IPC: US Policy Options for Iran and Iranian Political
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IRAN April 2000
COUNTRY ASSESSMENT - IRAN April 2000 Country Information and Policy Unit I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information & Policy Unit, Immigration & Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 The assessment will be placed on the Internet (http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm). An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to the following organisations: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE Medical Foundation for the care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.6 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.2 -
Whole Day Download the Hansard Record of the Entire Day in PDF Format. PDF File, 1.19
Tuesday Volume 618 20 December 2016 No. 85 HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) Tuesday 20 December 2016 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2016 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Open Parliament licence, which is published at www.parliament.uk/site-information/copyright/. 1291 20 DECEMBER 2016 1292 Heidi Alexander (Lewisham East) (Lab): In a year House of Commons when the Health Secretary has spent quite a lot of time knocking clinicians, it is good to hear him speak so positively about them. After four years in the job, what Tuesday 20 December 2016 responsibility does he accept for the lack of suitably qualified individuals—not just clinicians—who are prepared The House met at half-past Eleven o’clock to take on the top jobs in the NHS on a permanent basis? PRAYERS Mr Hunt: I will tell the hon. Lady what I take responsibility for: more doctors, more nurses and more funding than ever before in the history of the NHS. We [MR SPEAKER in the Chair] know that the highest standards are often achieved when there is strong clinical leadership. Only 54% of managers in this country are clinicians, compared with Oral Answers to Questions 74% in Canada and 94% in Sweden. That is why it is right that we do everything we can to encourage more clinicians into leadership roles. HEALTH Andrew Selous (South West Bedfordshire) (Con): Does the Secretary of State agree that the clinical leadership involved in the Getting It Right First Time initiative is The Secretary of State was asked— important, not only because it will save £1.5 billion, Clinical Leadership which could be put back into patient care, but because patients will be in less pain and will end up having fewer revision operations, and some will even survive treatment 1. -
IRAN COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
IRAN COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service Date 28 June 2011 IRAN JUNE 2011 Contents Preface Latest News EVENTS IN IRAN FROM 14 MAY TO 21 JUNE Useful news sources for further information REPORTS ON IRAN PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 14 MAY AND 21 JUNE Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Maps ...................................................................................................................... 1.04 Iran ..................................................................................................................... 1.04 Tehran ................................................................................................................ 1.05 Calendar ................................................................................................................ 1.06 Public holidays ................................................................................................... 1.07 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 3. HISTORY .................................................................................................................. 3.01 Pre 1979: Rule of the Shah .................................................................................. 3.01 From 1979 to 1999: Islamic Revolution to first local government elections ... 3.04 From 2000 to 2008: Parliamentary elections -
Non-State Nations in International Relations: the Kurdish Question Revisited
2018 Non-State Nations in International Relations: The Kurdish Question Revisited RESEARCH MASTERS WITH TRAINING – THESIS SUBMISSION JESS WIKNER 1 Statement of Declaration: I declare that this thesis is my own account of my research and contains as its main content work which has not previously been submitted for a degree at any tertiary education institution. 2 Abstract This thesis explores the fundamental research puzzle of why non-state nations struggle to achieve independent sovereign statehood through secession. It explores why non-state nations like the Kurds desire sovereign statehood, and why they fail to achieve it. This thesis argues two main points. Firstly, non-state nations such as the Kurds seek sovereign statehood because of two main reasons: the essence of nationhood and national self-determination is sovereign statehood; and that non-state nations are usually treated unfairly and unjustly by their host state and thus develop a strong moral case for secession and sovereign statehood. Secondly, non-state nations like the Kurds fail to achieve sovereign statehood mainly because of key endogenous and exogenous factors. The endogenous factors comprise internal divisions which result in failure to achieve a unified secessionist challenge, due to differences in factions which result in divergent objectives and perspectives, and the high chances of regime co-optation of dissident factions. Exogenous factors include the international normative regime which is unsupportive of secession, hence non-state nations like the Kurds do not receive support from the UN and other global bodies in their quest for sovereign statehood; and that non-state nations also seldom receive the backing from Major Powers, both democratic and non-democratic, in their efforts to secede from their host state and set up their own sovereign state. -
Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations. -
Supplemental Statement
Received bv NSD/FARA Registration Unit 12/30/2019 11:55:09 AM OMB NO. 1124-0002; Expires February 28, 2014 U.S. Department of Justice Supplemental Statement Washington, dc 20530 Pursuant to the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, as amended For Six Month Period Ending Nov 30, 2019 (Insert date) I - REGISTRANT 1. (a) Name of Registrant (b) Registration No. National Council of Resistance of iran-US Rep Offi 6171 (c) Business Address(es) of Registrant 1747 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W., Suite 1125 Washington, DC 20006 2. Has there been a change in the information previously furnished in connection with the following? (a) If an individual: (1) Residence address(es) Yes □ No H (2) Citizenship Yes □ No 53 (3) Occupation Yes □ No IS (b) If an organization: (1) Name Yes □ No E3 (2) Ownership or control Yes □ No H (3) Branch offices Yes □ No ® (c) Explain fully all changes, if any, indicated in Items (a) and (b) above. IF THE REGISTRANT IS AN INDIVIDUAL, OMIT RESPONSE TO ITEMS 3,4, AND 5(a). 3. If you have previously filed Exhibit C1, state whether any changes therein have occurred during this 6 month reporting period. Yes □ No 0 If yes, have you filed an amendment to the Exhibit C? Yes □ No □ If no, please attach the required amendment. 1 The Exhibit C, for which no printed form is provided, consists of a true copy of the charter, articles of incorporation, association, and by laws of a registrant that is an organization. (A waiver of the requirement to file an Exhibit C may be obtained for good cause upon written application to the Assistant Attorney General, National Security Division, U.S. -
What Do Iranians Think of the MEK?
Volume 3 Numbers 32&33 Date: Feb/Mar 2019 What do Iranians think of the MEK? Ali Alavi March 03 2019: Reporters who talk about the MEK usually want to talk about the politics and the money. They say, for example, that John Bolton supports them, that they get Inside this issue: money from Saudi Arabia, that they want regime change in Iran. What do Iranians think of the 1 Sometimes these reporters even mention Iranians. MEK? IT’S A MISTAKE TO 2, 3 When they do, they say the MEK doesn’t have much support in Iran be- TREAT THE MEK AS A cause of siding with Saddam Hussein in the war that ended in 1988. NORMAL OPPOSITION That’s all. GROUP Female Defectors Of The 3 Maybe they don’t say anything else because they don’t know anything MKO (MEK) In EU Parlia- else. ment. March 8th THE SPECIAL MOMENT 4, 5 Maybe they don’t care what Iranians think of the MEK because they are TO SAY NO TO THE too busy talking about what America wants and what Europe wants from CULT OF RAJAVI (MEK, NCRI, …) Iran. THE MOJAHEDIN-E 6, 7, Iranians have a lot to say about the MEK. KHALQ AREN’T AMERI- 8, 9 CA’S FRIENDS. EVEN IRANIANS WHO HATE Not just inside Iran. THE REGIME DON’T WANT MEK Not just ex-members. INTERNATIONAL LIBER- 10, TY ASSOCIATION, 11 The Iranian opposition outside Iran has its own view of the MEK. MEK’S SO-CALLED CHARITY BREACHES Let’s hear more from Iranians about the MEK. -
Mujahideen-E Khalq (MEK) Dossier
Mujahideen-e Khalq (MEK) Dossier CENTER FOR POLICING TERRORISM “CPT” March 15, 2005 PREPARED BY: NICOLE CAFARELLA FOR THE CENTER FOR POLICING TERRORISM Executive Summary Led by husband and wife Massoud and Maryam Rajavi, the Mujahideen-e Khalq (MEK) is the primary opposition to the Islamic Republic of Iran; its military wing is the National Liberation Army (NLA), and its political arm is the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI). The US State Department designated the MEK as a foreign terrorist organization in 1997, based upon its killing of civilians, although the organization’s opposition to Iran and its democratic leanings have earned it support among some American and European officials. A group of college-educated Iranians who were opposed to the pro-Western Shah in Iran founded the MEK in the 1960s, but the Khomeini excluded the MEK from the new Iranian government due to the organization’s philosophy, a mixture of Marxism and Islamism. The leadership of the MEK fled to France in 1981, and their military infrastructure was transferred to Iraq, where the MEK/NLA began to provide internal security services for Saddam Hussein and the MEK received assistance from Hussein. During Operation Iraqi Freedom, however, Coalition forces bombed the MEK bases in Iraq, in early April of 2003, forcing the MEK to surrender by the middle of April of the same year. Approximately 3,800 members of the MEK, the majority of the organization in Iraq, are confined to Camp Ashraf, their main compound near Baghdad, under the control of the US-led Coalition forces. -
Introduction Chapter 1
Notes Introduction 1. Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd ed. (Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press, 1970). 2. Ralph Pettman, Human Behavior and World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1975); Giandomenico Majone, Evidence, Argument, and Persuasion in the Policy Process (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), 275– 76. 3. Bernard Lewis, “The Return of Islam,” Commentary, January 1976; Ofira Seliktar, The Politics of Intelligence and American Wars with Iraq (New York: Palgrave Mac- millan, 2008), 4. 4. Martin Kramer, Ivory Towers on Sand: The Failure of Middle Eastern Studies in Amer- ica (Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000). 5. Bernard Lewis, “The Roots of Muslim Rage,” Atlantic Monthly, September, 1990; Samuel P. Huntington, “The Clash of Civilizations,” Foreign Affairs 72 (1993): 24– 49; Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996). Chapter 1 1. Quoted in Joshua Muravchik, The Uncertain Crusade: Jimmy Carter and the Dilemma of Human Rights (Lanham, MD: Hamilton Press, 1986), 11– 12, 114– 15, 133, 138– 39; Hedley Donovan, Roosevelt to Reagan: A Reporter’s Encounter with Nine Presidents (New York: Harper & Row, 1985), 165. 2. Charles D. Ameringer, U.S. Foreign Intelligence: The Secret Side of American History (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1990), 357; Peter Meyer, James Earl Carter: The Man and the Myth (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1978), 18; Michael A. Turner, “Issues in Evaluating U.S. Intelligence,” International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence 5 (1991): 275– 86. 3. Abram Shulsky, Silent Warfare: Understanding the World’s Intelligence (Washington, DC: Brassey’s [US], 1993), 169; Robert M. -
Íránská Opozice Za Vlády Mahmúda Ahmadínežáda Případová Studie Národní Rady Íránského Odporu
MASARYKOVA UNIVERZITA FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH STUDIÍ Katedra mezinárodních vztahů a evropských studií Obor: Mezinárodní vztahy Íránská opozice za vlády Mahmúda Ahmadínežáda Případová studie Národní rady íránského odporu Bakalářská práce Karolína Pawlusová Vedoucí práce: PhDr. Pavel Pšeja, Ph.D UČO: 416684 Obor: MV Imatrikulační ročník: 2012 Brno, 2016 Čestné prohlášení Prohlašuji, že jsem bakalářskou práci Íránská opozice za Ahmadínežáda: Případová studie Národní rady íránského odporu vypracovala samostatně za použití uvedených zdrojů. V Brně, 18. 12. 2016 …………………………………. Karolína Pawlusová Poděkování Tímto bych chtěla poděkovat PhDr. Pavlu Pšejovi, Ph.D za odborné rady, trpělivost a vstřícný osobní přístup během konzultací. Anotace Tato bakalářská práce se zabývá íránskou opozicí, konkrétně Národní radou íránského odporu. Cílem práce je zjistit, jakým způsobem probíhala interakce mezi touto organizací a íránským režimem za Ahmadínežádova prezidentství. První část práce je věnována popisu íránského režimu a identifikování základních konfliktů zájmů a hodnot. Na základě Hlaváčkovy definice a typologie opozice v nedemokratických režimech je pak v druhé části Národní rada íránského odporu analyzována ze čtyř různých úhlů, a to v širším kontextu existující íránské opozice let 2005 – 2013. Klíčová slova Írán, NCRI, MKO, MEK, PMOI, Národní rada íránského odporu, Lidoví Mudžahedíni, Ahmadínežád, Rajavi, Nedemokratické režimy, Opozice. Abstract This Bachelor’s thesis handles the Iranian opposition, in more particular the National Council of Resistance of Iran. The goal of this Study is to ascertain in which way the interaction between this organization and the Iranian regime during Ahmadinejad’s Presidency takes place. The first part of the Study is dedicated to describing the Iranian regime and identifying the basic conflicts of values and interests. -
Rising up for Freedom
IRAN RISING UP FOR FREEDOM 1,000 International Dignitaries, Iranians, in 30,000 locations from 102 countries join Free Iran Global Summit at Ashraf 3, Albania, online. Maryam Rajavi #FreeIran2020 Special Report Sponsored The by Alliance Public for Awareness Iranian dissidents rally for regime change in Tehran BY BEN WOLFGANG oppressive government that has ruled Iran from both political parties participating has proven it can’t deliver for its people. tHe WasHInGtOn tImes since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Leaders represented a who’s who list of American “The Iranian people want change, to of the NCRI, which is comprised of multiple “formers,” including former Sen. Joseph I. have democracy, finally to have human Iran’s theocracy is at the weakest point other organizations, say the council has seen Lieberman of Connecticut, former Penn- rights, to finally have economic wealth, of its four-decade history and facing un- its stature grow to the point that Iranian sylvania Gov. Tom Ridge, former Attorney no more hunger. The will of the people precedented challenges from a courageous officials can no longer deny its influence. General Michael Mukasey, retired Marine is much stronger than any oppressive citizenry hungry for freedom, Iranian dis- The NCRI has many American support- Commandant James T. Conway and others. measure of an Iranian regime,” said Martin sidents and prominent U.S. and European ers, including some with close relationships Several current U.S. officials also delivered Patzelt, a member of German Parliament. politicians said Friday at a major interna- to Mr. Trump, such as former New York remarks, including Sen. -
1 Zeynep Kaya and Matthew Whiting Final Version Submitted by Authors
This is the accepted version of the following article: Kaya, Zeynep and Whiting, Matthew (2017) Sowing division: Kurds in the Syrian War. Middle East Policy, 24 (1). pp. 79-91. ISSN 1061-1924, which has been published in final form at: https:// onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/mepo.12253. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Use of Self-Archived Versions. SOWING DIVISION: KURDS IN THE SYRIAN WAR Zeynep Kaya and Matthew Whiting Final version submitted by authors to Middle East Policy after the article was accepted. Zeynep Kaya is a research fellow at the Middle East Centre and Research Officer at the Centre for Women, Peace and Security at the London School of Economics and Political Science. She received her PhD from the LSE and she works on Kurdish politics in the Middle East and gender and displacement in Iraq. Matthew Whiting is a Research Associate at the Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations at the University of Coventry. He holds a PhD from the LSE and his research examines ethnic conflict and the causes of political moderation. His book on the conflict in Northern Ireland is forthcoming with Edinburgh University Press in 2017. Kurdish groups, both within Syria and throughout the Middle East, undoubtedly see the Syrian war as an opportunity to advance their goals of self-determination. The Kurdish autonomous region of Rojava is held up as proving the viability and necessity of Kurdish self-rule within any future Syria, with Kurdish leader Idris Nassan declaring that “federalism should be the future.”1 In addition, key events throughout the conflict were seized upon by Kurdish leaders in Turkey and Iraq to generate support for their causes.