World War Two and the Holocaust
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The Obedience Alibi Milgram 'S Account of the Holocaust Reconsidered
David R. Mandel The Obedience Alibi Milgram 's Account of the Holocaust Reconsidered "Unable to defy the authority of the experimenter, [participantsj attribute all responsibility to him. It is the old story of 'just doing one's duty', that was heard time and again in the defence statement of the accused at Nuremberg. But it would be wrang to think of it as a thin alibi concocted for the occasion. Rather, it is a fundamental mode of thinking for a great many people once they are locked into a subordinate position in a structure of authority." {Milgram 1967, 6} Abstract: Stanley Milgram's work on obedience to authority is social psychology's most influential contribution to theorizing about Holocaust perpetration. The gist of Milgram's claims is that Holocaust perpetrators were just following orders out of a sense of obligation to their superiors. Milgram, however, never undertook a scholarly analysis of how his obedience experiments related to the Holocaust. The author first discusses the major theoretical limitations of Milgram's position and then examines the implications of Milgram's (oft-ignored) experimental manipula tions for Holocaust theorizing, contrasting a specific case of Holocaust perpetration by Reserve Police Battalion 101 of the German Order Police. lt is concluded that Milgram's empirical findings, in fact, do not support his position-one that essen tially constitutes an obedience alibi. The article ends with a discussion of some of the social dangers of the obedience alibi. 1. Nazi Germany's Solution to Their J ewish Question Like the pestilence-stricken community of Oran described in Camus's (1948) novel, The Plague, thousands ofEuropean Jewish communities were destroyed by the Nazi regime from 1933-45. -
Nazi Germany and Anti-Jewish Policy
Nazi Germany and Anti-Jewish Policy The Nazi Party rose to power with an antisemitic racial ideology. However, the anti-Jewish campaign was not conducted according to a blueprint, rather it evolved. Before the outbreak of the war, political and economic factors, as well as public opinion both inside and outside Germany influenced the evolution of Nazi anti-Jewish laws and measures. The main purpose of the anti-Jewish policy between 1933 and 1939 according to the racial theory was to isolate German Jewry from German society. These laws sought to uproot and dispossess Jews economically from daily life in Germany and Boycott entries before Jewish department store, 1933 encourage them to leave their homeland. These laws limited and humiliated Jews on a daily basis. Anti-Jewish Policy (1933–1939) Divided Into Three Periods n The first period, 1933–1934, included boycotts against Jews and the Civil Service Law that dismissed Jews from government jobs. n The second period began in the spring of 1935 and was marked by the establishment of the racially based Nuremberg Laws. Jews were no longer German citizens. n The third period from 1937–1939 was a time of increasing anti-Jewish violence, confiscation of Jewish property, and the forbidding of Jewish ownership of business concerns. The turning point of this period was the Kristallnacht Pogrom. Anti-Jewish Policy by Year 1933 n All non-“Aryans” were dismissed from holding government jobs. This regulation applied to public school teachers, university professors, doctors, lawyers, engineers, etc. — all Jews who held government positions of any kind. Non-“Aryans” were defined as Jews, the children of Jews, and the grandchildren of Jews. -
Routledge Handbook on Political Parties in the Middle East and North Africa
iii ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK ON POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Edited by Francesco Cavatorta, Lise Storm and Valeria Resta First published 2021 ISBN: 978- 0- 367- 21986- 4 (hbk) ISBN: 978- 0- 429- 26921- 9 (ebk) 18 YOUTH ACTIVISM AND POLITICAL PARTIES (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) DOI: 10.4324/9780429269219 The funder for this chapter is Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) 231 1 8 YOUTH ACTIVISM AND POLITICAL PARTIES Kressen Th yen I n t r o d u c t i o n In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), electoral turnout and party membership has been in decline over the past 50 years. The trend of disengagement from formal politics has been most acute among the younger generations. Four per cent of young people aged 18–29 are members of a political party, and only one in four voted in the most recent elections. 1 These developments have been accompanied by a relative absence of youth mobilisation in the public sphere. Until late 2010, most observers seemed to agree that large-scale youth movements were mainly a thing of the past, and that youth as a social category was alienated, divided, and frustrated, and played only a marginal role in the political arena (Meijer 2000 ; Dhillon et al. 2009 ). Consequently, the majority of youth- related studies examining the period prior to the Arab Uprisings concentrated on youth culture and identity, gender relations, religious orientation, arts and music, and generational confl ict (see, e.g. Herrera and Bayat 2010 ; Khalaf and Khalaf 2011 ). Where research focussed on youth activism, it emphasised its dispersed and fragmented engagement in form of ‘non- movements’ (Bayat 2010 ). -
Vichy France and the Jews
VICHY FRANCE AND THE JEWS MICHAEL R. MARRUS AND ROBERT 0. PAXTON Originally published as Vichy et les juifs by Calmann-Levy 1981 Basic Books, Inc., Publishers New York Contents Introduction Chapter 1 / First Steps Chapter 2 / The Roots o f Vichy Antisemitism Traditional Images of the Jews 27 Second Wave: The Crises of the 1930s and the Revival of Antisemitism 34 The Reach of Antisemitism: How Influential Was It? 45 The Administrative Response 54 The Refugee Crisis, 1938-41 58 Chapter 3 / The Strategy o f Xavier Vallat, i 9 4 !-4 2 The Beginnings of German Pressure 77 Vichy Defines the Jewish Issue, 1941 83 Vallat: An Activist at Work 96 The Emigration Deadlock 112 Vallat’s Fall 115 Chapter 4 / The System at Work, 1040-42 The CGQJ and Other State Agencies: Rivalries and Border Disputes 128 Business as Usual 144 Aryanization 152 Emigration 161 The Camps 165 Chapter 5 / Public Opinion, 1040-42 The Climax of Popular Antisemitism 181 The DistriBution of Popular Antisemitism 186 A Special Case: Algeria 191 The Churches and the Jews 197 X C ontents The Opposition 203 An Indifferent Majority 209 Chapter 6 / The Turning Point: Summer 1Q42 215 New Men, New Measures 218 The Final Solution 220 Laval and the Final Solution 228 The Effort to Segregate: The Jewish Star 234 Preparing the Deportation 241 The Vel d’Hiv Roundup 250 Drancy 252 Roundups in the Unoccupied Zone 255 The Massacre of the Innocents 263 The Turn in PuBlic Opinion 270 Chapter 7 / The Darquier Period, 1942-44 281 Darquier’s CGQJ and Its Place in the Regime 286 Darquier’s CGQJ in Action 294 Total Occupation and the Resumption of Deportations 302 Vichy, the ABBé Catry, and the Massada Zionists 310 The Italian Interlude 315 Denaturalization, August 1943: Laval’s Refusal 321 Last Days 329 Chapter 8 / Conclusions: The Holocaust in France . -
Romania Redivivus
alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head. -
Monopolizing Power Egypt’S Political Parties Law
January 2007 Number 1 Monopolizing Power Egypt’s Political Parties Law I. Introduction and Recommendations...................................................................... 1 II. The Political Parties Law ......................................................................................3 III. The 2005 Amendments to the Law...................................................................... 6 IV. The Political Parties Law in Practice ................................................................... 8 V. International Law and Egypt’s Parties Law ......................................................... 14 I. Introduction and Recommendations On January 6, 2007, Abu al-`Ila Madi, a 48-year-old activist from Cairo, will plead his case before Egypt’s Supreme Administrative Court. He has appeared in the court dozens of times over the past 10 years. His purpose is to try once again to register the Wasat (Centrist) Party and begin campaigning under its name. Registering a new political party should be a transparent and apolitical bureaucratic procedure, and in many countries it is.1 In Egypt, however, in practice it is the government, and the party of government, that determine which other parties will be recognized and which will not. The result is the routine denial of applications for registration of new political parties through the use of criteria set forth in the political parties law2 that are open to subjective and arbitrary application. Madi’s struggle to gain legal recognition for the Wasat Party illustrates the deleterious effects of the law on prospective political parties, and the manner in which the government and the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) exercise unfettered discretion to deny such parties their lawful participation in the country’s political life. If President Hosni Mubarak is to make good on his promise to “enshrine the liberties of the citizen and reinvigorate political parties,”3 the Egyptian government must reform the parties law and cease obstructing the establishment and effective participation of political parties. -
Jews, Masculinity, and Political Violence in Interwar France
Jews, Masculinity, and Political Violence in Interwar France Richard Sonn University of Arkansas On a clear, beautiful day in the center of the city of Paris I performed the first act in front of the entire world. 1 Scholom Schwartzbard, letter from La Santé Prison In this letter to a left-wing Yiddish-language newspaper, Schwartzbard explained why, on 25 May 1926, he killed the former Hetman of the Ukraine, Simon Vasilievich Petliura. From 1919 to 1921, Petliura had led the Ukrainian National Republic, which had briefly been allied with the anti-communist Polish forces until the victorious Red Army pushed both out. Schwartzbard was a Jewish anarchist who blamed Petliura for causing, or at least not hindering, attacks on Ukrainian Jews in 1919 and 1920 that resulted in the deaths of between 50,000 and 150,000 people, including fifteen members of Schwartzbard's own family. He was tried in October 1927, in a highly publicized court case that earned the sobriquet "the trial of the pogroms" (le procès des pogroms). The Petliura assassination and Schwartzbard's trial highlight the massive immigration into France of central and eastern European Jews, the majority of working-class 1 Henry Torrès, Le Procès des pogromes (Paris: Editions de France, 1928), 255-7, trans. and quoted in Felix and Miyoko Imonti, Violent Justice: How Three Assassins Fought to Free Europe's Jews (Amherst, MA: Prometheus, 1994), 87. 392 Jews, Masculinity, and Political Violence 393 background, between 1919 and 1939. The "trial of the pogroms" focused attention on violence against Jews and, in Schwartzbard's case, recourse to violence as resistance. -
Timeline-Wall-Chart.Pdf
Holocaust Timeline Wall Chart SYSTEMATIC PERSECUTION Humiliation Identification Segregation Concentration Annihilation 2 1914 –1932... Before the Holocaust 1914 –1918 World War I Involved a great many combatant nations and caused the deaths of 21 million people 1918 Germany defeated in World War I 1919 Versailles Treaty Drafted by Britain, France and the United States and signed on 28 June 1919. Germans resent the peace treaty imposed on them by the victorious Allies which forces them to yield territory and pay huge reparations. It also places strict limitations on the German armed forces, not only in size (100,000 men) but also in armaments: Germany not allowed to retain an airforce, tanks or submarines and could maintain only 6 capital naval ships. Many Germans blame the Jews for their country’s defeat 1919 –1933 Weimar Republic 1920 The German Workers’ Party becomes the Nazi Party (National Socialist German Workers’ Party – Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei ) 1921 Hitler becomes leader of the Nazi Party 1929 The Great Depression begins 1930 The Nazi Party has the second-largest representation in the Reichstag 1932 Six million German workers are unemployed In the Reichstag elections of November 1932, the Nazis lose almost two million votes from the previous elections of July. It is clear that the Nazis will not gain a majority and Hitler agrees to a coalition with conservatives. After months of negotiations, President Paul von Hindenburg agrees to appoint Hitler Chancellor of Germany 3 1933–1945... THE HOLOCAUST Hitler appointed -
Professor Adam S. Ferziger, Ph.D. S.R. Hirsch Chair For
Professor Adam S. Ferziger, Ph.D. S.R. Hirsch Chair for Research of the Torah with Derekh Erez Movement Department of Jewish History and Contemporary Jewry Bar-Ilan University [email protected] Curriculum Vitae Academic Education 2001 Ph. D. [Summa Cum Laude], Modern Jewish History, Bar-Ilan University Dissertation Advisor: Professor Gershon C. Bacon 1990 M.A., Modern Jewish History, Bernard Revel Graduate School, Yeshiva University Thesis Advisor: Professor Jacob Katz z”l 1990 B.A. [Cum Laude] - Political Science/Jewish History, Yeshiva College, Yeshiva University Advanced Religious Education 1990 Rabbinical Ordination, Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Theological Seminary, Yeshiva University 1987-90 Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Theological Seminary, Yeshiva University (New York and Gruss Insitute, Jerusalem) 1984-6 Yeshiva Program, Yeshiva University 1983-4 Yeshivat Har-Etzion (Gush), Alon Shevut 1982-3 Beit Medrash le-Torah (BMT), Jerusalem Academic Appointments 2017 Arnold/Yaschik Distinguished Visiting Professor, College of Charleston 2015-present S.R. Hirsch Chair for Research of the Torah with Derekh Erez Movement, Faculty of Jewish Studies, Bar-Ilan University 2015-present Senior Associate, Oxford Centre for Hebrew and Jewish Studies, University of Oxford 1 2013-present Professor Haver, Department of Jewish History and Contemporary Jewry, Bar- Ilan University 2008-13 Senior Lecturer with tenure - Graduate Program in Contemporary Jewry, Bar- Ilan University 2003-08 Lecturer and Gwendolyn & Joseph Straus Teaching Fellow in Jewish Studies, Graduate Program -
And Other Targeted Minorities in the Third Reich Week 2 Unit Learning Ou
WEEK 2 Prewar Persecution of “Enemies of the State” and Other Targeted Minorities in the Third Reich Prepared by Tony Joel and Mathew Turner Week 2 Unit Learning Outcomes ULO 1. evaluate in a reflective and critical manner the consequences of racism and prejudice ULO 3. synthesise core historiographical debates on how and why the Holocaust occurred Introduction This learning module is divided into a series of seven mostly short sections all of which are linked by the common theme of German victim groups who were ostracised and persecuted by their own government when living under Nazism. We start this week by examining the Nazi concept of supposed “Aryan” superiority and the creation of a national socialist “people’s community” or what the Nazis termed their ideal Volksgemeinschaft. Section 2 explores theories of Nazi “racial hygiene” and eugenics, which provided a pseudoscientific framework for Nazi racial theories including the identification of “undesirables” (Jews and others) who were classified as not belonging to the Volksgemeinschaft. Section 3 (the lengthiest this week) investigates the persecution of Jews living in the Third Reich, particularly in the prewar period 1933-39 but also up to 1941. Section 4 considers how German Jews responded to this persecution, both “officially” and privately. Section 5 outlines the Nazi system of concentration camps, used to intimidate and imprison political opponents and other individuals considered to be “enemies of the state.” The section reinforces the important point that, although they were included among the targets, Jews were by no means the main priority during the prewar period. Section 6 looks at the Nazi program of forced sterilisation introduced as early as July 1933, which provided Nazi doctors with the legal means to carry out the sterilisation of individuals who, according to racial “science,” threatened the purity of the “Aryan race.” Sterilisation victims included Germans with hereditary illnesses, mental illnesses, or perceived physical and intellectual disabilities. -
Hard Hearts; the Volksgemeinschaft As an Indicator of Identity Shift Kaitlin Hampshire James Madison University
James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Masters Theses The Graduate School Summer 2017 Hard times; Hard duties; Hard hearts; The Volksgemeinschaft as an indicator of identity shift Kaitlin Hampshire James Madison University Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019 Part of the European History Commons, Military History Commons, and the Other German Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation Hampshire, Kaitlin, "Hard times; Hard duties; Hard hearts; The oV lksgemeinschaft as na indicator of identity shift" (2017). Masters Theses. 488. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019/488 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the The Graduate School at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hard Times; Hard Duties; Hard Hearts; The Volksgemeinschaft as an Indicator of Identity Shift Kaitlin Hampshire A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History August 2017 FACULTY COMMITTEE: Committee Chair: Dr. Christian Davis Committee Members/ Readers: Dr. Michael Gubser Dr. Gabrielle Lanier To Mom and Dad, I do not know how I could have done this without you! II Acknowledgements Foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my director Dr. Christian Davis for his support of my Master’s Thesis. Besides my director, I would like to thank the rest of my thesis committee: Dr. Michael Gubser and Dr. Gabrielle Lanier. My deepest thanks goes to my Graduate Director and Mentor Dr. -
To the Limits of Acceptability: Political Control of Higher Education
John Biggs and Richard Davis (eds), The Subversion of Australian Universities (Wollongong: Fund for Intellectual Dissent, 2002). Chapter 2 To the limits of acceptability: political control of higher education William Bostock Over 2,000 years ago Aristotle observed that humans are political animals. In a more recent discussion, politics was defined as “who gets what, when, how,”1 and if we apply this proposition to higher education, it is clear that higher education is highly political. In this chapter I will consider a number of examples of how in the exercise of power policy-makers have pushed universities to the limits of accept- ability and sometimes beyond. What are the limits of acceptability and what are the consequences of exceeding them? A useful metaphor sees a university as a ship2 (an adaptation of the conventional “ship of state”). I am not going to argue that universities should be or could be totally exempt from any political interference, rather that, like courts of law or hospitals, certain kinds of inappropriate interference by politicians or their appointees are highly damaging to the performance of the essential tasks of these institutions. For a university to maintain its standing as a university, it must operate within certain parameters of academic acceptability; just as a ship must remain within certain hydrodynamic parameters to stay afloat. Academic parameters are more difficult to locate, because, unlike ships, universities rarely sink without trace. Nevertheless, gross breaches of procedure can griev- ously damage an institution’s standing, with disastrous consequences for students and staff, present and past, and a community at large.