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Anti-Globalization Or Alter-Globalization? Mapping the Political Ideology of the Global Justice Movement1

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Anti-Globalization Or Alter-Globalization? Mapping the Political Ideology of the Global Justice Movement1 International Studies Quarterly (2012) 56, 439–454 Anti-Globalization or Alter-Globalization? Mapping the Political Ideology of the Global Justice Movement1 Manfred B. Steger RMIT University and University of Hawai’i-Manoa and Erin K. Wilson University of Groningen Globalization has unsettled conventional, nationally based political belief systems, opening the door to emerging new global political ideologies. While much analytic focus has been on ideational transformations related to market globalism (neoliberalism), little attention has been given to its growing number of ideologi- cal challengers. Drawing on data collected from 45 organizations connected to the World Social Forum, this article examines the political ideas of the global justice movement, the key antagonist to market globalism from the political Left. Employing morphological discourse analysis and quantitative content analysis, the arti- cle assesses the ideological coherence of ‘‘justice globalism’’ against Michael Freeden’s (1996) three criteria of distinctiveness, context-bound responsiveness, and effective decontestation. We find that justice globalism displays ideological coherence and should be considered a maturing political ‘‘alter’’-ideology of global sig- nificance. The evidence presented in this article suggests the ongoing globalization of the twenty-first-century ideological landscape. The breakdown of the Cold War order organized emerging global ideologies. Much-needed assessments around the opposing ideological poles of capitalist lib- of the transformation of the contemporary ideological eralism vs collectivist communism and the ensuing landscape have largely been confined to what has been wave of globalization have unsettled conventional variously referred to as ‘‘neoliberalism,’’ ‘‘globaliza- political belief systems. Across political, social, tion-from-above,’’ or ‘‘market globalism’’ (Falk 1999; economic, and cultural dimensions, globalizing forces Barber 2001; Mittelman 2004; Harvey 2005; Steger both generate and respond to new ‘‘global problems’’ 2009). However, less attention has been paid to ‘‘jus- beyond the reach of nationally based political institu- tice globalism,’’ that is, the political ideas and values tions and their associated ideologies. These new global associated with social alliances and political networks problems include financial volatility, climate change increasingly known as the ‘‘global justice movement’’ and environmental degradation, increasing food scar- (GJM). city, pandemics such as AIDS and SARS, widening dis- Since the turn of the century, the combined forces parities in wealth and well-being, increasing migratory of justice globalism have been gathering political pressures, manifold cultural and religious conflicts, strength. This is evidenced not only in the ongoing and transnational terrorism. Intrinsically connected to worldwide mass protests against ‘‘corporate globaliza- these complex dynamics, nationally based political ide- tion’’ but also in the emergence of informal global ologies have themselves been globalized. This dynamic governance bodies such as the World Social Forum includes a shift from state-based international gover- (WSF) as key ideological sites of the movement. The nance mechanisms to international organizations and WSF draws to its annual meetings tens of thousands of nonstate actors, underpinned by commitment to these delegates from around the world. Proclaiming ‘‘another world is possible,’’ the proponents of justice 1 globalism deliberately set up the WSF as a ‘‘parallel Authors’ note: The research presented in this article summarizes findings forum’’ to the well-known neoliberal World Economic from the first phase of a research project that maps the ideological structure and policy alternatives of the GJM. The authors gratefully acknowledge the Forum (WEF) in Davos, Switzerland. Just like market Australian Research Council (ARC) for funding this project with a 2009–2011 globalists, who treat the WEF as a platform to project Discovery Grant. The 400-page report, Mapping Justice Globalism: Report on Phase their ideas and values to a global audience, justice glo- One, will be released online in mid-2011. The authors also wish to thank James balists utilize the WSF as one of the chief production Goodman, the second Chief Investigator for this project, who will direct the policy analysis phase. His comments on and insights into the Phase One data sites of their ideological and policy alternatives. The were invaluable in the process of writing this article. significance of these two organizations and others like Steger, Manfred B. and Erin K. Wilson. (2012) Anti-Globalization or Alter-Globalization? Mapping the Political Ideology of the Global Justice Movement. International Studies Quarterly,doi: 10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00740.x Ó 2012 International Studies Association 440 Anti-Globalization or Alter-Globalization? them reinforces the increasingly globalized nature of Dagger 2008). For many years, the pioneers of ideol- political contestation and the need to move beyond ogy studies have used various qualitative methodolo- state-based political actors so as to comprehend the gies to analyze and evaluate the historical evolution many changes occurring in the global political land- and conceptual structures of political belief systems. scape. Their efforts have yielded familiar ideal-types: liberal- Despite the growing strength of the GJM, evidenced ism, conservatism, socialism, anarchism, communism, in the emergence of sites like the WSF, many hard- and fascism ⁄ Nazism. Although all political ideologies core neoliberals and even some pro-market reformists engage in simplifications and distortions, their func- have dismissed justice globalism as unreflectively ‘‘anti- tions should not be reduced to such a ‘‘critical con- globalization,’’ alleging that it amounts to little more ception’’ (Thompson 1990). A more ‘‘neutral than a superficial shopping list of complaints that lack conception’’ would also affirm their integrative func- a coherent theoretic structure and a unifying policy tions as indispensable mental maps that help people framework (Friedman 2000, 2005; Stiglitz 2003; Bhagw- navigate their political universe (Mannheim 1936; ati 2004; Wolf 2004; Greenwald and Kahn 2009). Althusser 1969; Gramsci 1971; Ricoeur 1986; Freeden Employing morphological discourse analysis and quanti- 1996; Steger 2008). tative content analysis, this article tests this influential During the last two decades, political and social the- allegation by seeking to identify and critically evaluate orists have researched the impact of globalization on the core concepts and central ideological claims of jus- existing ideational systems, arguing that the contempo- tice globalism. The article specifically engages with the rary transformation of conventional ideologies is skeptical challenge posed by market globalists: Is the linked to the rise of a new social imaginary that casts GJM merely an unimaginative collection of disparate the world as a single, interdependent place (Robertson ‘‘anti’’ groups (or perhaps a strategic alliance of 1992; Albrow 1996; Appadurai 1996; Giddens 2000; instrumental single-issue movements), or does it actu- Sassen 2006; Steger 2008). Like all social imaginaries, ally possess a mature coherent ideological structure the rising global imaginary fosters implicit background (‘‘justice globalism’’) that provides conceptual and understandings enabling common practices and iden- practical alternatives to the dominant paradigm of tities (Taylor 2004) as well as providing a prereflexive market globalism? framework for our daily routines (Bourdieu 1990). But Drawing on relevant data and textual evidence from the thickening ‘‘consciousness-of-the-world–as-a-whole’’ 45 organizations linked to the WSF, the article identi- does not imply a supposedly impending ‘‘death of the fies a number of core concepts and central claims that nation-state’’ (Guehenno 1995; Ohmae 1995) or sug- suggest justice globalism should be considered a con- gest the disappearance of potent localisms or tribal- gealing political ideology offering an alternative con- isms. The local, national, and regional persist in ceptual framework for collective political action.2 symbolic markers, identities, and socio-political sys- Furthermore, the article posits that justice globalism tems, but these are increasingly reconfigured and also provides practical policy alternatives to those cur- recoded around the global. For example, various rently touted by market globalists. The existence of micro-studies of ‘‘mega-events’’ of transnational signifi- strong ideological and policy components in justice cance such as world exhibitions, major sports events, globalism suggests that, contrary to the assertion of and international arts festivals show the ideological neoliberals, justice globalism is not simply anti-global- projection of the global imaginary by means of ‘‘con- ization. Instead, it may be described more accurately densation symbols’’ and ‘‘condensation performances’’ as alter-globalization, offering a sophisticated alterna- in mostly urban ‘‘condensation spaces’’ where those tive vision of global politics at the outset of the twenty- events are staged (Steger 2011). first century. Political ideologies translate the largely prereflexive social imaginary into concrete political agendas. Con- ventional political ideologies have been predominantly Globalization and Political Ideologies linked to national imaginaries, such as Italian fascism, Political
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