Curriculum Vitae of Walden Bello
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No. 701, November 20, 1998
soC!: No. 701 ~X-623 20 November 1998 Down With. Starvation Blockade! U.S. Out of the Near East! • • et our ooav anas raq! NOVEMBER 17-Massively rein 1991, which included the use of de forcing its armada of warships, sub pleted uranium shells (see "Iraq marines, aircraft carriers, tighter Cancer Epidemic Made in U.S.A.," bombers and cruise missiles in the WV No. 690, 8 May). Down with Persian Gulf, U.S. imperialism is the starvation blockade! U.S. impe once again poised to unleash rialism: Get your bloody hands off bloody carnage on the Iraqi people. Iraq! The Clinton White House has now Fearful of stirring up domestic announced a postponement of the discontent, America's rulers rely military strike as the Iraqi regime on high-tech missile and bombing agreed to again allow free rein to strikes which minimize U.S. casu the imperialist spies who masque alties while wreaking devasta rade as "arms inspectors." Trum tion on the Iraqi population. peting Washington's aim of over An editorial in the New York Times throwing the Saddam Hussein (13 November), mouthpiece of regime, Clinton hellows, "Iraq has the liberal bourgeoisie, virtually backed down, but that is not screamed for Iraqi blood, calling enough." British Labour prime for a "sustained" bombing cam minister Tony Blair rants that the paign which would necessarily "slightest obstruction" of United include "a regrettable risk of civil Nations weapons inspectors will be ian casualties." met with an "immediate attack, no The repeated displays of terror warning whatever." Today's New by U.S. -
A Popular Strongman Gains More Power by Joseph Purugganan September 2019
Blickwechsel Gesellscha Umwelt Menschenrechte Armut Politik Entwicklung Demokratie Gerechtigkeit In the Aftermath of the 2019 Philippine Elections: A Popular Strongman Gains More Power By Joseph Purugganan September 2019 The Philippines concluded a high-stakes midterm elections in May 2019, that many consider a critical turning point in our nation’s history. While the Presidency was not on the line, and Rodrigo Duterte himself was not on the ballot, the polls were seen as a referendum on his presidency. Duterte has drawn flak for his deadly ‘War on In midterm elections, voters have historically fa- Drugs’ that has taken the lives of over 5,000 vored candidates backed by a popular incumbent suspects according to official police accounts, and rejected those supported by unpopular ones. but the death toll could be as high as 27,000 ac- In the 2013 midterms for instance, the adminis- cording to the Philippine Commission on Human tration supported by former President Benigno Rights. The administration has also been criti- Aquino III, won 9 out of 12 Senate seats. Like cized for its handling of the maritime conflict Duterte, Aquino had a high satisfaction rating with China in the West Philippine Sea. heading into the midterms. In contrast, a very unpopular Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, with neg- Going into the polls however, Duterte, despite ative net satisfaction ratings, weighed down the all the criticisms at home and abroad, has main- administration ticket. In the Senate race in 2007, tained consistently high popularity and trust the Genuine Opposition coalition was able to se- ratings. The latest survey conducted five months cure eight out of 12 Senate seats, while Arroyo’s ahead of the elections showed the President Team Unity only got two seats and the other two having a 76 percent trust score and an 81 percent slots went to independent candidates. -
The Philippine Left in a Changing Land
The Philippine Left in a Changing Land On October 21 nine members of the Philippine National Federation of Sugar Workers were shot dead while participating in a protest. The killers are assumed to be employed by local capitalists. Killings of union, peasant, and other activists have increased sharply under President Duterte. Dozens of activists have already been killed. Under Duterte’s authoritarian rule, the Philippine left is faced with new difficulties. Three weeks before the killings of the trade unionists, the Philippine Daily Enquirer published the headline “Duterte fires last leftist in government.” The leftist in question is Joel Maglunsod, undersecretary of the Department of Labor and Employment, formerly a leader of the Kilusan Mayo Uno trade- union movement.1 Meanwhile, attacks by the armed wing of the Maoist Communist Party of the Philippines, the New People’s Army (NPA), increased after a ceasefire broke down in early 2017. Lasting roughly half a year, it was the longest ceasefire ever between the NPA and a Philippine government. But even when it still had allies in the government, the CPP had begun to denounce the Duterte regime as fascist and a pawn of the United States. How to explain such contradictions? Much international news about Duterte is concerned with the “war on drugs” he unleashed. Since Duterte assumed office in July 2016, conservative estimates indicate that the police or state- sponsored death squads have killed more than 12,000, almost exclusively from the most impoverished sections of Philippine society. The real number of casualties is likely much higher. During his presidential campaign, Duterte made clear that he was planning to organize large-scale violence. -
Popular Uprisings and Philippine Democracy
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UW Law Digital Commons (University of Washington) Washington International Law Journal Volume 15 Number 1 2-1-2006 It's All the Rage: Popular Uprisings and Philippine Democracy Dante B. Gatmaytan Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Dante B. Gatmaytan, It's All the Rage: Popular Uprisings and Philippine Democracy, 15 Pac. Rim L & Pol'y J. 1 (2006). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol15/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Copyright © 2006 Pacific Rim Law & Policy Journal Association IT’S ALL THE RAGE: POPULAR UPRISINGS AND PHILIPPINE DEMOCRACY † Dante B. Gatmaytan Abstract: Massive peaceful demonstrations ended the authoritarian regime of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines twenty years ago. The “people power” uprising was called a democratic revolution and inspired hopes that it would lead to the consolidation of democracy in the Philippines. When popular uprisings were later used to remove or threaten other leaders, people power was criticized as an assault on democratic institutions and was interpreted as a sign of the political immaturity of Filipinos. The literature on people power is presently marked by disagreement as to whether all popular uprisings should be considered part of the people power tradition. -
Since Aquino: the Philippine Tangle and the United States
OccAsioNAl PApERs/ REpRiNTS SERiEs iN CoNTEMpoRARY AsiAN STudiEs NUMBER 6 - 1986 (77) SINCE AQUINO: THE PHILIPPINE • TANGLE AND THE UNITED STATES ••' Justus M. van der Kroef SclloolofLAw UNivERsiTy of o• MARylANd. c:. ' 0 Occasional Papers/Reprint Series in Contemporary Asian Studies General Editor: Hungdah Chiu Executive Editor: Jaw-ling Joanne Chang Acting Managing Editor: Shaiw-chei Chuang Editorial Advisory Board Professor Robert A. Scalapino, University of California at Berkeley Professor Martin Wilbur, Columbia University Professor Gaston J. Sigur, George Washington University Professor Shao-chuan Leng, University of Virginia Professor James Hsiung, New York University Dr. Lih-wu Han, Political Science Association of the Republic of China Professor J. S. Prybyla, The Pennsylvania State University Professor Toshio Sawada, Sophia University, Japan Professor Gottfried-Karl Kindermann, Center for International Politics, University of Munich, Federal Republic of Germany Professor Choon-ho Park, International Legal Studies Korea University, Republic of Korea Published with the cooperation of the Maryland International Law Society All contributions (in English only) and communications should be sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu, University of Maryland School of Law, 500 West Baltimore Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201 USA. All publications in this series reflect only the views of the authors. While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of materials to be published, the individual author is responsible for statements of facts and expressions of opinion con tained therein. Subscription is US $15.00 for 6 issues (regardless of the price of individual issues) in the United States and Canada and $20.00 for overseas. Check should be addressed to OPRSCAS and sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu. -
Dialogue and Reconciliation from Bullets to Ballots
Dialogue and Reconciliation FROM BULLETS TO BALLOTS Sulaymaniyah Conference Iraqi Kurdistan December 2012 Content Participants 3 Dialogue and reconciliation 4 Reconciliation processes 4 Reconciliation as a process and a goal 6 How to use dialogue as a political tool 7 Challenges and difficulties with dialogue 9 The role of women in promoting dialogue and reconciliation 10 After the struggle - how to include citizens and society in the political agenda 11 How do you get different sides in the revolution to constructively work for the better of the whole country together? 12 The young generation - in what ways can they contribute the best to a nonviolent society? 13 Text and layout Otto Widmark Photos Hama Omer and on page 5 by Martin Karlsson. This publication has been produced with financial support from The Swedish Inter- national Development Agency (Sida). Sida is not liable for content, layout or opini- ons expressed in the brochure. The views expressed in this publication are those of the people speaking during the conference. They do not necessarily represent the opinions of the Social Democratic Party of Sweden and The Olof Palme International Center. 2 Participants ANC, South Africa Mr Molefe Samuel Tsele Akbayan, Philippines Mr Mario J. Aguja Mr Exuperio C. Lloren Fatah, Palestine Mr Mahmoud Allabadi Ms Heyam Saada Ms Myassar Abu Shawish Frelimo, Mozambique Ms Beleza Fernandes Zita Mr Adelino Zacarias Ivala MPLA, Angola Mr Joâo Baptista Domingos Ms Lizete Neto PUK, Iraqi Kurdistan Mr Rizgar Ali Mr Mala Bakhtiar Ms Jwan Ihsan Fawsi -
Bloodied Democracy: Duterte and the Death of Liberal Reformism in the Philippines Thompson, Mark R
www.ssoar.info Bloodied democracy: Duterte and the death of liberal reformism in the Philippines Thompson, Mark R. Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Thompson, M. R. (2016). Bloodied democracy: Duterte and the death of liberal reformism in the Philippines. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 35(3), 39-68. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-10098 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-ND Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-ND Licence Keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NoDerivatives). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/deed.de Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs The Early Duterte Presidency in the Philippines Thompson, Mark R. (2016), Bloodied Democracy: Duterte and the Death of Liberal Reformism in the Philippines, in: Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 35, 3, 39–68. URN: http://nbn-resolving.org/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-10098 ISSN: 1868-4882 (online), ISSN: 1868-1034 (print) The online version of this article can be found at: <www.CurrentSoutheastAsianAffairs.org> Published by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of Asian Studies and Hamburg University Press. The Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. -
Long Biography Walden Bello
WALDEN BELLO Director, Focus on the Global South Walden Bello is executive director of Focus on the Global South, professor of sociology at the University of the Philippines, and a fellow of the Transnational Institute. He is one of the leading critics of the current model of economic globalisation, combining the roles of intellectual and activist. As a human rights and peace campaigner, academic, environmentalist and journalist, and through a combination of courage as a dissident, with an extraordinary breadth of published output and personal charisma, he has made a major contribution to the international case against corporate- driven globalisation. Bello was born in Manila in the Philippines in 1945. He was studying in Princeton for a sociology Ph.D in 1972 when Ferdinand Marcos took power, and plunged into political activism, collecting his Ph.D, but not returning to the university for another 20 years. Over the next two decades, he became a key figure in the international movement to restore democracy in the Philippines, co- ordinating the Anti-Martial Law Coalition and establishing the Philippines Human Rights Lobby in Washington. He was arrested repeatedly and finally jailed by the US authorities in 1978 for leading the non- violent takeover of the Philippine consulate in San Francisco. He was released a week later after a hunger strike to publicise human rights abuses in his home country. While campaigning on human rights he saw how the World Bank and IMF loans and grants were supporting the Marcos regime in power. To expose their role, he took the risk of breaking into the World Bank headquarters in Washington, and brought out 3,000 pages of confidential documents. -
Assemblée Générale GÉNÉRALE A/HRC/8/3/Add.2 16 Avril 2008
NATIONS UNIES A Distr. Assemblée générale GÉNÉRALE A/HRC/8/3/Add.2 16 avril 2008 FRANÇAIS Original: ANGLAIS CONSEIL DES DROITS DE L’HOMME Huitième session Point 3 de l’ordre du jour PROMOTION ET PROTECTION DE TOUS LES DROITS DE L’HOMME, CIVILS, POLITIQUES, ÉCONOMIQUES, SOCIAUX ET CULTURELS, Y COMPRIS LE DROIT AU DÉVELOPPEMENT Rapport du Rapporteur spécial sur les exécutions extrajudiciaires, sommaires ou arbitraires, M. Philip Alston Additif* MISSION AUX PHILIPPINES * Seul le résumé du présent rapport a été revu par les services d’édition et distribué dans toutes les langues officielles. Le rapport proprement dit, joint en annexe au résumé, ainsi que les appendices sont distribués tels que reçus. GE.08-13002 (F) 250408 280408 A/HRC/8/3/Add.2 page 2 Résumé Au cours des six dernières années, il y a eu de nombreuses exécutions extrajudiciaires de militants gauchistes aux Philippines. Ces assassinats ont éliminé des dirigeants de la société civile, y compris des défenseurs des droits de l’homme, des syndicalistes et des partisans de la réforme agraire, intimidé un très grand nombre d’acteurs de la société civile et porté atteinte à la diversité du discours politique dans le pays. Suivant qui fait les calculs et comment ils sont faits, le nombre total des exécutions varie de 100 à plus de 800. La stratégie contre-insurrectionnelle et les récents changements de priorités du système de justice pénale sont des éléments qui aident particulièrement à comprendre pourquoi ces assassinats continuent. Au Gouvernement, nombreux sont ceux qui pensent qu’un grand nombre d’organisations de la société civile sont des «façades» pour le Parti communiste des Philippines (CPP) et son groupe armé, la Nouvelle armée populaire (NPA), d’où l’organisation, entre autres, d’opérations contre-insurrectionnelles aboutissant à des exécutions extrajudiciaires de militants gauchistes. -
Anti-Globalization Or Alter-Globalization? Mapping the Political Ideology of the Global Justice Movement1
International Studies Quarterly (2012) 56, 439–454 Anti-Globalization or Alter-Globalization? Mapping the Political Ideology of the Global Justice Movement1 Manfred B. Steger RMIT University and University of Hawai’i-Manoa and Erin K. Wilson University of Groningen Globalization has unsettled conventional, nationally based political belief systems, opening the door to emerging new global political ideologies. While much analytic focus has been on ideational transformations related to market globalism (neoliberalism), little attention has been given to its growing number of ideologi- cal challengers. Drawing on data collected from 45 organizations connected to the World Social Forum, this article examines the political ideas of the global justice movement, the key antagonist to market globalism from the political Left. Employing morphological discourse analysis and quantitative content analysis, the arti- cle assesses the ideological coherence of ‘‘justice globalism’’ against Michael Freeden’s (1996) three criteria of distinctiveness, context-bound responsiveness, and effective decontestation. We find that justice globalism displays ideological coherence and should be considered a maturing political ‘‘alter’’-ideology of global sig- nificance. The evidence presented in this article suggests the ongoing globalization of the twenty-first-century ideological landscape. The breakdown of the Cold War order organized emerging global ideologies. Much-needed assessments around the opposing ideological poles of capitalist lib- of the transformation of the contemporary ideological eralism vs collectivist communism and the ensuing landscape have largely been confined to what has been wave of globalization have unsettled conventional variously referred to as ‘‘neoliberalism,’’ ‘‘globaliza- political belief systems. Across political, social, tion-from-above,’’ or ‘‘market globalism’’ (Falk 1999; economic, and cultural dimensions, globalizing forces Barber 2001; Mittelman 2004; Harvey 2005; Steger both generate and respond to new ‘‘global problems’’ 2009). -
Crossovers Double-Crossed: Ngos, Semi-Clientelism and Political Reform
Crossovers double-crossed: NGOs, semi-clientelism and political reform Citation of the final chapter: Reid, Benjamin 2018, Crossovers double-crossed: NGOs, semi-clientelism and political reform. In Thompson, Mark R and Batalla, Eric Vincent C (ed), Routledge handbook of contemporary Phillippines, Routledge, Abingdon, Eng., pp.386-395. This is the accepted manuscript of a chapter published by Routledge in Routledge handbook of contemporary Phillippines in 2018, available at: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315709215 © 2018, Routledge Downloaded from DRO: http://hdl.handle.net/10536/DRO/DU:30079192 DRO Deakin Research Online, Deakin University’s Research Repository Deakin University CRICOS Provider Code: 00113B Page 1 of 16 Page 2 of 16 From Crossover… An extensive associational/ civil society sector exists in the Philippines, alongside formal constitutional democracy; political elite-led clientelism; and high levels of poverty and economic inequality (Silliman & Noble, 1998). More recently, one facet social reform was the “crossover” of personnel from the development non-government organisations (NGO) within the associational sphere over to occupying government positions. Benigno Aquino’s government have most recently incorporated both important development NGO leaders and a non-mainstream political party – Akbayan (the Citizen’s Action Party) – into a formal coalition. The hope was that these alliances sections of the political elite and civil society leaders would result in substantive social and economic reforms. Arguably, the process of crossover was a reflection of two broad trends. On the international scale, development policy became increasingly preoccupied with problems of governance and the state Page 3 of 16 Neo-Tocquevillean and Gramscian frameworks. The first section provides a brief theoretical overview of the issues of states, civil society cooperation and development policy. -
Political Party Internationals As Guardians of Democracy – Their Untapped Potential ROGER HÄLLHAG
Political Party Internationals as Guardians of Democracy – Their Untapped Potential ROGER HÄLLHAG he gains of the world wave of democratization in the 1990s are yet to T be consolidated. Some democracies are not being seen to deliver ac- cording to voters’ expectations. Anti-democratic ideas and autocrats have made a comeback in some countries. The meaning and means of democ- racy promotion have become controversial. Even so, the tremendous gains in political freedom across the world over the past two decades are real. The proliferation of freely formed political parties is a key feature. Now political parties need to make the effort – and be given the chance and time – to build effective, lasting democratic governance. It is in the nature of any political party to reassert the particularity of its mission, character, and leadership ambitions. But leaving aside the de- tails of daily politicking, political parties across the world show remark- able similarities. They follow comparable logics and share sources of in- spiration in terms of identity, organization, policies, and communication techniques. Successful parties have always been role models. The Party Internationals are channels for such broad convergence. Instant and uni- versal access to political news adds force to this. With economic and cul- tural globalization a common stage has been created (some say, imposed) for politics and policies – although this also brings with it the threat of nationalism and »anti-globalization.« The five existing party-based world organizations represent this global landscape of convergence into political families. At the same time, there are many political forces in the new multifaceted world that do not fit in.