An Indispensable Intermission for One's Everyday Title Life -A Phase of the Chanoyu Lesson in the Present-

Author(s) 宮内,壽美

Citation 政治経済学研究論集, 2: 93-111

URL http://hdl.handle.net/10291/19339

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Issue Date 2018-02-28

Text version publisher

Type Departmental Bulletin Paper

DOI https://m-repo.lib.meiji.ac.jp/

Meiji University 政治経済学研究論集

第 2 号 2018. 2

An Indispensable Intermission for One's Everyday Life: APhaseoftheChanoyu Lesson in the Present

日常のための不可欠な中断

―現代における茶の湯稽古の一面―

博士後期課程 政治学専攻 2016年度修了 宮内壽美 MIYAUCHI Sumi

【Abstract】 This paper focuses on the reason why people being taking the Chanoyu lessons. It is composed based on the qualitative research with a small group of practitioners in a small town in Yamagata prefecture, Northeast of . As the result of this research, the informants posit their ex- periences thorough the Chanoyu lesson as an imaginary diŠerent dimensional space and time on the opposite spectrum of their everyday lives: busy, obligatory, and inescapable lives. During their - time experiences they can momently transfer to the unknown old and nostalgic space and time with the feelings separate from the world where they exist. They deliberately recognize a sense, return to everyday life, as the prerequisite condition and then transfer to the diŠerent world which gives them a feeling of release from strain of their everyday lives. Thus, attending and experience the Chanoyu lesson and its spatial and temporal ``Special'' world serves as the indispensable intermis- sion for the informants' everyday lives which they continuously live their ordinary but increasingly more complexed lives.

【Key Words】 Everyday life, Imaginary ``Past,'' Indispensable intermission, ``Special,'' Transfer

Introduction

Chanoyu has a long time history and already has been studied with many aspects by scholars in

the diŠerent academic ˆelds such as history, religion, art, architecture, and so forth. One of those

研究論集委員会 受付日 2017年 9 月22日 承認日 2017年10月30日

―― studies in the social science ˆeld has started in the 20th century by scholars in the United States.

Some of them studied Chanoyu with the relationships between ritual with the religious thought (but not religion itself), the interactionism, and the nationalism [Kondo 1985, Anderson 1987, 1991,

Mori 1988, Surak 2012]. Although, in particular, Chanoyu has originally developed in Japan, its formal anthropological study took place at the end of the 20th century in Japan, and only a few

Japanese anthropologists have published their works in Japan. This paper is following those works and serves as yet another attempt with the practitioners' point of views to discuss Chanoyu which has several phases.

Chanoyu is comprised with some elements: tea room, , implements, food, and so forth.

Chanoyu needs much knowledge of them to attendants to enjoy interactional work1 as tea gatherings.2 Thus, many people who relate to Chanoyu usually look and experience the ceremony with the intent towards acquiring knowledge of the Chanoyu-centered perspectives. However, I will attempt to discuss the diŠerent perspective from the perspective of practitioners who do not become instructors, those individuals who sometimes suspend their practice, but who maintain a central relationship with the activities and people surrounding Chanoyu. Some of them, in particu- lar, tie with their instructors whether they have suspended the lessons for long period. Those prac- titioners' purposes to take the lesson were diŠerent from people who focus on acquiring the knowledge and skills in Chanoyu. In this paper, I examine one of the Chanoyu's phases together with the occasion of its lesson.

I adapt the ``nostalgia,'' in particular, without the real experiences [Davis 1979, Yano 2002] and

``identity switching'' [Ikegami 2005] to this study. I borrow those concepts to understand and to discuss the informants' discourses. The informants created the spatially and temporally special occasions nostalgic and old but unknown with the Chanoyu lesson. When they momentarily stayed in the Chanoyu lesson, they felt diŠerent themselves from they were in the usual daily lives.

I widely adapt Ikegami's ``identity switching'' to this situation within individuals from the switch- ing occurred within the social hierarchy [Ikegami 2005: 70].

This paper is composed from the qualitative research, interviews and participant observations wi- thin the ˆeld work. The information was mainly collected with the individuals' interview, recorded by permission from all informants.

This paper has three parts. The ˆrst chapter reports about the general background and informa- tion of tea in the study site, Kaneyama, Yamagata. The second chapter discusses the results of the research and the informants' discourses as details to understand what they want to achieve with each ``Chanoyu lesson.'' The ˆnal chapter analyzes the discourses I recorded. Then I conclude that one of the relationships between the occasion of the Chanoyu lesson and individual informants is

―― that Chanoyu lesson serves as the indispensable intermission for their daily life in essence, the ceremony celebrates the participants' ikigai or will to live.

I use ``Kaneyama'' in this paper instead of ``Kaneyama-machi'' which is its original name.

Chapter 1 General and Tea Information in Kaneyama

11 Kaneyama

Kaneyama, located on the northeast edge of Mogami county of Yamagata prefecture, is in the northeast region of Japan. There is about 1,000 meters high Kamuro-mountain range between

Akita prefecture and it. It is a small village and covers a triangle shaped area of 161.79 square kilometers, about 18 kilometers long from East to West and 14 kilometers long from North to South

[Kaneyama-machi 2012]. Over 60 percent of its total area constitutes forests for the forestry indus- try [Kaneyama-machi 1988].

Kaneyama is a basin with the pyramidal pikes surrounding the area (Figure 1). The climate of Kaneyama is hot in sum- mer and cold in winter because of the basin. There is about

2,000 millimeters of rainfall through a year, and heavy snowfall in winter. The high rainfall and humidity are suitable for the Figure1:Oct.11th,`12byAuthor industry. It was started in the [Iwamoto 2002].

The population of Kaneyama was 5,935 (1,791 families) in the year of 2016,3 and the senior citizens who were over 65 years old account for 30 percent of the whole population. Recently the population of Kaneyama is moderately decreasing. On the other hand, people coming from outside of Kaneyama are increasing. 125,000 people came to Kaneyama in 2012, and 188,800 people came in 2016. Over 60,000 people increased the population in four years [Kaneyama-machi 20122016].

One of the potential reasons for the increased population is visiting to see the view of Kaneyama's scenery. The forestry industry in Kaneyama cultivates the ˆne cedar (Kaneyama sugi),and

Kaneyama is the famous for the unique house construction called ``Kaneyama style house

(Kaneyama-gata jutakuš )'' (ˆgure 2, 3, 4)4 with the cedar.

Figure2 Figure3 Figure 4 Figure2,3:Oct.12th,`12,Figure4:Oct4th,`12byAuthor

―― The town government of Kaneyama has continuously practiced deals that highlight the emphasis on making and maintaining Kaneyama's beauty and scenery since 1983 (Showaš 58). One conse- quence of the execution of the beautiˆcation deals across many years is that many visitors and tourists increasingly come to Kaneyama. Visitors from other cities and towns learn deals and skills of Kaneyama to make and maintain the scenery, and tourists enjoy the view and walking about in

Kaneyama. As a result of increasing those people, some inhabitants started small businesses and were voluntarily hospitable to them. The inhabitants guide oŠers the following activities: walking around the town or the pikes, planting ‰owers on their own properties alongside of the streets, and serving tea to those visitors and residents.

12 Chanoyu in Kaneyama

Here, I introduce the history of Chanoyu in Kaneyama by informants' discourses. There is no written record about Chanoyu in the o‹cial history of Kaneyama [Kaneyama-machi 1988].

However, we can determine one temporal point. It was the period that one lesson place was opened for people in Kaneyama to take lessons openly. The point was the beginning of the 1960s (late

Sh?wa 30s). Mr. Furuse who was the teacher of Mrs. Machiko (Soshin š )5 Suzuki opened a keiko-ba

(place for instructing lessons) to openly instruct some traditional cultural activities to people in

Kaneyama by this point. This part is mainly composed with the information provided by Mrs.

Suzuki, and I combine some information from other informants to conˆrm her information. I shall write names with contributors' permissions and put them in alphabetical order for each informant.

Ahead of the point

Mr. Furuse had already instructed students in some traditional cultural activities such as

Chanoyu, (steeporinfusedtea),andKadšo (‰ower arrangement) in Kaneyama before the point, the beginning of the 1960s (late Showaš 30s). At that time, he mainly instructed women who comprised the top layer of the Kaneyama society. Kaneyama was famous for the ˆne cedar, and the forestry industry was the center of Kaneyama's economy. Some families on the top layer were very wealthy within the forestry industry, and women in those families invited instructors to their houses to take lessons privately.6 Mr. Furuse started to instruct the lessons in Kaneyama probably right after the World War II. Unfortunately, those private lessons were closed to other people in

Kaneyama who did not constitute the top layer of the society. A little ahead of the point, Mr.

Furuse's lesson place among the Nishida family one of the families of the top layer started to accept people who were from outside of the family, and KD was able to join the lesson at there to practice Sencha and Kadšo.

―― After the point

At the beginning of `60s, Mr. Furuse opened a lesson place inside of the town to continuously in- struct the lessons for people in Kaneyama who were able to take the lessons openly. KD also changed her practice to the new place from Nishida family and sometimes had given a bowl of tea during the lesson conducted by other pupils. Some informants described about the place that they had seen or known:

Mrs. Suzuki: I was able to see women in the big families and teachers of schools went out from

the lesson place with a bunch of ‰owers which were covered when I was the elementary school

student. They ˆnished their lessons and went out from the place.

KI: I have a memory that I heard Chanoyu lessons having been held in Kaneyama. It must be

Kawasaki family and Kishi family.7 I think. Nishida family also (invited Mr. Furuse to instruct

lessons). I had thought those lessons were for only people who were on the top layer of

Kaneyama society, O-yashiki (the top families).8 It was late Sh?wa 30s. The time, I was

elementary school student or so.

In the late 1960s (beginning of Showaš 40s), there were some groups in Kaneyama. KI was a member of one of the groups. She joined the Enshu-Ryš šu9 group with some women who were a part of the town hall staŠpersons. According to KI, one other group was Ms. Abe's group, but her school was unknown. She had been a school teacher and assembled a small group. Mrs. Suzuki also started to instruct in 1972 (Showaš 47). There were at least four groups in the town in 1970s. In

1978 (Showaš 53), Sadoaikš o-kaiš 10 was established in Kaneyama, and then it connected individuals together for conducting tea parties at Kaneyama.

13 Lessons

Each group in Kaneyama has been small numbers of the members since 1970s, and only one les- son place (keiko-ba) is opened, Mrs. Suzuki's place, in the present. The members of other groups go outside of Kaneyama and take lessons. According to the informants, many of them have lessons with a scant amount of members (less than ˆve or so). Mrs. Suzuki, in particular, basically in- structs pupils one by one. The situation is not deliberately planed, but she adjusts the lesson's hours to each pupil, then the lesson style has been set. Generally, instructors in small towns and cities do not have many pupils at one lesson time. Furthermore, the younger population in Chanoyu has bare- ly increased in Kaneyama. Mrs. Suzuki is the ˆrst generation of Chanoyu practitioners in Kane- yama. The informants belonging to Mrs. Suzuki's group are the second generation. Unfortunately, none of them become an instructor. They prefer to take lessons and join tea parties than to be in- structors. Although the leaders of the Chanoyu world in Kaneyama have tried to instruct school stu-

―― dents to know and have experiences regarding Chanoyu, it is di‹cult to increase interest amongst the younger population.

We cannot take an optimistic view to the circumstance of Chanoyu in Kaneyama. However, the relationships between instructors and pupils in Kaneyama have been kept for long time. Although many of the informants do not become instructors and sometimes suspend their practices, they want to keep in touch their instructors, co-practitioners, and Chanoyu itself. They have positive ex- periences with the Chanoyu lesson have continued to try to work in‰uenced the out of the Chanoyu world in Kaneyama through the Chanoyu activities.

14 Tea Groups and Activities

The Chanoyu activities in Kaneyama are held mainly with two groups: Sadoaikš o-kaiš and -no- kai. They have provided the occasions related to the activities in cooperation with people in the both groups who live in Kaneyama regardless of schools.

Sadoaikš o-kaiš (茶道愛好会): The Fun Club of

Sadoaikš o-kaiš startedin1987(Showaš 53) with about forty members in three traditional tea schools: Enshu-Ryš šu, Hšoen-ry šu (infused tea),11 and .12 The conditions of the admission of

Sadoaikš o-kaiš have been only two elements throughout: loving to the tea ceremony and living in

Kaneyama. The club accepts any person regardless of any previous tea school a‹liation and makes no diŠerentiation in using (powdered) or sencha (leaf). Therefore, some members have neither experiences with Chanoyu lessons nor making a bowl of tea. The representative of the group has been Mrs. Ekiko Konuma since its inception. Some years later from the start, the mem- bers of Gyokusen- Enshu-Ryš šu13 joined to the group, and then four groups have continued to do the activities.

A small tea population within Kaneyama prompted the club's beginnings. At that time, people in the three schools made small groups and had lessons and tea parties amongst themselves. It was di‹cult to conduct tea parties by themselves because each group had very small numbers. Some of them had never held or attended tea parties in Kaneyama and went to other big cities such as

Shinjotoattendteaparties.š

Kura-no-kai(蔵の会): The Association in Granary14

Kura-no-kai was established in 1999, and it also put the condition to membership as follows:

``Regardless of experiences of having tea or taking tea lessons.'' Because of this condition, some members who had never had Chanoyu lesson were able to become members and attended the activi-

―― ties. According to Mrs. Kazuyo Abe who was the representative of the association and Mrs. Ekuko

Itoš who was its secretary, the story of commencement was as depicted below. At that time, the visi- tors increasingly came to Kaneyama because the scenery of the town became better due to beautiˆ- cation deals15 created by the town hall. The town hall involved inhabitants of Kaneyama to make and maintain to the scenery, then it successfully became better (Figure 2, 3, 4). The association of commerce and industry in Kaneyama asked the women's association of the community in Kane- yama to be hospitable to those visitors. The women's association decided to start serving tea to them, and established Kura-no-kai. The place was held serving tea was Kurashi-kan.16 It was built with the concept of ``Wa'' meant harmony and Japaneseness. Besides, they wanted to avoid com- peting to the shops selling tea or coŠee in Kaneyama, so they decided to serve powdered tea, matcha. The activities of the association continuously have been conducted. Serving tea at Kurashi- kan also has been conducted on every Sunday. Nowadays, ˆve women's groups in Kaneyama take charge of the activity in each week.

Those two groups and their tea activities in‰uenced creating the new local identity as ``belonging to the group to serve tea in Kaneyama.''

Chapter 2 The Results and Answers

When I started to research this project, the purpose of the interview was about the Chanoyu ac- tivities in Kaneyama. I have related to Chanoyu for over twenty ˆve years; however, I have never heard such unique admissions and activities that people in diŠerent schools held one .

Usually, several schools in one tea party means that several groups in diŠerent schools share the one space, and each group takes charge of a small tea serving spot. It also means people in one group belong to the same school. Nevertheless, people in one tea party belonged to diŠerent schools in Kaneyama. I had been interested in this particular aspect of the topic.

After I started the interview, unexpectedly, I realized the topic became more interesting, particu- larly around the following: what individual participants' reasons were as to why they took Chanoyu lessons. I discovered the similarities in two groups even though their backgrounds were diŠerent.

The topic was already used for another research project in Hawaii17 [Miyauchi 2011a, b, 2012,

2017]. Therefore, I tried to put the same topic and questions, posing them within two groups with diŠerent backgrounds in order to compare them. Furthermore, When I used ``O-cha (verbally and friendlily call Chanoyu)'' to the question without any speciˆc situation, the answers indicated ``les- son.'' Then I focused, in particular, on the relationship between them and the Chanoyu lesson. I took twenty interviews individually and recorded them with permissions. The information collected was based on data taken from October 2012. Some informants had suspended taking Chanoyu les-

―― sons; however, I accepted as valid the period that they had taken Chanoyu lessons.

21 The Result of the Research

As the result of the interview, there were twenty four answers released from informants18 as the reasons why they have (had) taken the Chanoyu lesson. I prepared the question What is/are your enjoyment/swithChanoyu?Tellmepleaseyouranswer/s in detail, and provide additional explana- tion as to the following question ``Why did not you stop a relationship with Chanoyu?'' through the interview.

Some informants had several answers regarding rationales towards taking the lesson, and I ac- cepted all answers. Chanoyu is composed with some elements such as movements and attitude for making tea (temae) and manner and etiquette for doing Chanoyu (sahšo), space (chashitsu and ), implements (dšogu),food(kashi and kaiseki-ryoriš ), clothing (wafuku / kimono), and so forth, so I can say that Chanoyu is exceptionally complex. Therefore, each person focuses on diŠerent element

/sofChanoyu. There were several sorts of answers appeared, and I divided them into ˆve catego- ries: having the experience/s diŠerent from everyday life sixteen (answers); having the relation- ship (with co-practitioners and instructors, encounter, empathy, sharing)two; improvement of oneself (acquiring knowledge, learning, qualiˆcation)three; sweets (having sweets itself and feeling season with sweets)two; and the movements in the preparation area one.

Sixteen out of twenty four answers indicated ``having the experience/s diŠerent from everyday life.'' These answers were synthesized with diŠerent terms and phrases; nevertheless, all of them meant having the experiences which were diŠerent from their ordinary lives in every day as being considered very important. I divided again the terms in these sixteen answers into four sub catego- ries: Chashitsu (tea room)nine (answers)(implements three, space six), movements in tea room six, and drinking tea one.

Table1 TheAnswersandNumbers

Answers Numbers

Having the experience/s diŠerent from everyday life 16 (Chashitsu―implements)(3) (Chashitsu―space) (6) (Movements in tea room)(6) (Drinking tea) (1)

Having the relationship (with co-practitioners and instructors, encounter, empathy, sharing) 2

Improvement of oneself (acquiring knowledge, learning, qualiˆcation) 3

Sweets (having sweets itself and feeling season with sweets) 2 The movements in the preparation area 1

―― 22 Answers (The reason why the informants take Chanoyu lesson)

The informants felt the feelings in Chashitsu (tea room) are something diŠerent from things in everyday life, and they want to take the Chanoyu lesson to have these unique feelings. These feel- ings were not expressed with similar terms and phrases; however, they obviously put their feelings to constitute the opposite construction of their everyday life.

Chashitsu, Implements (things inside of Chashitsu)3

(The experiences that touching implements or things inside of Chashitsu are neither having nor existing within their everyday life.)

KB: Land scape (from the windows of Chashitsu), seasonal sense (inside of Chashitsu),imple-

ments, diŠerent dimensional space (Chashitsu itself), I feel return to the (unknown) old time

(when I stay in Chashitsu). The feelings contrast between my everyday life and in Chashitsu.

KK: It is good that the light and color exist inside of Chashitsu. It is diŠerent from the other

historical spaces. I feel calm and comforted. The space, I feel I can face another `I' who is not

busy when I am in there.

KM: The sound of boiling water and calm atmosphere (inside of Chashitsu).ThetimeIam

staying in the certain space with the implements, and I can change another `I' leave from

everyday life. The moment allows me to forget about my aged parents and everyday life.

Chashitsu, Space (itself)6

(The experience that touching or staying in Chashitsu. It is neither having nor existing in their everyday life).

KD: I like the space completely diŠerent from my workplace. After staying in Chashitsu,Ican

change my mind and pace, and then look toward my job again. I can get comfort, relaxation,

and relief (hotto suru).

KE: It is good that there is the space, Chashitsu, and its atmosphere that I stay in it.

KG: I love the space, since when I go there, I can have the time for only myself.

KL: Chashitsu is another space from the space in everyday life. It is a space deliberately prepared

to be hospitable to the guests. I was able to calm myself most when I was there.

KQ: Chashitsu is the prepared space to be hospitable guests. I like the atmosphere of Chashitsu,

and it has a sobering eŠect on me. It is the time to be calm. The space which is prepared for

the guests, and I am comfortable with such space. If the space is usual, it makes me comforta-

ble because being oriented towards welcoming guests and preparing the ceremony for them is

the point. And, it is the switch of change from everyday life to Chashitsu.

―― KS: O-Chashitsu is the particularly prepared space, and it is the time to separate me from

everyday life. I may be relaxed inside of it and after taking lessons to return to everyday life. I

have the time for only myself. The time allows me to think nothing. The space of Chashitsu is

diŠerent from other traditional spaces.

Movements in the tea room 6

(Getting the experiences through the movements, temae and sahšo, is the diŠerent from the ex- periences in everyday life).

KC: It is very good that I do not concern myself with anything but only movements and feeling

calm.

KE: It is delightful that I can realize how to acquire the proper behavior step by step.

KF: It is comfortable that I can feel a sort of tense atmosphere during doing the movements, and

acquiring proper manners.

KK: It is the time to have calmness and comfort when I concentrate toward doing the move-

ments. It is the beauty in movements. I have the ability to relax (hotto suru) during doing the

movements.

KL: I can feel myself thinking about nothing during the movements. I like how I can experience

the moment between each movement (consciously).

KM: When I attend the lesson and sit on the place to make tea, I realize to myself that I am think-

ing nothing.

Drinking Tea 1

(Getting the experiences with drinking tea is the diŠerent from the experiences in everyday life).

KA: It is very good that I can change my mind and pace when I have a bowl of tea. It is no mat-

ter, no implements or tea bowls regarding my time in that space.

23 Her Discourses

These are discourses of four informants who particularly indicate the reason why continuously taking the Chanoyu lesson is that they put the occasion on a switch that transfers them from the usual situation within their daily lives (Nichijšo in their words) to the unusual situation, special ex- perience (Hi-nichijšo in their words).

KB: 50s, Kaneyama, Kaneyama (age, born, and raised)

KB was the heir of her family. Right after graduating from the high school, she had a job and

―― started to take Chanoyu lessons. The reason why she started to take the lesson was the atmosphere of the society which was the society's expectation of girls taking lessons in something traditional,

Narai-goto19 as marriage preparations, Hanayome Shugyšo.20 Because of this atmosphere in her work place, one of her friends invited her to take the lesson together. Then she married, delivered babies, and has been raring her children, so she had suspended taking the lesson. She said that she was able to switch her mind and pace when she took the lesson through her job was very busy.

``The reason why I took the lesson was that I really loved the land scape. I loved the atmosphere of the Suzuki sensei's Chashitsu which was located on the second ‰oor of her house. I felt that I was going to the diŠerent dimensional space when I visited to Sensei's Chashitsu. I felt I returned to the

(unknown) old days and to the diŠerent space. I was very busy when I had the job (in my young days), I went to Sensei's Chashitsu, and there was the sound of boiling water, when I was there, suddenly, I felt that I stayed in the diŠerent space, and I loved it. I loved the land scape that I could see through the windows on Sensei's Chashitsu and the setting of the room.21 Everyday life and the special experiences (staying within the tea room and taking part in the lesson are considered oppo- site side to experiences derived from the everyday). Drinking, having,22 tea gave me feelings like relief, security, and relaxation (hotto suru). But it was the diŠerent feeling when I drank tea during the lesson than drinking it at other places.''

During the interview, KB realized and told me the diŠerent feelings in the Chashitsu and the other places. She said that producing the tea room created these feelings. During the interview I asked her what the reason might be if she were to take the Chanoyu lesson again. She answered that one reason was producing Chashitsu ‰avored with the seasonal sense. Kaneyama society has several traditional festivals; however, she was unable to join those festivals because she and her family were farmers to cultivate ‰owers. Although the festivals were seasonal sign and enjoyable moments for people in the village, nevertheless, they were held on the busiest season for her family, spring to autumn. She gave up joining the festivals in many times. She felt each season and per- ceived an enjoyable time in the Mrs. Suzuki's Chashitsu instead of those festivals because Mrs.

Suzuki produced her Chashitsu with seasonal ‰owers and implements of tea in every week, and she loved Mrs. Suzuki's work.

KB's answer was as follows: land scape, seasonal feeling, implements, diŠerent dimensional

space, returning to the (unknown) old time

KS: 40s, Kaneyama, Kaneyama.

KS also told me that staying at the Chashitsu gave her a sense of separation from her everyday life. She had also suspended taking the lessons in a consistent manner. She was not the heir of her

―― family; however, she returned to Kaneyama after she graduated from a university in Tokyš obe-š cause she cared for her mother. Recently, her mother needed the care more than she used to, so KS did not have enough time to take the lesson. Before she told me her answer, she said, ``I did not realize when I took the lesson,'' and started to talk.

``(O-cha was) the moment which I was able to leave from things in everyday life. It was the time to separate me from it. I thought I was relaxed inside of it and after taking lessons, returned to everyday life. It was so hard situation, but if the lesson took place in two hours, I had my own time for two hours. The time allowed me to think nothing. It was to go to O-cha. Sensei always prepared, it was not drinking matcha (powdered tea), it was space, I think. I love viewing buildings. The space of Chashitsu is diŠerent from other traditional spaces. Yes, O-chashitsu properly. When we go to O-chashitsu, we go to there with saying `We will have tea together' and the host waits for us, and put things properly, I can feel those things. I feel a sense of welcome to guests. It is no matter of luxury or not, but attitude is more important. Yes, the space of Chashitsu is diŠerent from other traditional spaces, it is that, I think.''

KS's answer is as follow: O-Chashitsu is the particularly prepared space, and it is the time to separate me from everyday life. I may be relaxed inside of it and after taking lesson return to everyday life. I have the time for only myself. The time allows me to think nothing. The space of

Chashitsu is diŠerent from other traditional spaces.

KK: 50s, Kaneyama, Kaneyama.

KK told me the movement of making tea (temae) and the light in Chashitsu.

``Rushing, hasty, and (Iam) always busy. Although everything is busy, I can feel calmness, I can say `Sei(静),'23 through the movement of making tea in Suzuki sensei's Chashitsu.Wecall`Dokkado suru' to such condition in this area. It means that we need to concentrate to do something. O-cha is very unique, isn't it? I have never had a time like doing O-cha. It is the time to be calm and relieved for me (hotto suru). I have a bowl of tea and make myself calm when I go out. Yes, it is that, Sen- sei's Chashitsu, its light, and the color in the room which is old wood's color and has gotten years and years. The tea room is the place which makes me calm and comfortable. I have experiences to have bowls of tea, so now I realize again, that Sensei's Chashitsu makes me comfortable. (Staying within the tea room,) I can face to myself, I can feel another `I' who is diŠerent from (usual) myself who does everything busily and hard, like `Ga, ga, ga! (She made the sound as the onomatopoeia for

`working so hard').' The light in the Chashitsu is very important to me, I think. There are many old houses in Kaneyama, but within the Chashitsu, light in Sensei's Chashitsu is good.''

KK's answer went as follows: it is the time to calm my mind when I concentrated to do proper

―― movement. It is good that the light in the tea room, and I feel myself

KA: 60s, Kaneyama, Kaneyama.

KA was the only one person who answered ``drinking tea'' was the switch that might changes her mind and pace to resume normal Chanoyu practice. She joined the association of commerce and in- dustry in Kaneyama and the women's association of the community in Kaneyama and helped her husband's noodle shop. She had suspended taking Chanoyu lessons because of her busy days; however, she felt that she was ``never cut oŠ from O-cha.'' She had the attitude to connect Chanoyu itself, co-practitioners, members of Mrs. Suzuki's group (shach šu),24 with daily activities such as helping tea parties of Mrs. Suzuki, Kura-no-kai,andSadoaiko-kaiš . She hoped not only to acquire manners and etiquettes with Chanoyu but ``drinking tea'' also spread out more in the future.

``(I) hope everyone usually has a bowl of tea. It is no matter if someone uses a bowl for having meals in their usual (donburi) instead of a tea bowl to drink tea (matcha). It is wonderful if there this kind of opportunity increases.'' ; ``… Being comfortable, of course, the time for having tea makes me comfortable and relax (hotto suru). I imagine a situation like a scene of a drama on the

TV in the morning.25 (An elder actress) made a bowl of tea and gave it to an actor as a guest in her living room on that scene. She used simple utensils such as a bowl, an electric pot, a tea whisk, and powdered tea. When she gave the bowl to the man with saying `Hai,'26 and the man took the bowl with saying `Sankyu'27 in very natural manner as usual. Doesn't it happen in Kaneyama? People in

Kaneyama are still intolerant to Chanoyu because it needs di‹cult manners and etiquette, or its taste is bitter (revealing an uneasiness to drink tea). No matter if it is a moment or a long time, drinking a bowl of tea makes me comfortable or changes my mind. When I say `Gochisosamaš 'after drinking tea, I return to myself, into being busy, I feel. Regarding traditional things, culture, and annual events, I think O-cha might relate to those things, right? Kaneyama is the place (related to history) and has several annual events in the society, but actually those have changed. (I think) those have become informal year after year.''

KA thought drinking tea was a switch to change her mind and pace from everyday life to momen- tarily stay in the diŠerent time, and returned to the busy work. The reason why she had continued taking lesson was this diŠering sense of time. When she started to take the lesson, she had wanted a place to put herself in a separate space from her family. She was the heir of her family and family job. She needed the spatial and temporal separation from everyday life with her family, and she found this place and time at and in a Chanoyu lesson. At that time, neither the open lesson places nor instructors were there residing in the town. She was unable to ˆnd any kind of traditional lesson that she wanted to do. The only place for lessons was Mrs. Suzuki's place, and she started to take

―― both Chanoyu and Kadšo, that she remembered her mother had taken the lesson of Kadšo.

``If any other lesson was opened in the town, I would take it. At that time, only Suzuki sensei's place opened for people in town. Suzuki sensei taught both O-cha and O-hana (the same as Kadšo), and I have had memories about O-hana that my mother did. When I was child, my mother took the lesson, and I saw it in my memory. So, I started to take both lessons. In my memories, at that time, there was no lesson place, and only Suzuki sensei opened it, I think.''

She told me that although recently she suspended taking the lesson, she had maintained the relationship with Mrs. Suzuki for almost forty years.

KA's answer is as follows: It is very good that I can change my mind and pace when I have a bowl of tea. It is no matter, no implements or tea bowls regarding my time in that space.

Chapter 3 Discussion

As the result of the interview in Chapter 2, the informants put the experiences through the

Chanoyu lesson as the catalyst and the switch to transfer them to the other space and time in a few hours. I discuss one of the functions of the Chanoyu lesson in this chapter.

Secondary but Intimate

Although the informants needed taking the lesson to have the experiences that transfer to this other world, they lived the everyday life centered on their lives. Chanoyu was not the primarily fo- cus in the informants' lives, therefore some of them have suspended taking the lesson. However, they maintained the relationships to Chanoyu itself, the group members (Shach šu), and the society through some Chanoyu activities. They thought they wanted to restart taking the lesson when they would have more time. Their purposes to continue to the lesson were not only acquiring knowledge in Chanoyu with patterned forms to reˆne manners or etiquettes. The relationships between them and instructors or co-practitioners in Chashitsu were more important to them because their coopera- tion created the special occasion for them spatially and temporally. The occasion of the Chanoyu lesson gave them feelings relaxed, calm, and secured and was unable to exist by only an informant oneself.

``Special'' in Space and Time

Consequences of the discourses, the experiences in the tea room were spatially and temporally

``Special'' to the informants. The reason why they continued, or had continued, taking the Chanoyu lesson was to have the experience of being ``Special'' within their usual life, and they called the con- dition ``Hi-nichijšo(非日常).'' They used the term ``Hi-nichijšo'' as the key word and put the condi-

―― tion on the opposite side of Nichijšo(日常) during the interview. Nichijšo means daily or everyday life. It also means usual and ordinary condition. On the other hand, Hi-nichijšo, the experiences in

Chashitsu was diŠerent from their Nichijšo, so they used the term ``Hi-nichijšo'' on their special ex- periences. However, the meaning of their ``Hi-nichijšo'' was diŠerent from the general meaning.

When I used the term ``Hi-nichijo''š in my presentations, some scholars said that the meaning of

Hi-nichijšo was an extraordinary condition such as bombing, chase, or catastrophic damaging that took place in one's life. On the informants' cases, they positively used ``Hi-nichijšo,'' and it was almost the same as the term ``special'' in English.

Imaginary ``Past'' (Unknown but nostalgic place and time in Chanoyu)

Chanoyu has over four hundred year long history, and the space and things in Chanoyu have re- moved themselves from the present. For instance, rooms with the mat used to be usual and ordinary style in Japan. However, many houses and units in Japan do not have the tatami-covered rooms in the present. The number of the grass surfaces used for tatami mats has been decreasing,28 and it tells us logically that those rooms also decreased. Changing construction styles in‰uence other elements of houses in Japan such as sliding doors ( and shojiš ) and the sacred alcove

(). but they used to be ordinary normative elements found in Japanese rooms. The oppor- tunities to see and touch those things of the past are obviously decreasing, and they are becoming something found only in the past.

Chanoyu basically needs those elements for its space, Chashitsu, to `properly' hold the lesson or tea party. Thus, things related to Chanoyu give people images of the ``Past.'' Taking Chanoyu les- son with Chashitsu for informants is that the imaginary ``Past'' appears within their everyday life which continuously progresses with some of the day-to-day strains found in the present. The infor- mants imaginary transfer to the ``Past'' from here and now and their sensation that they are leaving from their ordinary but complexed life, or feeling much more remote from the present means that they are permitting themselves to forget things in the present.

As the informants indicated in the former section, Kaneyama had many historical buildings inside of the town; however, informants transfer to other points which was much older than their sense of

``old'' was unknown but spatially and temporally secured and they were able to be momentarily ac- cepted, then they became comforted and more relaxed in their mind. Chanoyu`s imaginary ``Past'' does not aŠect real history because they create this ''Past'' with historicized things in the present into naturally old and nostalgic elements. The point is that no one has potentially experienced ele- ments in the real world and time but have nostalgic feelings about that world and time [Davis 1979,

Yano 2002].

―― Christine Yano also pointed out ``imaginary'' [Yano 2002:3]. People created the nostalgic place and time to them was furusato in Yano's study of Enka. It was not the same as one's real hometown, but was imaginary created by them to go back anywhere and anytime. The informants'

Hi-nichijšo was also momentarily appeared when they touch the experiences of Chanoyu.

Switch/switching

``Identity-switching'' by Eiko Ikegami [2005:70] was in‰uenced and led me to understand infor- mants' discourses. Ikegami's study focused on the Tokugawa period, and identity-switching oc- curred to cross the borders of the social hierarchies. When people belonged ``the sphere of aesthetic pursuits'' [Ikegami 2005:70] such as Chanoyu, Kadšo,andRenga (Linked or collaborative poetry), it detached them from the formal hierarchal order and created the new identities. The Ikegami's study based on completely diŠerent from this paper; however, her point of view in‰uenced, and I tried to adapt the concept to understand the ``identity-switching'' in the informants. No one else but the Imperial family members was put in the social hierarchies in Japan in the present; nevertheless, people had had inescapable conditions and needed to set the switch to change identities from one was in those situation to the ``Special'' space and time.

Everyone takes responsibility over one's life and to inescapable situation. The informants in this paper who transfer to an imaginary ``Past'' with the experiences in Chashitsu obviously understand that they stay in it just a little while. Returning the present, one's everyday life, is the prerequisite condition to take the lesson, constitutes an imaginary ``Past.''

What kind of perspective do the informants yield to Chanoyu or its lessons? Chanoyu is the one of many Japanese traditional cultural activities and is well known as one of the representative dimen- sions of Japanese culture. It obviously exists in the present and is performed by people in the present (signiˆer); however, simultaneously, it means the past to the informants (signiˆed) with its contents.

Conclusion

A Chanoyu lesson for the informants was the indispensable intermission to release from the strain in their everyday life, ordinary but complex. As the consequence of the research, they put the ex- periences through Chanoyu lesson for the other side of their everyday life. When they attended the lesson, they touched their own switches: the space of Chashitsu, the atmosphere in Chashitsu, light and color, sound, implements, doing movements, and so forth to transfer and stay in the diŠerent world for a few hours. At that time, they feel separate from their everyday lives: busy, obligatory, and inescapable. I can say their momentary separation is the same as an imaginary refuge, and it

―― gives them a calmness, comfort, and positive tense with delight. The relationship between them and the experiences are very close. Therefore, they continue/d to take the lesson and have main- tained the relationship with instructors and members.

Generally, a Chanoyu lesson provides teaching and learning procedures of making tea, manners and etiquettes in Chashitsu with patterned forms, and a preparation of things widely related to

Chanoyu are held during the formal tea party or adapted to one's everyday life. In this paper, the in- formants showed us another function or phase of Chanoyu in the present even though they constit- uted a relatively small population. The informants necessarily have a momentary `time and space' which is separate from their ordinary but complex everyday life in order to progress step-by-step in the real world. This `extra-dimensional' space is one of the Chanoyu's multiple phases and this sen- sibility has varied with each passing time period and cultural shift in Japan.

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1 Many people sometimes conjecture people in Chanoyu are good at perceive each other. It misunderstands to Chanoyu itself. Chanoyu basically does not have spontaneous behavior or wording in its procedures of tea gatherings. Everything in the procedure is under the manners and etiquettes in order to conduct tea gather- ings. After people acquiring much information, they release the information spontaneously to enjoy tea gatherings. 2 ``Tea gathering'' has basically three styles: Keiko (lesson, informal), Chakai (open tea party, semi-formal), and Chaji (closed small tea party, formal). 3 March 31st, 2016. 4 The original Kaneyama style houses are ˆrmly built with dark brown colored Kaneyama cedar and white plaster. Some of those houses are built with the similar materials to the original houses for maintaining the beauty of scenery in the town. 5 ``Soshinš (宗真)'' is Mrs. Suzuki's Chamei(茶名), the name of the Chanoyu world. It is the name usually from the founder of the school. Mrs. Suzuki belongs to Urasenle, and her name comes from Sen no Riky šu (Soeki š ， 宗易). 6 One of the teaching styles in Japanese traditional cultural lessons, De-geiko. Usually, pupils go to the lesson places such as instructors' houses, schools, or cultural centers (Karucha-sentš ša). However, in case, instructors go and give the lessons to pupils' houses or certain places. 7 They are on the top layer of the society and the forest proprietors. 8 O-yashiki, directly meaning is the mansions for wealthy people. In this case, O-yashiki means not only the building but wealthy people or families also are included. 9 Enshu-Ryš šu(遠州流) is one of Chanoyu schools, and the founder of it was Kobori Enshuin17š th century. 10 Chinese character ``茶道'' has two pronunciations: SadoandChadš o.š Both of them are used commonly. DiŠer- ence between two of them is that it depends on people who use it. 11 Hšoen-ry šu (方円流) is one of Sencha (infused tea) schools, and the founder was Minakuchi Hoenš in 20th Centu- ry. 12 Urasenke (裏千家) is one of Chanoyu schools, and the founder was Sen no Rikyuin16š th century. 13 Gyokusen-Enshu-Ryš šu(玉川遠州流) is one of Chanoyu schools, and the founder was OmoriGyokusenin17˜ th Century who followed Enshu-Ryš šu school. 14 Thenameof``Kura-no-kai'' comes from the building, the members use for their activities, Kurasi-kan.Itused to be used a granary for rice. Thus, members put the ``Kura (granary)'' on the top of its name. 15 There were two main deals. ``Making the town scenery in 100 years campaign (Machinami zukuri 100nen undšo )'' was the key project of ``New Basic Framework of Kaneyama (Shin Kaneyama-machi Kihon kosš šo)'' in

―― 1983 (Showaš 58). This campaign advocated that making town scenery with the harmony to the nature in Kaneyama and plan to symbiosis with the nature and promoting the local industry. ``Ordinance of the town scenery in Kaneyama-machi (Kaneyama-machi machinami keikan joreiš ) '' in 1986 (Showaš 61).Thisor- dinance was the monetary support for construction and reconstruction of residences to adapt the town scenery. 16 The Chinese Characters of ``Kurashi-kan'' means ``Kura (蔵 granary,)'' ``shi (史 history,)'' and ``kan (館 hall).'' 17 The informants in Hawai'i are women from Japan in Urasenke Hawaii Association who are the 1st generation (they recognize themselves as Japanese in their mind whether they have the citizenship of the US or not, and are unable to determine the generation because many of them want, no plan in detail, they will be back to Japan) in Hawai'i and take the Chanoyu lesson. 18 2 people were except from total of this question. One had been instructor and the other one had never had Chanoyu lesson. Thus their conditions were diŠerent from other informants. 19 Narai-goto means Chanoyu, Kadšo (‰ower arrangement), Odori (Japanese dance), Koto (Japanese harp),so forth. Those traditional performed lessons are sometimes the society's expectation as things have to be taken for young girls. 20 Hanayome shugy šu is the preparation or training to become a good wife with some traditional cultural lessons and cooking or sawing. 21 KB's `setting of the tea room' means implements and decorations on the room such as ‰ower, ‰ower vase, tea container, tea bowl, and so forth. 22 KB changes word ``drink(飲む)'' to ``have(いただく)'' in politer expression. 23 The term ``静'' has several pronunciations and meanings. In this time, KK pronounced it ``sei'' so she meant it was calm or moderate condition of the movements and mind in the processes of making tea. 24 Shach šu isthesmallestunitofeachschoolsandiscomposedwithateacherandone/plural students. After one student becomes a teacher and starts to teach, it means a new Shach šu is established. 25 This drama, ``Dan dan,'' released in 20082009 on NHK. 26 Hai in Japanese has several meanings. It is the same as ``go ahead'' in this situation. When a person gives a dish to another person who is close, usually say ``go ahead'' or ``please'' friendlily. This TV scene is also the same situation. 27 Sankyu in Japanese is the same as ``thanks'' in English. It is verbally short version of ``Sankyu''š (thank you), and informal. People use it in close situation. 28 According to the Investigation of Actual Condition in the Distribution of the Rush Facing by the Revitaliza- tion of the Rush and Rush Facing Liaison Council of Kumamoto Prefecture, the number of the rush Igusa  surface of tatami mats were 45,000,000 sheets in 1993 and 17,200,000 sheets in 2008 based on the nation- wide annual demand. A tatami mat needs a grass surface, so the whole numbers of the grass surface is the same as the total numbers of tatami mats.

――