The Global Justice Movement How Far Does the Classic Social Movement Agenda Go in Explaining Transnational Contention?
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Nations and Global Justice
Nations and Global Justice Paul DUMOUCHEL 要旨:国境と境界 本論は,グローバル正義論が古典的な社会的正義論と三つの基本的前提を共有していること を論じる。第一の前提は,個人の道徳的な重要性である。第二の前提は,共通の制度的な戦略 である。第三の前提は,政治と社会的正義との関係についての共通の理念である。それらの理 論が適用されるそれぞれのコンテキストは異なっている。社会的正義論の場合は閉じた社会で あり,グローバル正義論の場合は独立国家の多元性によって特徴付けられた国際的な状況であ る。この根本的なコンテキストの違いを考えれば,この共通の三つの前提,特に最後の前提は, グローバルなコンテキストにおける正義の問題を正しく理解するための主要な妨げとなってい る。 Keywords : 社会的正義,グローバル正義,国民国家,ロールズ,普遍性,国民の同質化, 政治的正義 Global and social justice Proponents of global justice, for example, Thomas Pogge, Kok-Chor Tan, Charles Beitz, Gillian Brock, or Henry Shue, argue in favor of a strictly liberal foundation for global justice. 1) According to them, global justice consists in equal justice for every one independently of who he or she is, without any consideration of race, gender, ethnic origin or of where he or she happens to have been born. Just as liberals consider that skin color or gender should not have any incidence on peoples’ claim to equal justice, global liberals argue that the place of birth, for example, Sierra Leone rather than Japan, is arbitrary from a moral point of view, and therefore that it should not enter into account when we try to determine a person’s rights or entitlements. Yet, arbitrary as this difference may be, in the world in which we live, the nation one belongs to clearly has far reaching consequences on a person’s opportunities, welfare or rights. It is this difference between the equal rights which, from a moral and normative point of view, all individuals share and the real inequalities that exist at the global international level that motivates proponents of global justice. From the liberal individualistic point of view, nationality – where one happens to have been born – is a morally irrelevant accident. -
Augustine and Political Theory: Dialogue Or Dialectic?
AUGUSTINE AND POLITICAL THEORY: DIALOGUE OR DIALECTIC? Monday, April 16, 2018 Prospect House, Princeton University A public workshop presented by The James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions, Princeton University Cosponsored by The University Center for Human Values, Princeton University Recent scholarship in political theory displays a considerable interest in Augustine’s thought. This conference workshop aims to deepen this scholarship, by probing how political theorists develop accounts of modernity and republicanism, political theology, and contemporary theory through positive or negative readings of Augustine’s thought. Undoubtedly, much recent scholarship is post- Rawlsian. Either it seeks to apply insights Augustine has on concepts Rawlsian liberalism deems integral to sustaining pluralistic societies, such as fairness. Or, it argues that to sustain pluralistic societies, Rawlsian liberalism must include concepts of civic virtue, care, and love found in Augustine. While these lines of enquiry are fruitful, they take the framework of Rawlsian liberalism as a given without probing its foundations. Addressing these foundations, this workshop explores themes in republicanism, political theology, and modern political theory, with Augustine as its guide. For Rawlsian political theory, the concern with the civil and religious unrest of the 17th century demands that common political life be sustained by the idea of an overlapping consensus, which does not make reference to comprehensive doctrines. Hence the modern problem of religious violence impels a defense of a modern ideal of public reason. But critics of political liberalism ask whether this account of modernity is adequate. What claims does modernity make about human beings, politics, and God? What understanding of modernity should inform future political theory? It is here where political theorists reveal how they stand toward Augustine’s deepest themes. -
The Social Bases of the Global Justice Movement Some Theoretical Reflections and Empirical Evidence from the First European Social Forum
The Social Bases of the Global Justice Movement Some Theoretical Reflections and Empirical Evidence from the First European Social Forum Donatella della Porta Civil Society and Social Movements United Nations Programme Paper Number 21 Research Institute December 2005 for Social Development This United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Programme Paper has been produced with the support of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). UNRISD also thanks the governments of Denmark, Finland, Mexico, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom for their core funding. Copyright © UNRISD. Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorization on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to UNRISD, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland. UNRISD welcomes such applications. The designations employed in UNRISD publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNRISD con- cerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the author(s), and publication does not constitute endorse- ment by UNRISD. ISSN 1020-8178 Contents Acronyms ii Summary/Résumé/Resumen iii Summary iii Résumé iv Resumen v Introduction 1 1. Social Characteristics of Political Activists: Four Main Hypotheses 1 2. The Global Justice Movement as a “Movement of Movements”? 6 3. Generations of Activists 9 4. Gender in Movements 10 5. New Middle Class and New Social Movements 12 6. -
Politics 4206F/9762A, Philosophy 9117A: Theories of Global Justice 2018-9
Politics 4206f/9762a, Philosophy 9117a: Theories of Global Justice 2018-9. Thursday 11.30-1.30, SSC 4112. Instructor: R. Vernon, SSC 4216, office hours Monday 1-3 and other times by arrangement. ([email protected]) A seminar on some of the main theories of/issues in global justice in recent political theory. Part I introduces the two main theoretical perspectives, cosmopolitan and nationalist. and discusses global distributive justice (i.e. issues of wealth, poverty, inequality). Parts II and III look briefly at issues of retributive and reparative justice (i.e. punishment and compensation). Assignments: 1. 4206a: An essay, 12/15 pages, due on April 6, worth 70%. Late penalty 2% per day. Normally the essay will be on one of the week’s topics, drawing on the set readings plus the supplementary reading for that week. 9762a/9121a: as above, but the essay should be 15-20 pages. 2. A weekly one-page (single-spaced) report summarizing what you take to be important in the two set readings, to be handed in at the seminar. There is no mark for this assignment, but students who fail to submit at least 8 reports during the term will not be eligible for a participation mark. The report is simply intended to ensure that members of the group are in a position to exchange views about the readings. 9726a/9121a: as above, but the weekly report is to be 1.5 pages (single- spaced) and must cover the supplementary reading for the week in addition. 3. Participation mark: 30%. This is a seminar course and it works only if everyone does their best to contribute to discussion. -
A Study of Permaculture and Anarchism in Global Justice Movements in New Zealand
AN ALTERNATIVE TO DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK: A STUDY OF PERMACULTURE AND ANARCHISM IN GLOBAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS IN NEW ZEALAND By Tazia Gaisford A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Development Studies Victoria University of Wellington 2011 2 Abstract This study is a response to calls for alternatives to development by post- development authors and critics of post-development alike. It asks “can the praxis of permaculture and anarchism provide an alternative to development?” Although alternatives to development arguably do not exist untouched by the dominant development paradigm, it is possible to imagine and to create the different possible organisations based on principles of mutual aid, direct action and self-management. Anarchism as a politically focused social philosophy and permaculture as an ecologically focused design philosophy are mutually beneficial in strengthening each other. The combined analysis of alternatives to development uses case studies in the Wellington Region, primarily Climate Camp Aotearoa, with permaculture and anarchist principles, and contributes another perspective to the post-development debate. The two approaches share converging central ethics, principles and struggles of praxis. They recognise that transformative change is necessary. Whether it is called a cultural revolution, transition or paradigm shift, the underlying recognition is that we need to live more harmoniously with each other and the natural environment by creating diverse post-industrial societies. Many tools, principles and processes advocated by alternative development and post-development are the same. However, the combination of those tools, principles and processes, and how they are designed and applied in relation to each other systemically, are significant in determining whether or not the intent is that of an alternative to development. -
Refusing and Resisting Borders ALEX SAGER
REVIEW ALEX Refusing and SAGER Resisting Borders Natasha King, No Borders: The Politics of Immigration Control and Resistance (London: Zed Books, 2016). • Natasha King’s No Borders is an exploration of how people refuse borders and oppose border controls, rooted in her activism and fieldwork in Athens and in Callais. It takes as axioms that no one is illegal and that it is necessary to construct autonomous spaces outside the state. No Borders is an impressive, eclectic, partisan attempt to construct a no borders philosophy and practice. Like Harsha Walia’s important Undoing Border Imperialism,1 it draws on anarchist thought, continental philosophy, and the voices of migrants and their allies. Though it is unlikely to convert many people not already committed to no borders, it is a powerful and challenging example of how activist research can inform political philosophy. Much discussion of immigration assumes (often implicitly) that border controls are natural, timeless, and realistic.2 In contrast, King begins with the observation that border regimes are productive3: states produce illegal immigration through laws and policies that are neither natural nor inevitable. It is these laws and policies that make unauthorized migration and movement problematic, not migration itself. King rejects the possibility that state coercion can be legitimately used to prevent and regulate movement. Instead, her no borders politics is anarchist: the state is ‘the practice of certain forms of social relation that are based upon relations of hierarchy and domination.’4 An anarchist politics of immigration faces two major obstacles. The first obstacle is how to think about politics while rejecting the legitimacy of the state. -
The Global Justice and Solidarity Movement and the World Social Forum : a Backgrounder
THE GLOBAL JUSTICE AND SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT AND THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUM : A BACKGROUNDER Peter Waterman he WSF is probably best identified with the recent international wave of protest T known as the 'anti-globalisation movement'. While intimately interrelated with the latter, the WSF is just one emanation of this much more general phenomenon and process. How can these and their inter-relationship be best understood ? It is possible to make a 19th-20th century comparison, with the relationship between trade unions or labour parties on the one hand and 'the labour movement' on the other. But the labour movement, whilst obviously broader and looser than any particular institution, and having international expression, consisted largely of other, primarily national, institutions (co-operatives, women's organisations, publications). The WSF is an essentially international event (or an expanding series of such). And on the other hand, we have an essentially international movement that might not even (yet ?) recognise itself as such. So we are confronted with two new social phenomena — of the period of globalisation, that are both international and global, and that have a novel relationship with each other. The WSF — promoted by an identifiable group of Brazilian, French and other non-governmental organisations, trade unions and individuals — is itself linked organically to the more general movement. This is through an informal Forum event, known as the ‘Call of Social Movements’, which has been attended, and its regular declarations signed, by -
The Autonomy of Struggles and the Self-Management of Squats: Legacies of Intertwined Movements Miguel A
Interface: a journal for and about social movements Article Volume 11 (1): 178 – 199 (July 2019) Martínez, The Autonomy of Struggles The autonomy of struggles and the self-management of squats: legacies of intertwined movements Miguel A. Martínez Abstract How do squatters’ movements make a difference in urban politics? Their singularity in European cities has often been interpreted according to the major notion of ‘autonomy’. However, despite the recent upsurge of studies about squatting (Cattaneo et al. 2014, Katsiaficas 2006, Martínez et al. 2018, Van der Steen et al. 2014), there has not been much clarification of its theoretical, historical and political significance. Autonomism has also been identified as one of the main ideological sources of the recent global justice and anti-austerity movements (Flesher 2014) after being widely diffused among European squatters for more than four decades, which prompts a question about the meaning of its legacy. In this article, I first examine the political background of autonomism as a distinct identity among radical movements in Europe in general (Flesher et al. 2013, Wennerhag et al. 2018), and the squatters in particular—though not often explicitly defined. Secondly, I stress the social, feminist and anti-capitalist dimensions of autonomy that stem from the multiple and specific struggles in which squatters were involved over different historical periods. These aspects have been overlooked or not sufficiently examined by the literature on squatting movements. By revisiting relevant events and discourses of the autonomist tradition linked to squatting in Italy, Germany and Spain, its main traits and some contradictions are presented. Although political contexts indicate different emphases in each case, some common origins and transnational exchanges justify an underlying convergence and its legacies over time. -
The Global Justice Movement
HOME VIEWS & REVIEWS AUTHORS INDEX SEARCH SUBSCRIBE No. 19, July 1, 2010 The Global Justice Movement Geoffrey Pleyers Department of Sociology and Anthropology Belgian Foundation for Scientific Research (FNRS) Abstract: After providing a brief overview of the global justice movement history, this article analyzes the main argument raised by its activists to oppose the neoliberal ideology, as notably asserted by the shifts in the discourses of some G20 leaders. Activists however call attention to the gap between the speeches of the G20 leaders and the measures actually implemented. Accordingly, global justice activists have decided to focus on seeking concrete outcomes through the following: specialized advocacy networks, empowerment at the local level and alliances with progressive regimes. Keywords: alter-globalization, financial and economic crisis, G20, neoliberalism, poverty reduction, US Social Forum, Washington Consensus 1 Between June 22 and 27, 2010, Detroit hosted the second US Social Forum with some 15,000 activists in attendance. Since the first World Social Forum in 2001, “Social Forums” have become major events of the global justice movement (also called “alter- globalization”). Similar meetings have been organized at the local, national, continental, and global level. They allow activists to share their experience, successes, and challenges, to discuss alternative practices or policies and to elaborate common strategies on issues ranging from local community life to global warming and finance regulation. 2 The first US Social Forum (USSF) was held in 2007 in Atlanta. Some 10,000 activists attended it from a wide range of political sympathies, including the non-profit sector, local movements, alternative liberals, anarchist networks, and a strong participation of Pleyers, GSJ 19(1 July 2010), 1 minorities (Smith & Juris, 2008). -
The Problem of Global Justice
THOMAS NAGEL The Problem of Global Justice I We do not live in a just world. This may be the least controversial claim one could make in political theory. But it is much less clear what, if any- thing, justice on a world scale might mean, or what the hope for justice should lead us to want in the domain of international or global institu- tions, and in the policies of states that are in a position to affect the world order. By comparison with the perplexing and undeveloped state of this subject, domestic political theory is very well understood, with multiple highly developed theories offering alternative solutions to well-defined problems. By contrast, concepts and theories of global justice are in the early stages of formation, and it is not clear what the main questions are, let alone the main possible answers. I believe that the need for workable ideas about the global or international case presents political theory with its most important current task, and even perhaps with the oppor- tunity to make a practical contribution in the long run, though perhaps only the very long run. The theoretical and normative questions I want to discuss are closely related to pressing practical questions that we now face about the legit- imate path forward in the governance of the world. These are, inevitably, questions about institutions, many of which do not yet exist. However imperfectly, the nation-state is the primary locus of political legitimacy and the pursuit of justice, and it is one of the advantages of domestic political theory that nation-states actually exist. -
Pragmatism. Practice and the Possibility of Progress
Chapter 3 Pragmatism. Practiceand the possibility of progress “The ethical life belongs to human beings,livingtogether in ever largergroups, and work- ing out their shared liveswith one another.Philosophy’stask is to facilitatethis working out.” — P. Kitcher 1Cosmopolitanism as apersonal wayoflife Cosmopolitanism and egalitarianism are not onlytheoretical normative ideals. They can become alived practice when theyare endorsed by individual agents, shape theirethos, and influencehow agents feel and think, talk and act about global issues. The third essential feature of my theory of cosmopolitan responsi- bility is its pragmatic nature for which Itake some inspiration from the rich and diverse philosophical tradition of US-Americanpragmatism, notablyfrom the works of John Dewey.¹⁴⁵ Although the inspiration is more general thansystemat- ic, the following chapter will introduce several elements of apragmatist ap- proach to ethics that Isuggest to integrate into the proposed theory of cosmopol- itan responsibility. To be clear,Ido not aspire to develop acomprehensive account of pragmatic ethics, which is admittedlyinitself less acoherent moral philosophical theory than aspecific perspective on the means and aims of ethics.¹⁴⁶ Neither do Ipropose afull pragmatist account of (global) justice.¹⁴⁷ The fact that Dewey’sbiography shows him personallyanactive cosmopolitan, involved in manyprogressive social movements around the world, shall onlybebrieflymentioned here. For his engagement in Turkey,China, Mexicoand elsewhere, cf. the biographybyMartin (2002).— Dewey himself does not particularlystress the cosmopolitan implications of his ethics himself. Nevertheless,therehavebeen several attempts in the literaturetoreadhim as acosmopolitan in general, as wellasavaluable contributortothe project of aglobal ethics (Waks 2009,Hickman 2010). Particularly fruitful, in this regard, wereattempts to takeupDewey’sthinkinginpolitical theory and theories of international relations (Cochran 1999,Bray2011). -
Global Justice Anca Gheaus [email protected] Department of Political
Global Justice Anca Gheaus [email protected] Department of Political Science Central European University MA Programme in Political Science Winter semester 2020-21 (2 US credits) Class meetings: Office hours: Introduction Traditionally, theories of justice have sought to identify principles and institutions that regulate, internally, the social interaction of people living within particular states. Yet, over the past decades the world has become increasingly globalised, and this fact has raised new challenges for the empirical and normative relevance of states. This fact has also called for rethinking individuals’ claims of justice in relation to states other than their own, and of their responsibilities towards suffering in remote places. These are issues of global justice. During the first part of the course we shall discuss two related questions that are foundational to global justice: First, whether the scope of social and distributive justice is local (the state) or global, and, second, whether partiality towards co- nationals is legitimate (and if yes, what is its scope). Then we shall look at direct practical implications of answering these questions in particular ways: such implications include opening borders, the regulation of immigration and citizenship and the global distribution of wealth and human capital. We shall also discuss normative issues raised by multiculturalism and gender, and by exploitation – for instance, sweatshops. The last meetings we be devoted to an examination of individual duties to alleviate global poverty