82 A. The Class Struggle Explanation of Revolution ...................................53 B. Authority Struggle as the Root Cause of Revolution .... 58 C. Collective Behavior Explanation of Revolution . 61 D. Frustration-Aggression/Cognitive Dissonance Explanation of Revolu­ tion ......................................................65 (1) Rising and Declining Satisfaction ............................. 65 (2) Cognitive Dissonance Explanation ............................. 66 (a) The Rising Expectations Hypothesis.........................67 (b) The Relative Deprivation Hypothesis.........................67 (c) The Downward Mobility Hypothesis.........................68 (d) The Status Inconsis­ tency Hypothesis .... 68 (3) Relative Deprivation Theory..........................................69 E. The Functionalist Explanation of Revolution ..........................................71 F. Status Politics Explanation of Revolution ..........................................74 G. Resource Mobilization Explana­ tion of Revolution ......................... 77 V. The Revolution of Iran (1979) ..................... 83-254 A. A Prelude ............................................... 83 B. Historical Background .................. 84 (1) The Early R o o t s .....................85 (2) The Reza Shah Phenomenon . 85 (3) Iran Under the Shah .................86 (a) The 1940s............................. 86 (b) The Early 1950s.................87 (c) After Mossadegh.................90 VI (d) The Early 1960s ................ 91 (e) The Late 196 0 s ................ 95 (f) The Early 1970s ................ 97 (g) The Mid-1970s ................102 (h) The Escalation of the T e n s io n .......................106 (i) The Take-over..............115 C. Analysis of the Root Causes of The Revolution 117-254 1. In Search of Political ....Free­ dom ..............................................118 2. The Intolerable Burden . 123 3. The Shah's Modernization . 125 Revolution From Above. 126 Land Reform ..........................127 The Illusion of Industriali­ zation ..........................................135 The Peasantry ........................ 146 The Proletariat....................147 The Middle Classes: From Evolution to Revolution. 149 The Traditional Bourgeoisie.............................150 The Religious Stratum. 155 The Intellectuals ...............165 Government Employees .... 169 S tu d en ts .................................173 The Professional Intellec­ tu a ls.........................................183 vn 4. Ideological Illusion .... 189 5. Ethnic Strain ...............................199 6. The Problem of Legitimacy. 209 D. Conclusion 217 1. The All-encompassing Cause . 218 2. Strength Versus Decay . 230 a. The Shah's Alienation. 230 b. The Shah's Army...............233 c. The Strength of the O pposition .........................236 3. Why Religious Uprising . 247 4. Identifying the Iranian R evolution ..................................251 VI. Toward An Integral Theory of Revolution ................................................... 255-307 A. P r e l u d e .............................................255 B. Applying and Synthesizing The T h eo ries........................................... 259 C. The First Step: The Structural Causes of Revolution ..................... 259 1. The Marxist Theory Applied . 259 2. The Dahrendorf Theory Applied .......................................263 a. The Religious Community. 264 b. The Traditional Political Leadership . 266 c. The Bazaaris..................266 d. The Intellectuals. 267 e. The Blue-Collar Workers..............................268 viii f. The Peasantry .....................269 3. Status Politics Explanation A p p lie d ......................................271 D. The Second Step: The Emergence of Value-Dissensus ......................... 280 1. Johnson's Revolutionary Change Applied ......................... 280 E. The Third Step: The Build-up of S t r a i n ..........................................282 1. Rise-Drop Model .........................282 2. Semlser's Theory .................... 285 3. Relative Deprivation M o d e l ..........................................287 F. The Fourth Step: Resource Mobilization Explanation A p p lie d ..............................................289 G. The Fifth Step: Ideology, Leadership, and Organization. 300 H. The Sixth Step: Windfalls as Precipitating Factors of a Revolutionary Take-Over .................304 VII. Testing the Synthesis Against the Egyptian Revolution (1952) ................. 308-354 A. The Egyptian Revolution: A Historical
Recommended publications
  • American Strategic Policy and Iranian Political Development 1943-1979
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1985 American strategic policy and Iranian political development 1943-1979 Mohsen Shabdar The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Shabdar, Mohsen, "American strategic policy and Iranian political development 1943-1979" (1985). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5189. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5189 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 Th is is an unpublished manuscript in which copyright sub ­ s is t s , Any further r epr in tin g of it s contents must be approved BY THE AUTHOR, Man sfield L ibrary Un iv e r s it y of Montana Date : •*' 1 8 AMERICAN STRATEGIC POLICY AND IRANIAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 1943-1979 By Mohsen Shabdar B.A., Rocky Mountain College, 1983 Presented in partial fu lfillm e n t of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA 1985 Approved by: ‘ Chairman, Board of Examir\efs Dean, Graduate School UMI Number: EP40653 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted.
    [Show full text]
  • Routledge Handbook on Political Parties in the Middle East and North Africa
    iii ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK ON POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Edited by Francesco Cavatorta, Lise Storm and Valeria Resta First published 2021 ISBN: 978- 0- 367- 21986- 4 (hbk) ISBN: 978- 0- 429- 26921- 9 (ebk) 18 YOUTH ACTIVISM AND POLITICAL PARTIES (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) DOI: 10.4324/9780429269219 The funder for this chapter is Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) 231 1 8 YOUTH ACTIVISM AND POLITICAL PARTIES Kressen Th yen I n t r o d u c t i o n In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), electoral turnout and party membership has been in decline over the past 50 years. The trend of disengagement from formal politics has been most acute among the younger generations. Four per cent of young people aged 18–29 are members of a political party, and only one in four voted in the most recent elections. 1 These developments have been accompanied by a relative absence of youth mobilisation in the public sphere. Until late 2010, most observers seemed to agree that large-scale youth movements were mainly a thing of the past, and that youth as a social category was alienated, divided, and frustrated, and played only a marginal role in the political arena (Meijer 2000 ; Dhillon et al. 2009 ). Consequently, the majority of youth- related studies examining the period prior to the Arab Uprisings concentrated on youth culture and identity, gender relations, religious orientation, arts and music, and generational confl ict (see, e.g. Herrera and Bayat 2010 ; Khalaf and Khalaf 2011 ). Where research focussed on youth activism, it emphasised its dispersed and fragmented engagement in form of ‘non- movements’ (Bayat 2010 ).
    [Show full text]
  • Romania Redivivus
    alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head.
    [Show full text]
  • Monopolizing Power Egypt’S Political Parties Law
    January 2007 Number 1 Monopolizing Power Egypt’s Political Parties Law I. Introduction and Recommendations...................................................................... 1 II. The Political Parties Law ......................................................................................3 III. The 2005 Amendments to the Law...................................................................... 6 IV. The Political Parties Law in Practice ................................................................... 8 V. International Law and Egypt’s Parties Law ......................................................... 14 I. Introduction and Recommendations On January 6, 2007, Abu al-`Ila Madi, a 48-year-old activist from Cairo, will plead his case before Egypt’s Supreme Administrative Court. He has appeared in the court dozens of times over the past 10 years. His purpose is to try once again to register the Wasat (Centrist) Party and begin campaigning under its name. Registering a new political party should be a transparent and apolitical bureaucratic procedure, and in many countries it is.1 In Egypt, however, in practice it is the government, and the party of government, that determine which other parties will be recognized and which will not. The result is the routine denial of applications for registration of new political parties through the use of criteria set forth in the political parties law2 that are open to subjective and arbitrary application. Madi’s struggle to gain legal recognition for the Wasat Party illustrates the deleterious effects of the law on prospective political parties, and the manner in which the government and the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) exercise unfettered discretion to deny such parties their lawful participation in the country’s political life. If President Hosni Mubarak is to make good on his promise to “enshrine the liberties of the citizen and reinvigorate political parties,”3 the Egyptian government must reform the parties law and cease obstructing the establishment and effective participation of political parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Vichy Against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État Français from 1940 to the Present
    Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present Audrey Mallet A Thesis In the Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada, and Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne December 2016 © Audrey Mallet, 2016 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Audrey Mallet Entitled: Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: Chair Dr. G. LeBlanc External Examiner Dr. E. Jennings External to Program Dr. F. Chalk Examiner Dr. D. Peschanski Examiner Dr. C. Claveau Thesis Co-Supervisor Dr. N. Ingram Thesis Co-Supervisor Dr. H. Rousso Approved by: Dr. B. Lorenzkowski, Graduate Program Director December 5, 2016 Dr. A. Roy, Dean, Faculty of Arts & Science Abstract Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present Audrey Mallet, Ph.D. Concordia University & Paris I Panthéon Sorbonne, 2016 Following the June 22, 1940 armistice and the subsequent occupation of northern France by the Germans, the French government left Paris and eventually established itself in the city of Vichy.
    [Show full text]
  • The White Rose in Cooperation With: Bayerische Landeszentrale Für Politische Bildungsarbeit the White Rose
    The White Rose In cooperation with: Bayerische Landeszentrale für Politische Bildungsarbeit The White Rose The Student Resistance against Hitler Munich 1942/43 The Name 'White Rose' The Origin of the White Rose The Activities of the White Rose The Third Reich Young People in the Third Reich A City in the Third Reich Munich – Capital of the Movement Munich – Capital of German Art The University of Munich Orientations Willi Graf Professor Kurt Huber Hans Leipelt Christoph Probst Alexander Schmorell Hans Scholl Sophie Scholl Ulm Senior Year Eugen Grimminger Saarbrücken Group Falk Harnack 'Uncle Emil' Group Service at the Front in Russia The Leaflets of the White Rose NS Justice The Trials against the White Rose Epilogue 1 The Name Weiße Rose (White Rose) "To get back to my pamphlet 'Die Weiße Rose', I would like to answer the question 'Why did I give the leaflet this title and no other?' by explaining the following: The name 'Die Weiße Rose' was cho- sen arbitrarily. I proceeded from the assumption that powerful propaganda has to contain certain phrases which do not necessarily mean anything, which sound good, but which still stand for a programme. I may have chosen the name intuitively since at that time I was directly under the influence of the Span- ish romances 'Rosa Blanca' by Brentano. There is no connection with the 'White Rose' in English history." Hans Scholl, interrogation protocol of the Gestapo, 20.2.1943 The Origin of the White Rose The White Rose originated from individual friend- ships growing into circles of friends. Christoph Probst and Alexander Schmorell had been friends since their school days.
    [Show full text]
  • State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010
    STATE, DISSIDENTS, AND CONTENTION: IRAN, 1979-2010 HAMID REZAI SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 ©2012 Hamid Rezai All rights reserved ABSTRACT State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010 Hamid Rezai Why after almost a decade of silence and “successful” crackdowns of contention during the 1980s has Iran witnessed once again waves of increasing popular protest? What are the processes and mechanisms behind the routinization of collective actions in Iran since the early 1990s, which continue despite state repression? Why and under what circumstances does a strong authoritarian state that has previously marginalized its contenders tolerate some forms of contention despite the state’s continued repressive capacity? And finally, to what extent are available social movement theories capable of explaining the Iranian case? In “State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010” I engage theories of social movements and contentious politics in order to examine the emergence, development, and likely outcomes of popular contention in contemporary Iran. My study is the first project of its kind to focus on elite factionalism and its impact on popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Although other scholars have extensively written on elite factionalism in postrevolutionary Iran, they have not analyzed the implications of the inter-elite conflict for the emergence and development of social protests against the Islamic Republic. While this study primarily utilizes political process and resource mobilization models, it acknowledges the importance of economic, ideological, and breakdown approaches for the interpretation of the emergence and development of popular mobilization in contemporary Iran.
    [Show full text]
  • Amnesty International
    amnesty international IRAN Dhabihullah Mahrami: Prisoner of Conscience October 1996 AI Index: MDE 13/34/96 Distr: SC/CC/CO/GR INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT, 1 EASTON STREET, LONDON WC1X 8DJ, UNITED KINGDOM 2 Iran: Dhabihullah Mahrami: Prisoner of Conscience IRAN Dhabihullah Mahrami: Prisoner of Conscience Dhabihullah Mahrami, aged about 50, is currently detained in a prison in Yazd, central Iran, facing charges of apostasy which can carry the death penalty 1 . Amnesty International believes him to be a prisoner of conscience, held solely on account of his religious beliefs, and is calling for his immediate and unconditional release. Dhabihullah Mahrami was born in 1946 into a Baha’i family in Yazd, where he worked as an employee of the Ministry of Agriculture. On 16 August 1995 he appeared before the Islamic Revolutionary Court in Yazd, following a summons issued on 24 July 1995 by that court. In that session, he was questioned about his current religious beliefs, in light of an announcement carried by the newspaper Keyhan in August 1983 stating that Dhabihullah Mahrami had become a Muslim, and about a document he signed in 1985 in the Department of Agriculture which stated that his religion was Islam. In the court session, he affirmed that he was a Baha’i. That court session was followed by three others in which he was requested to repent and accept Islam. When he refused to do so, he was charged with “national apostasy”2. He was then instructed to select a defence lawyer, after which a further court session took place on 2 January 1996 which resulted in his conviction of apostasy and his being sentenced to death.3 According to paragraph 19 of the 1994 law concerning the Establishment of Public and Revolutionary Courts, court verdicts resulting in the death sentence may be appealed to the Supreme Court.
    [Show full text]
  • Computer-Crimes-In-Iran-.Pdf
    ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom T: +44 20 7324 2500 F: +44 20 7490 0566 E: [email protected] W: www.article19.org Tw: @article19org Fb: facebook.com/article19org ISBN: 978-1-906586-72-0 © ARTICLE 19, 2013 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19; 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/legalcode. ARTICLE 19 would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. 3 Table of contents Glossary and abbreviations 05 Executive summary 06 Methodology 07 Section I – The politicisation of the internet and the Iranian regime’s response 08 Iran’s Computer Crimes Law 09 The rise of the internet in Iran 10 The Iranian state’s response to the rise of the internet 11 Socio-Political developments 11 Developments in Iranian internet infrastructure & policies 13 Regulatory bodies 16 Timeline – A historical overview of the Iranian state’s relationship with the internet 18 Section II – The damage caused by the Computer Crimes Law 23 Expert contributions 24 Dr Ahmed Shaheed, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran 24 Mr Collin D.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Harm Reduction in the Islamic Republic of Iran
    BRIEFING PAPER EIGHT JULY 2005 THE BECKLEY FOUNDATION DRUG POLICY PROGRAMME THE RISE OF HARM REDUCTION IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN BIJAN NISSARAMANESH, MIKE TRACE and MARCUS ROBERTS The Beckley Foundation Drug Policy Programme (BFDPP) is a new initiative dedicated to providing a rigorous independent review of the effectiveness of national and international drug policies. The aim of this programme of research and analysis is to assemble and disseminate material that supports the rational consideration of complex drug policy issues, and leads to more effective management of the widespread use of psychoactive substances in the future. SUMMARY A tough anti-drugs campaign was launched in Iran following the revolution that established the Islamic Republic in 1979. Individuals caught in possession of drugs received fines, imprisonment and corporal punishment. The death penalty was prescribed for serious drug offences. Despite these measures, drug use and drug trafficking have continued to increase, and Iran has become the principal transit country for drugs from Afghanistan. In 2002, Iran accounted for a quarter of world opiate seizures. At this time, it was officially estimated that there were between 200,000 and 300,000 drug injectors in the country, and this is widely regarded as an underestimate. The costs of Iran’s drug problem include: high levels of dependency and addiction; strains on the capacity of the criminal justice system; increases in drug related deaths; and high rates of HIV/AIDS infection among injecting drug users. There is growing recognition in Iran of the limits of enforcement, and the importance of the medical and social dimensions of drug misuse.
    [Show full text]
  • IPC: US Policy Options for Iran and Iranian Political
    Iran Policy Committee ________________________________________________ 1001 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW, 6th Floor, Washington, DC 20004 202- 742 - 6517 (o); 202-742-6501 (f); [email protected] www.iranpolicy.org White Paper U.S. Policy Options for Iran and Iranian Political Opposition 13 September 2005 Table of Contents Executive Summary Chapter One: Iran in the Global War on Terrorism and Proliferation Introduction Role in the War on Terrorism and Proliferation Globalists vs. Regionalists in the War for Washington Islamist Export of Revolution via Terrorism Iraq Al Qaeda Regional Instability: Israel, Iraq, Levant, Gulf MEK Capabilities in Comparison with those of Other Groups Active Proliferator of Weapons of Mass Destruction Conclusions Chapter Two: The Case for Removal of the Mujahedeen-e Khalq (MEK) from the U.S. State Department Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTO) List Introduction Legal Criteria for FTO Designation Allegations against the MEK Killing of Americans Support for the U.S. Embassy Takeover Suppression of Kurds Cross-Border Attacks and Assassinations Terrorist Capability and/or Intent Accusation of “Cult” Conclusions: Legal Allegations Background on the MEK The MEK’s Relationship with the U.S. Military in Iraq The MEK relationship with Iraqis MEK Capabilities Delisting the MEK Serves U.S. National Security Interests Conclusions 2 Appendix Documents Appendix A: Methodology and Content Analysis of Iranian Opposition Groups Appendix B: US-MEK Interaction After the 2003 War in Iraq A) US says Iran opposition in Iraq agrees
    [Show full text]
  • US Foreign Policy and Its Perspectives on Revolutionary Iran
    A Fleeting, Forgotten, Modus Vivendi: U.S. Foreign Policy and its Perspectives on Revolutionary Iran Before the Hostage Crisis of 1979 By Nathan Eckman Senior Thesis Spring 2018 Columbia University Department of History Seminar Advisor: Matthew Connelly Faculty Advisor: Peter Awn Table of Contents 2 Preface & Acknowledgments 3 Introduction 11 Chapter One: America, The Arbiter January – December, 1978 25 Chapter Two: “The Islamic Movement Will Squander” January – April, 1979 42 Chapter Three: Dawn in Qom, Dusk in Tehran May – November, 1979 54 Conclusion 60 Bibliography Eckman 1 Preface & Acknowledgments Four years ago I was in the Middle East wearing Marine Corps combat utilities. The men I trained beside, the seas and straits my ship traveled through, and the lands my platoon traversed illuminated the complexity and richness of the Middle East as a whole. I became fascinated with the region’s history and the United States’ involvement in it. It was also then that I decided to study the region whenever and wherever I went to school. Even then, due in part to its mysterious image and rogue-classification, I knew Iran must be the topic of my studies. So to begin, I must thank Columbia University and its History Department for providing me the opportunity to make my intellectual aspirations a reality. My years at this institution have challenged me on nearly every front and simultaneously given me the autonomy to find answers for myself. This, of course, is possible only because of the people that are the fabric of this great institution. It is tempting to list every man and woman who helped me along this journey.
    [Show full text]